Cultural Dynamics in a Globalized World – Budianta et al. (Eds) © 2018 Taylor & Francis Group, London, ISBN 978-1-138-62664-5

Meeting the challenges of global competition: Preserving and revitalizing the cultural heritage of

A.A. Harapan & L. Mariani Department of Area Studies, Faculty of Humanities, Universitas , Depok, Indonesia Department of Anthropology, Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, Universitas Padjadjaran, Bandung, Indonesia

ABSTRACT: Bagansiapiapi is a small town located in Province, , which has been designated as the capital of Rokan Hilir District since 1999. Bagansiapiapi has a long history as one of the important cities in the Indonesian archipelago. Founded in the 19th century by ethnic Chinese from Fujian Province, the town flourished as the second most important fish port in the world after Norway. The colonial government of the Netherland Indies then developed the town and built many important buildings, for example, banks, hospitals, and churches, many of which are still intact and functional today. The inhabitants, mostly Chinese, have many traditions that are still valid, and the most important is the ritual of bakar , which has been regarded as one of the five icons of Riau tourism by the government of Riau Province. However, Bagansiapiapi has much richer cultural heritage than just the ritual of bakar tongkang. Due to globalization, the preservation and revitaliza- tion of these cultural heritages is challenging.

1 INTRODUCTION

Bagansiapiapi is a small town located in the eastern part of Riau Province, which has been designated as the capital of Rokan Hilir Regency since 1999. In its heyday until several dec- ades ago, the town had been famous as the second largest fishing port in the world after Norway. Thus, it is unsurprising that this small and almost forgotten town has a long and impressive history. The first known notes about the region could be traced back to the days when the Portu- guese invaded Melaka (Malacca) in 1511. Because of its strategic location (facing Malacca Strait near and Penang, ), Bagansiapiapi became one of the many ports in the busy trade routes along Malacca Strait. The colonial government of the Netherland Indies began to build offices in the town in 1858, which later, in 1890, served as head offices in the region, until the ouster of the Netherland Indies in 1942 (Arfan Surya, 2016, p. 10–12). Many buildings had been constructed in the colonial era, such as the old harbor, hospitals, churches, water treatment plant, and the Bank Rakyat Indonesia (BRI) office—the second bank office after the first established in Central Java. As a coastal town, Bagansiapiapi has a multiethnic society consisting of the Malay, Chi- nese, Javanese, Bataknese, Minangnese, Bugisnese, and Niasnese, each of which has a unique cultural heritage, thereby shaping the multicultural character of the town. This multicultural trait becomes increasingly apparent considering the location of the town close to Singapore and Malaysia, making the interactions between the inhabitants of these two neighboring countries common in Bagansiapiapi. In such setting, cultural identity is an important aspect of the behavior of people as it is a distinguishing feature of the individuals, which differen- tiates them from one community to another on the basis of decisions and choices made in everyday life.

907 According to Koentjaraningrat (1985), culture is a holistic system of ideas, actions, and works of humans as social beings gained through the process of learning. In this regard, cul- tural identity decides the actions and reactions of people when faced with external challenges in a competitive and globalized world. Parsudi Suparlan (1986) considered culture as knowl- edge of an operational nature, an overall knowledge gained by humans as social beings whose contents are the instruments of knowledge models that can selectively be used to understand and interpret the environment encountered and to encourage and take necessary actions. In the case of Bagansiapiapi, the people have multicultural heritage, both tangible and intangible, which contributes to their cultural identity. Having a strong cultural identity helps the people of Bagansiapiapi to remain strong and true to themselves amid the great waves of globalization, a fact that we, as citizens of the world, consider undeniable.

1.1 Research purpose In this study, we discuss both the tangible and intangible cultural heritage of Bagansiapiapi to understand the actual condition and function. The result, in turn, will be used to deter- mine the correct means to effectively preserve and revitalize the cultural heritage in order to strengthen the cultural identity of the multiethnic society of Bagansiapiapi. Because much effort has already been made in preserving and revitalizing certain cultural heritage in effect, we will also discuss these efforts and verify whether they are sufficiently effective in maintain- ing the local cultural identity.

1.2 Theoretical framework The basic working concept used in this study is Stuart Hall’s concept of cultural identity, which treats identity as being and becoming and states cultural identity as an entity jointly owned by the members of the community or as an original form of an individual that is also internalized in all of the people who have the same history and ancestry. Stuart Hall (1990) stated that cultural identity is a reflection of the oneness of history in the form of cultural codes that made a group of people into “one identity” although they appear different from the “outside”. From this perspective, besides the oneness of history and cultural codes that unite the people, physical traits are also an integral part of cultural identity. Here, we try to describe how the cultural heritage of Bagansiapiapi, both the tangible and intangible aspects, could be maintained and developed to create the “oneness” that will assist the people in becoming deeply rooted in their own community and able to use their cultural identity to improve their competitiveness to meet the challenges of globalization.

1.3 Method and technical procedure We use mostly data-collecting procedures conducted directly through a field study, which is based on a previously conducted library study. The library research does not reveal much about the sociocultural life of Bagansiapiapi. A study by Shanty Setyawati (2009) focuses on the decline of the fishing industry in the 1930s. Another study by Syahrul (2001) discusses the conflict between ethnic Chinese and Malay in 1998. Only Anastasya Yolanda (2008) exam- ined the Malay and Chinese acculturation in the housing area of Bagansiapiapi. The most recent study by R. Didin Kusdian (2015) deals with efforts to revitalize the port of Bagansia- piapi. However, all of the studies mention the very important annual ritual of the people in Bagansiapiapi, bakar tongkang, which is organized by the ethnic Chinese community. The findings of the library research determine the plan and design of the field research. The main purpose of the field study, determined after conducting a quick preliminary study, is to collect data about the existing cultural heritage of Bagansiapiapi. Considering the sig- nificance of the ritual bakar tongkang to Bagansiapiapi cultural life, the field study was con- ducted in the week the ritual was held. Overall, the data-collecting activities were conducted before, during, and after the ritual.

908 The field study was conducted using the following various methods and techniques: a. Participatory observation b. Collection of documentation (audios, visuals, photos, and videos) c. Interviews (both structured and unstructured) d. Data analysis (from collected documents). Qualitative approach was the method selected for the whole study. Consequently, the research design is flexible and not rigid, following the findings of the field study. Even though there are some statistics involved, they only complement the basic and primary data in the form of pictures, photos, descriptions, and narrations. The data sources are notably the tangible and intangible cultural heritage themselves and the prominent figures in each ethnic community in Bagansiapiapi. In this study, the individu- als interviewed are from three ethnic communities, namely Chinese, Malay, and Javanese. The decision was made because they are the largest and most dominant ethnic communities in Bagansiapiapi and because of the time constraint of the field study (6 days). In the discussion section, we describe the tangible and intangible cultural heritage of Bagansiapiapi, its function, its meaning for the people, and the possibilities of employing the cultural heritage to build and construct the local cultural identity of Bagansiapiapi. The qualitative approach is also used in the discussion in a manner that is flexible and open to every possible effort for searching and finding answers.

2 CULTURAL HERITAGE OF BAGANSIAPIAPI

The data concerning the cultural heritage are divided into two groups, namely tangible and intangible cultural heritage. The tangible cultural heritage consists of objects, such as build- ings, monuments, temples, old houses, and other objects of historical importance. The intan- gible cultural heritage consists of cultural elements inherent in every ethnic group, which have historical backgrounds and potentials to contribute to the local cultural identity.

2.1 Tangible cultural heritage A total of 31 tangible cultural heritage sites are present in Rokan Hilir Regency, which includes Bagansiapiapi. In 2012, the Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala (the Office for Preservation of Cultural Heritage, which is responsible for all historical and archeological sites) in Batusangkar, West Sumatra, enlisted five sites in their inventory. This inventory was made by the Batusangkar office, because the region is included in its working area. The study concentrates only on historical objects around Bagansiapiapi, which were built in different periods. There are remnants of temples built in the classical Hindu–Buddha period, sacred tombs built in the Islamic sultanate period, buildings constructed in the Dutch colonial period, and a pillbox built in the Japanese colonial period. However, our findings show that monuments and buildings with historical values are predominantly of Chinese origin. This is normal because the town of Bagansiapiapi was built and developed by the ethnic Chinese community, who came from Songkhla, Thailand, in the late 18th century after leaving their home in southern China (Surya Arfan, 2016). The conditions of these cultural heritage objects differ from one another. The remnants of the Hindu–Buddhist temples in Tanah Putih District, the Sintong temple, and Sidinginan site are in bad shape. Both temples are practically nonexistent; there is only a pile of stones in Sintong, remnants from what was a stupa in the olden days.1 The Sidinginan site is worse with only several scattered old stones, which the local people claimed as the remnants of an old temple.

1. Information obtained from a 90-year-old local woman who claims to have seen the temple and its stupa in her younger days.

909 The cultural heritage objects from the Islamic sultanate period are in much better shape. In fact, there are about seven sacred tombs in the area, but we only visited one as the others are far from Bagansiapiapi. People come to pay their respect, and the tomb is in a very good condition. According to the locals, the other tombs are also in good condition. The colonial cultural heritage buildings are also in good shape mainly because they are still functional and used as government offices and the official residence of the regent. Only the piers of the dock at the old harbor are unrecognizable, and parts of them have become the foundation of a mosque. Sedimentation has shifted the harbor approximately 4 km away from the sea, and the old harbor is now located at the town center. The water treatment plant (not in working condition) and the military dormitory (still functional but not well main- tained) are other buildings that are in less good shape. The Chinese cultural heritage buildings are mostly in very good shape and in full working condition. There are seven small monuments bearing Chinese inscriptions in the town center, the oldest temple or kelenteng Ing Hok Kiong, and other 77 kelentengs and the old house of Kapitan, the leader of the Chinese community. Only the old house of the Kapitan is in a very bad shape because the family that owns the house now cannot afford to renovate and maintain it. Not much is known about the pillbox from the Japanese colonial period. It is located in Pulau Jemur, a small island near the port of Bagansiapiapi. There seems to be little interest in this historical monument, and the locals rarely speak about the Japanese colonization. On the basis of the findings, it is clear that the states of cultural heritage and historical objects depend on people’s perspective and whether they have a meaning and serve the people of Bagansiapiapi. The sacred tombs are equally important to the locals and the visitors; thus, they are well maintained. The kelenteng is very functional, an integral part of the daily life among the Chinese ethnic group, and very well maintained. The colonial buildings serve a pragmatic purpose and have always been part of government maintenance task. Clear policies on the part of the government about these sites and buildings would have been beneficial. A detailed inventory would help to determine whether a monument/building/ tomb fulfills all the needs to be named as a cultural heritage object. The criteria should be based on the objective conditions, local perspectives, and its meaning and purpose. Eventu- ally, by involving all ethnic groups in these cultural heritage objects policies, people of - siapiapi would be increasingly aware of their cultural heritage and likely work voluntarily to preserve and revitalize their tangible cultural heritage objects.

2.2 Intangible cultural heritage The intangible cultural heritage, as mentioned above, covers cultural elements inherent in every community, which have historical backgrounds and potentials to contribute to the local cultural identity. On the basis of this definition, the ritual of bakar tongkang is an intan- gible cultural heritage of the ethnic Chinese, which dominates the town of Bagansiapiapi, mostly because the ritual is the biggest event in the town that attracts people from all parts of the country and even from other countries. This is because the ritual of bakar tongkang, which literally means “burning the boat”, is the most important ritual for the ethnic Chinese originating from Bagansiapiapi. The ritual is a commemoration of the ancestors of the eth- nic Chinese community, who landed on Bagansiapiapi, built and developed the town, and pledged never to return to China. As proof of their pledge, they burned the tongkang or boat that brought them to Bagansiapiapi. Thus, the ritual is organized every year to pay respect to the ancestors and has become an integral part of the ethnic Chinese in Bagansiapiapi. The ritual of bakar tongkang has been designated by the provincial government as one of the five tourism icons of Riau Province. Consequently, the ritual becomes the town’s identity and one of the local cultural identities. Other ethnic groups accept the fact and the decision and participate in obtaining benefits from the festivities, which begin about a week before the ritual. With the invasion of several visitors and tourists of different ethnicities, the locals try to provide them daily necessities and thus have an additional source of income. Eventually, all ethnic groups benefit from the ritual although it is an exclusive Chinese ritual. 910 Other ethnic groups do not have any cultural trait comparable to the bakar tongkang, but they do have a sense of their own cultural identity. The two major ethnic groups, namely the Malay and the Javanese, have their own cultural organization to develop their arts and cul- ture as well as educate their younger generation on their cultural identity. The Malay ethnic group has their own rituals, which mostly serve religious and healing purposes, including the Sei Mambang Deo-deo ritual organized in December, the Si Lancang and Buyung Kayuang healing rituals, and the warding off misfortunes by reading certain prayers known as Ratib, such as Ratib Biasa and Ratib Berjalan/Ratib Kelambai. However, for all its originality, there is no ritual like the bakar tongkang among the rituals of the Malay ethnic group. It should be noted that the Malay really preserve their dances and make efforts to revitalize them by creating new dances based on old ones, such as several zapin dances. The Malay group is the official art envoy of the Rokan Hilir Regency and represents the region in many art festivals throughout the country and in international events. The Javanese ethnic group focuses on artistic activities to preserve their cultural identity. They do not practice any ritual and only perform Javanese art such as wayang and reog Pono- rogo and a modern version of Javanese music called campursari. They have an organization called the Hangudi Utomo with voluntarily membership with the purpose of preserving Java- nese arts by performing and training the younger generation. They also perform on calls and receive a sum, which they use to pay the artists and add to the organization’s fund made up from the members’ contribution. It is clear that the Javanese is more concerned with perform- ing arts, which they considered as their cultural identity. The ethnic Chinese community also has their social organization, called Yayasan Multi Marga, which actively organizes the ritual of bakar tongkang. This yayasan or foundation is formed to forge cooperation between all families or margas in organizing any social activity, most importantly the ritual of bakar tongkang. The foundation gathers its members and forms the organizing committee aimed at preparing and executing the ritual, including managing funds from donors. Almost all activities of the Chinese community are conducted within the foundation, meaning that they are all recognized by the foundation. The findings show that the observed ethnic groups have strong cultural identity and make genuine efforts to maintain and even strengthen their cultural identity. In this regard, the government has only to encourage these ethnic groups to continue their efforts, to realize a strong cultural identity. As for the town’s local cultural identity, it seems that the local government relies mostly on the ritual of bakar tongkang as the local cultural identity of Bagansiapiapi. This is a good policy considering the fact that the ritual has attracted many visitors and provided the inhab- itants with a significant additional source of income. The question arises, however, whether this policy could be accepted completely by the other ethnic groups. This is due to the fact that the ritual is exclusively Chinese and it would be difficult for other ethnic groups to add the ritual to their cultural identity and make it their own. It is no less difficult for the ethnic Chinese themselves who have to compromise with the fact that their sacred ritual has been designated as one of the five provincial tourism icons. This designation means that they have to adapt the ritual to the concept of tourist attraction. So far, there has been no protest and the government has asked other ethnic groups to participate in the procession of the boat from the kelenteng Ing Hok Kiong to the burning grounds. The Javanese complies and they are the only other ethnic group participating in the procession.

3 CONCLUSION

Using Stuart Hall’s concept of identity as being and identity as becoming, it seems that iden- tity as becoming could be applied to raise awareness on cultural identity among the people of Bagansiapiapi. It does not mean that they have no cultural identity. On the contrary, it is because most of them have a strong sense of cultural identity. It is precisely because of their sense of cultural identity as an ethnic group that they lack a local cultural identity as the inhabitants of Bagansiapiapi. Thus, the concept of identity of becoming is practicable by 911 socializing and communicating the history of Bagansiapiapi to the people, so that they will feel that they “own” the history of their town, where they are born and raised. Selecting the tangible cultural heritage objects is crucial because the people have to feel that the objects “belong” to them and are part of their cultural identity. Consequently, a study should be conducted to collect all data available on potential cultural heritage objects, so that all ethnic groups will be represented by the objects. It would be ideal if the objects could represent the local cultural identity of Bagansiapiapi as a whole. As for intangible cultural heritage, efforts made to include them in the local cultural iden- tity are much more challenging. Because intangible cultural heritage includes rituals and all activities concerning concepts and perspectives, it is much more difficult to build and con- struct a common local cultural identity for all ethnic groups. The efforts made by the local government to include other ethnic groups in the procession of bakar tongkang are appreci- able; however, there may be other possibilities to develop. Some of the possibilities are to organize an arts and culture festival during the week of the ritual of bakar tongkang and provide each ethnic group with a stage where they could perform. Thus, there will be a type of cultural exchange between the ethnic groups in Bagansiapiapi and there will be an under- standing among them. Another effort is to conduct a serious study on the ritual of bakar tongkang and the history of Bagansiapiapi so that the historical facts become known to the people as a whole and there would be one common version of the history of the town, which includes all ethnic groups. Identity as becoming could be applied as the working concept for the people of Bagansiapi- api in an effort to raise their awareness of local cultural identity, preserve and revitalize their cultural heritage, and improve their competitiveness in this globalized world.

REFERENCES

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