Romania layers of collective identity in the 19th and the 20th centuries: An outline until the interwar period
Radu Baltasiu University of Bucharest Manuela Boatcã University of Goettingen Ovidiana Bulumac University of Bucharest
Abstract: There is no simple answer to the question of the development of the Romanian modernity. The paradigm of multiple modernities is a good starting point in understanding the issue since it acknowledges the right of the East to appropriate modernity and the global system on their own (Eisenstadt, Transformation and Transposition of the Thematic Multiple Modernities in the Era of Globalization, 2005, 43), i.e. considering its own development as normal. But, there is more at stake than multiple realities. The 19h century is for Romania the locus of the beginning to regain access to its own normality. For reality is not only a multiplicity of rightful paths of evolution. Reality can also be filled with people and societies with no access to their own history, i.e. abnormal developments, something which the Western approach has somehow understood as development of under- development, reversal of industrial revolution etc. We will outline some of the most important steps towards Romanias regained self, i.e. taking into account also the mishaps the pseudodevelopmental issues as well some of the successful paths toward Romanias collective identity. There were three major cleavages between 1711 and 1944, to which we have identified three answers (renaissance periods). Romanias take off towards modernity started with a sudden interruption (the Phanariot regime), it was overstrained with multiple options and unsound divagations after 1821, to be severely hampered again under the Soviet occupation after 1944. The present paper highlights some aspects of the collective identity until the breakout of the Second World War. It was presented in Istanbul, February 2009, during the Europeanization, multiple modernities, and collective identities Religion, nation, and ethnicity in an enlarged Europe seminar of VW Foundation at the Kadir Has University.
Keywords: collective identity, europeanization, modernity, statehood, ethnicity, Christendom, multiple modernities Cuvinte-cheie: identitatea colectivã, europenizare, modernitate, statalitate, etnicitate, creºtinãtate, multiplã modernitate Sociologie Româneascã, volumul VII, Nr. 4, 2009, pp. 138-154 139
Some historical the Romanian medieval writers and most of fundamentals its rulers did not have the modern discourse of nationhood and the postmodern concept of the stateless, borderless links and inter- The primordial stratum of Romanian collec- dependence, they were fully aware about the tive identity was well established at the link between the context Europe and dawn of modernity (from the end of the 17th their role within, thinking of their locus as century). This is revealed in one of the first an integrated entity as a Christian State documented Romanian medieval writings with pertaining to the European order. For ins- a clear stance: the Moldavians have the same language, the same customs and the tance, Vlad the Impaler clearly stated that: same religion as the people in Wallachia If our small country will perish, God forbid, except some minor aspects related to clothing. neither you, Sir, will have a gain, since the ( ) Their language was at the beginning the damage will be for the whole of Christen- Roman language, as their ancestors were the dom. (Letter of Vlad the Impaller to Matei Roman colonizers. ( ) [In Transylvania] are Corvin, the voievod of Transylvania, February four different peoples: the Hungarians, the 11, 1462, in Giurescu, 1975, 382-383). Szekely, the Sachsen and the Romanians The programmatic link between the The Romanians are convinced of originating civil society and politics was fully esta- from the Roman colonizers. The proof is blished by 1521 when Neagoe Basarab edited that their language shares a lot with the The Teachings of Neagoe Basarab to His Son Roman language and the many Roman coins Theodosie. Considered the masterpiece of found ([Nicolaus Olahus, Hungaria sive the Romanian literature written in Slavonic, de originibus gentis, regionis, situ, divisione, The Teachings reveal in full the organic link habitu atque opportunitatibus, 1536, in C.C. between the faith, the institution of the Church, Giurescu, D.C. Giurescu). the State, the politics and the people: Since the earliest political medieval To Love our God from all our hearts Romanian writings, collective identity, In order to govern, you, as a leader should ethnicity and statehood were linked with profess the truth, should not acquire things Christendom. At the same time, the local and behave well with those who are serving political discourse was fully aware of the you. general European civilization of which That means to keep your mind clean the Romanian state(s) was (were) a part as through praying and humility. successors of the Roman people and as We do not choose to live like in an army Christians. It is interesting to note that the [giving orders to one another and moving Roman tradition was understood in ethnical from place to place and conquering], we and historical terms as a matter of pride and live in a fortress, in peace. legitimacy of the state, whose aim, ever (Basarab N., 1996). since the emergence of the Romanian states, was to belong, not to conquer: Wallachia, We should note that Machiavelli had edited Moldavia and Transylvania had no political his Prince a few years before, establishing ambitions except their own survival as states. the link between the people and the politics The link between Christendom, statehood as a manipulable instrument of governing and being European was not merely deter- and legitimacy as pure calculus, legitimizing mined by the logic of discourse in our the need to conquer: Nothing is more impor- case by a paradigm of governance dominated tant than seeming to have faith. by the Orthodox Church. It was a fact related The most successful of the princes were to the survival of the nationhood and of those who knew to how deceive the peoples the European civilization. That is, although mind. 140 R. Baltasiu, M. Boatcã, O. Bulumac, Romania layers of collective identity...
The need to conquer is a natural drive Wallachias and Moldavias boundaries were The people has no other need than to be Lands. Subjected to a series of redrawing dominated (Machiavelli, 1998). of boundaries to the (territorial) benefit of Austria and Russia. The so-called Phanariot Machiavelli entrenched the Western poli- century, lasting from 1711 until 1821, re- tics in reason, more exactly in the reason of presented the period of fiercest Turkish ex- the prince. For Neagoe Basarab, politics was ploitation of the Romanian during this time, about serving the people, anchoring it in the Romanian boyars (members of the privileged fear of God. class, Rom. boieri) had been denied the Even if those two events are pretty far right to elect their own ruler, and voivodes away from the 19th century, where the object (native princes) of both Wallachia and of our study is located, they were to be Moldavia had been appointed by the Porte mentioned in order to understand the organic from among the Greeks of Phanar, a quarter Romanian paradigm of making politics. The of Constantinople which earned them the integrated paradigm of statehood (gover- name Phanariots. Fiscal exploitation, the nance)-Church-people of Neagoe Basarab Sublime Portes intervention in the Prin- remained dominant till the Phanariot regime cipalities internal affairs and its monopoly th at the beginning of the 18 century, when over their foreign policy, the deterioration Romanian society was forcefully enrolled in of the two countries armies, and the drastic the periphery of the Ottoman Empire. decline in the political autonomy of the Roma- nian provinces were the main characteristics Briefly on the first historical of the Phanariot regime (see Giurescu, 1972, cleavage: The Phanariot regime. 133f.). In the periphery of the Empire More than half of the Principalities in- comes, most of the times, were taken over Situated at the periphery of the emerging for the sole purpose of buying an extension modern world-system in the 16th and 17th to the throne. [ ] Nearly all population is centuries, the three Romanian Principalities, driven into credit accounts [and far-gone to Transylvania, Wallachia and Moldavia, were extortoniers with interest rates up to 300%]. surrounded and beleaguered by three power- [ ] The annual interest [of the usury] repre- ful empires the Ottoman, the Habsburg sents more than the budgetary incomes of and the Tsarist ones. The Romanian lands both Romanian states at the beginning of the had successfully resisted both Habsburg and Unification epoch. (G. Zane, 1980). They Ottoman conquest until 1699, when Transyl- led to the formation of what Daniel Chirot vania was subordinated to the Austrian has termed the protocolonial system (Chirot emperor, thus worsening Wallachias and 1976, 10), a weakly developed colonial society Moldavias military and political situations. whose economic surplus was produced by The emergence of the Eastern question an unfree labor force and to a large extent constituted by the Ottoman Empires be- siphoned off to an economically and poli- ginning decline turned the Romanian lands tically dominant society. into prey for the proximate powers, Austria According to Chirot, during the Phanariot and Russia. Both were interested in the com- century Wallachia was becoming more mercial and strategic position offered by the detached from the Western economic sphere. Romanian lands, but neither was willing to Wallachia was becoming virtually an Ottoman share them, so the Romanian provinces ended colony, and it was Ottoman power not up not belonging to any of them, nor to the Western that was forcing changes strikingly Ottoman Empire. However, after the Porte analogous to those that were occurring in the succeeded in establishing the Phanariot rule more northerly parts of Europe at that time in both Romanian provinces as of 1711, (Chirot, 1976, 47). However, the already Sociologie Româneascã, volumul VII, Nr. 4, 2009, pp. 138-154 141 declining Ottoman Empire, much like Spain, rights: the right to be Romanian (in Transyl- but unlike England or Holland, behaved vania) and social, political and economical more like a traditional world empire than rights (in all three of the Romanian states: like the new capitalist system, in that it Transylvania, Wallachia and Moldavia). The exploited its colonies to finance luxuries, Romanian movements were ideologically wars, and the maintenance of overextended connected with those in Europe. Once the imperial structures, but not in order to deve- problem of national identity were to be solved, lop core economies (Chirot, 1976, 61). liberty meant at the same time reinventing Consequently, this form of exploitation did the social space, redeeming it civil free not lead to the emergence of modern na- people, with economic, social and political tion-states in the colonies, nor to the indus- rights. The Peasant Uprising of Horea, trialization of the empires economies. Cloºca and Criºan in 1784, for instance, was Eventually, this caused both Spain and Turkey even 5 years ahead of the French Revolution to lose their core status and become peripheral in 1789 in claiming the disposal of the no- areas of the expanding capitalist world-sys- bility rights and equality for all. The general tem. The dissolution of the three empires background of the Romanian struggle for Habsburg, Ottoman and Tsarist was, however, Renaissance was, at the same time, a struggle a long process, which covered about 200 for modernity. There was no evidence of a years of Eastern European history, and did superimposed ideology from abroad yet. The not automatically lead to the liberation of Romanian society had the power to discover the nations living in that area (cf. Bãdescu, by itself the natural imperatives of mo- 2003, Sincronism). As far as the Romanian dernity: the right to national identity, to Principalities were concerned, if the Phana- property, equality in front of the law, as riot century had meant a shift of their power fully stated at the end of the 18th century by and economic structure into the Ottoman the Uprising of Horea. The problem with sphere of influence, thereby turning Wallachia this more-than-secular movement was that and Moldavia into the Ottoman Empires the historical forces which put pressure over th periphery, the 19 century, and particularly the national identity were much stronger than the period following 1821, meant their reinte- the local ones and the movement towards gration into the Western historical cycle. modernity was only partially successful. Despite the fact that the Phanariot Regime Regaining the right to nationality was not a was the hardest, the Romanian Principalities Romanian ideological, it was a sheer ne- remained autonomous against the Sublime cessity towards normalizing the social space Porte. Wallachia and Moldavia remained and together with the newly claimed civil under the regime of tributal protection liberties it defined modernity. (ahd ad-dhimma) and not provinces of the The general context of the First Renais- Empire (dar al-Islâm). Between 1711/1716 sance was given by the mounting pressure of and 1774 the autonomy was solely under the Hungarian domination over Transylvania the Ottoman Empire and, in the 1774-1821 and the one of the Phanariot regime in the interval, it was shared with the Russian Empire other two of the Romanian Principalities (Istoria Românilor, VI, 591). Moldavia and Wallachia. Most of the First Renaissance is located in Transylvania. His- torically, this period ends with the 1821 The struggle Revolution of Tudor Vladimirescu, when for Renaissance before 1821 the southern Principalities (Moldavia and Wallachia) free themselves from the Phanariot Romanian Renaissance is less centered on domination and the Turkish dependency reason and more on rediscovering collective begins to subside. It should be noted that identity. It is about regaining elementary there is a dual drive fuelling those liberation 142 R. Baltasiu, M. Boatcã, O. Bulumac, Romania layers of collective identity... movements: the peasants and the clerical good ruller, no matter how advanced, i.e. body together with the intellectuals, many of potentially antimonarchic were their social, them united with Rome around the Transyl- political and economic requests. Untill the vanian School. formation of the Great Romania which The first to synthesize the modern urgen- ended the Renaissance process in 1918 cies for the Romanian society was Inochentie there were some proeminent voices in Micu, the Greek-Catholic bishop of Fãgãraº, Transylvania advocating for national libe- who supplicated the Hapsburg Court for almost ration and social modernization within the forty years on behalf of the Romanians and framework of the Austrian Empire as a fede- their request to be recognized as an equal ration (one of the first federalist doctrine to nation in its own right. The pinnacle of his be invented by A.C. Popovici in 1893). efforts was his Supplex Libellus enacted in The most important priority was the cessation 1743 and addressed to the Hapsburg emperor of Hungarian domination. This served very a document to become a manifesto for the well the Hapbsurgs. There was no real support following movements. from the Emperor for the Romanian ideals The main points of Inochentie Micu were and no real gain to be derived from it. They the following: were increasingly oppressed, untill the final The Romanians are to be recognized as dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire equals not tolerated alongside the Magyars, in 1918. Why has the Monarchy chosen to the Szekely and the Sachsen, i.e., The work with the Hungarian minority in order Romanians should become a fully political to opress half of the Empire and why have nation [in 1790, in the Parliament of the Hapsburgs chosen to modernize the Transylvania, of 417 seats, only one was Empire making the dualist agreement (1867) occupied by a Romanian] (Giurescu & that directly violated the rights of most of its Giurescu, 1975, 542); citizens? These are subsequent questions to The right to receive education in equal be addressed by further researches on the terms with the other three political na- role of political and cultural ideas. tions, since education is the main instru- A second Supplex, Supplex Libbelus ment for social and individual progress; Valachorum, was issued in 1791 by the The right to full access to military ser- Transylvanian School, addressing the same vice and the administrative body for all national and social problems again: Romanians, including the nobility; The Transylvanian School summarized The right to education, free profession and in the Supplex its political program as private property, according to everyones follows: 1. [There is] to be revoked and abilities; removed publicly as undignified and unjust, Full access into the cities for the Roma- any spiteful denominations to Romanians as nians; tolerated, admitted, uncounted among the Equal treatment for the Romanian pea- privileged nations [Stãri], and the Romanian sants; nation is to be reconsidered reborn and with (Cernovodeanu P., N. Edroiu (coord.), all the civil and religious rights [...] 4. In the 2002). Diet, in the counties and in the seats, districts Vexed by the bishops requests, Vienna and cities, the Romanian nation is to be exiles him to Rome in 1744. represented in proportion to her number, and Herein lies an important observation that so proceed to the appointment and advance- we have to make on the limits of modernity ment in the new job [...] 5. The administrative concerning almost all liberation movements units which have Romanian majorities is of Romanians in Transylvania: these move- to have Romanian denominations [The ments were somehow looking to Vienna for Monarchy and the Diet] shall declare all the support, thinking of the emperor as being a inhabitants of the Principality of Transylvania Sociologie Româneascã, volumul VII, Nr. 4, 2009, pp. 138-154 143 equals, irrespective to their national or reli- The second historical cleavage: gious membership, according to their own From the periphery of the Ottoman condition and capacities[only], regarding their Empire to the periphery liberties and benefices and to bear the same duties. of the world system This time, the Transylvanian School added The general logic of the new system another principle to its argument: Romanians (of the new modernity) were the first to be Christianized [on the Romanian soil]. The intellectual strata fought 1821 was the year of a revolutionary national for social rights using religious arguments. and social movement in Moldavia and Walla- The religious argument was not to be sepa- chia against the Ottoman Empires domination rated from the Romanian Renaissance until in the two principalities. It mainly sought the the 1848 Revolution. re-establishment of native reigns and the (Istoria Românilor, 2002, VI, 570, 575) natives exclusive right to hold public office. The modernizing process was also directed The second Rennaisance owe much of its towards reforming the institution of the discourse to the programme of the Transylva- Church, dominated by foreign interests: Re- nian School. The shape of the civil society, garding the beasts which are eating us alive, as well as the political conscience of the our political and religious leaders, for how political class after 1821/1848 were to be long should we endure them? For how long very influenced by this paradigm. should we be their servants? (The Pades Manifesto given in April 1821, in Giurescu & Giurescu, 1975, 555). It is interesting that On the constitutive dimensions some of the Romanian Orthodox officials gave th Tudor Vladimirescu the agreement to fulfill of modernity: The 19 century his general modernizing goals. This was the starting point of rationalizing and modernizing the relationship between the state and society, fully accomplished 40 years later through the Law of secularizing the Monasteries holdings in 1863 made by the modern state of Romania. Although eventually repressed by the Turkish army, its aims not to be fully achieved at that time, the 1821 Revolution led by the Romanian boyar Tudor Vladimirescu marked the end of Ottoman domination and thus the shift to a neocolonial model a strongly developed colonial society more akin to the one engendered by classical colonialism in other parts of the world-systems peri- phery , that is to an indirectly controlled state in which there was no single metropolis, but rather a consortium of overseers. Further, the proximate great powers, Austria, Russia, and Turkey, were not exactly the most ad- vanced industrial powers in Europe. They had relatively little need for an added agrarian province to serve as an extra supplier of primary products and as a market for their own industrial goods. 144 R. Baltasiu, M. Boatcã, O. Bulumac, Romania layers of collective identity...
It was Western Europe that was the more the Ottoman economic domination represents logical metropole for colonial Wallachia, and the culmination of a development already Wallachia developed in the nineteenth century begun in 1774 by the Treaty of Kuchuk-Kai- as a colonial outpost of the more advanced narji, when Russia first gained access to Western economies (Chirot, 1976, 89). the seas and harbors of the Ottoman Empire Chirots conceptualization of these deve- and the latters commercial privilege over lopments as a shift from a protocolonial to Wallachia and Moldavias trade extended a neocolonial system has been captured in to Russia as well. This opening toward the Romanian sociology by Ilie Bãdescus en- West and increasing restriction of the Ottoman lightening phrase the shift of peripheral economic domination represents the culmi- axis (Bãdescu, forthcoming). Consequently, nation of a development already begun in according to Bãdescu, in the 19th century the 1774 by the Treaty of Kuchuk-Kainarji, when Romanian lands moved over from the peri- Russia first gained access to the seas and phery of the Empire to the periphery of the harbors of the Ottoman Empire and the latters Western metropolis, thereby experiencing commercial privilege over Wallachia and not emancipation, but rather a new form of Moldavias trade extended to Russia as well. dependency. It is in this context that the use of the term neocolonial needs to be further Two main actors of the new peripheral specified. modernity: The intermediate In this context, the term neocolonialism class and dependent thinking helps to highlight an instance of periphe- ralization in 19th century Eastern Europe, It was not the middle class who brought to which took place in the absence of colonial bear the onset of capitalism in Romania, but administration, but which had as a result the the middlemen, the intermediate class, highly creation of a blatantly colonial society specialized in moving the economic values (Chirot, 1976, 162) nevertheless. The eco- from the periphery to the core of the world nomic peripheralization in Romania and the system. What had been lacking in the be- cultural reaction on the part of the Romanian ginning of the 19th century, and was still intellectuals that this colonial situation sti- absent after 1848, was a local Romanian mulated must therefore be understood against middle class, whose formation was being this background. stunted by the presence of foreigners in The history of the new peripheralization key positions. The ruling liberals of the 19th starts with the signing of the Russian-Turkish century strongly believed that the only way Peace Treaty at Adrianople in September to modernize Romania was to fully import 1829 which warranted the abolishment of the Western superstructures and to place them Turkish monopoly on Romanian trade and over the local realities no matter the cost. allowed Romanian vessels use of the Danube This development from top to bottom was harbors for trade, at the same time restric- to become the development by imitation ting Turkeys right to interfere in Romanian theorized by Eugen Lovinescu in the first internal affairs (Giurescu, 1972, 158). Al- half of the 20th century and criticized by the though still under Turkish suzerainty and Junimea School at the time of its application Russian occupation, Wallachia and Moldavias as a form without substance. The problem newly gained right to free export meant that was that trying to superimpose foreign forms the wheat surpluses were no longer destined over the local realities generated a wholly for the Ottoman Empire, but could be increa- new reality with huge social costs which singly directed toward the Western markets, conservatives in the 19th century named the thus allowing for the purchase of previously semibarbarian society. Deconstructing the unaffordable Western goods. This opening traditional realities by this top to bottom toward the West and increasing restriction of approach generated a long lasting conflict Sociologie Româneascã, volumul VII, Nr. 4, 2009, pp. 138-154 145 with severe consequences known in the epoch According to Lovinescus law of synchro- as the conflict between the Legal Country nism/contemporaneity, European societies and the Real Country, i.e. between the rulers assumed the configuration determined by the and the ruled. The main beneficiaries of this spirit of our age (the equivalent of Tacitus cleavage and important vectors of it were saeculum, or of the more common Zeitgeist) the intermediate class of the core interests to the extent that they adopted its charac- in the periphery of the world system. The teristic structures by means of imitation. interesting fact is that when theoretizing Consequently, in the modern age, charac- on this matter, almost half a century later, terized by leveling, generalizing tendencies (Lovinescu, E. [1924-1925], Istoria civilizaþiei additionally enhanced by the impact of the române moderne) was still convinced that means of communication facilitating the the huge costs were natural, given the diffusion of imitation, synchronism ensured primitivism of the traditional society to be that the direction of peoples development civilized. His paradigm of local development [ ] is the same (Lovinescu, 1972, 397). by imitation of the center of the world system The history of modern Romanian civi- is still active today under the name of Euro- lization therefore exemplified, in Lovinescus peanization of the postcomunist society. view, the evolutionary course of every In terms of the world system theory, the other European society. His account of this synchronization approach is related to the natural development translates as a reinter- dependent form of thinking in the periphery. pretation of Romanias modern history along Lovinescu stated that: Delayed as we the lines of his own law of synchronism were in our spiritual, economic and political th structure, still medieval in the midst of achieved by imitation: In the 19 century, contemporary history, our contribution to Romania had been included in the larger the organism of European life, i.e., inter- network of cultural and economic interde- dependency, was out of the question, as is pendency of contemporary life through the today the determination in the sense of an large numbers of Romanian youths pursuing imposition of differentiated and even inferior their studies in Paris on the one hand, and forms of social life, according to the narrow through the 1829 Treaty of Adrianople on interest of advanced peoples [ ]; but both the other. The 1848 revolution, an instance determination and interdependency, that of imitative contagion (Lovinescu, 1972, is, both moments in the formation of modern 478) similar to most 1848 European revolu- Romanian civilization, dominated by a single tionary movements, had thus been the result spirit, can be subsumed under one law: the of Romanias exposure to the ideology under- law of the synchronism of modern life, which lying the French revolution of 1789. While operates in a leveling, not a differentiatory the formers character had of necessity been manner (Lovinescu, 1972, 394). purely ideological in the absence of a middle class to which the proclaimed social desiderata Theoretically, Lovinescu substantiated his could correspond it imprinted a revolu- approach on the basis of a modified version tionary course to the entire subsequent deve- of the laws of social imitation by French lopment of Romanian society: Meagre in sociologist Gabriel Tarde (Tarde, 1895). Yet its immediate results [ ], the revolutionary while Tarde had defined imitation as a mani- movement produced a current of opinion festation of the universal law of repetition of which could no longer be overlooked [ ]. social behaviors and had restricted it to mental Through revolution, our life axis shifted from individual interaction, Lovinescu extrapolated the East to the West (Lovinescu, 1972, 228). from it the essential element in the formation From then on, the agent of change acting as of social institutions and the main mechanism the necessary instrument of synchronism of the contemporaneity of our material and (Lovinescu, 1972, 387) by promoting the moral life (Lovinescu, 1972, 404). liberal ideology of the French Revolution 146 R. Baltasiu, M. Boatcã, O. Bulumac, Romania layers of collective identity... would be the National Liberal Party, whose in support of the cores interests and of their growth Lovinescu viewed as a historical series own. Considering the centuries-old tradition paralleling the process of state formation.. that made it essential for a noble to supple- In this case, Lovinescu adapted Tardes ment his income by getting appointed to a theory to the extent of turning it upside down, court or local administrative position (cf. since, in the French sociologists model, Chirot, 1976, 85), the administrative elite imitation proceeded ab interioribus ad exte- itself is either made up of or controlled by riora, i.e., the imitation of mental processes the landowning segment of the intermediate triggering specific social behavior preceded class. Both the landowners and the town the imitation of the social behavior as such. merchants and administrators become accul- Transferred to the level of macrosociological turated to the dominant ways of the metro- analysis after this reversal of sequence, the pole (Chirot, 1976, 58), and adopt its speech passage from simulation to stimulation (cf. patterns, ways of dress and religious atti- Lovinescu, 1972, 296), the equivalent of tudes. Very much unlike the Western societies, an evolution from forms to substance, was where the bourgeoisie had developed in oppo- considered the young civilizations only sition to the old landed aristocracy, in neoco- possibility of development, while the tradi- lonial societies and therefore in Romania as tionalism associated with the Romanian well, the former was included in the latter. critical culture and the organic evolution it postulated was a sociological impossibility: [ ] it was precisely the lack of a strong The Second Renaissance: tradition, coupled with the lack of an organized Two social types. authority, that enabled such a sudden trans- Two modernities formation of our civilization in a revolutio- nary sense (Lovinescu, 1972, 480). The Second Renaissance took place in two It becomes increasingly clear that this stages, that could be called heroic and ideological and political conflict had deeper critical (Bãdescu, 2003). At a certain mo- epistemological roots that is, it reproduced ment both were coming to exist in parallel within Romania the very process of subalterni- and to become two major organizing para- zation of knowledge through the imposition digms: the synchronist and the critical or of global designs in reaction to which the conservative thought. critical culture had arisen in the first place. The heroic culture is the answer of Accordingly, liberal policy in Romania Romanian society to the urgency/provoca- was a form without substance not simply tion of reentering its history: recovering because the country lacked the economic foun- the social space, the national territory, the dation capable of reflecting its institutional right to engage in trade, to have a state as superstructure, but chiefly because the very well as to its own European identity. The basis of Western liberalism, the aforementio- effort was started by the Revolution of Tudor ned middle class that produces something, Vladimirescu in 1821 in Wallachia, to be fulfilled the opposite function in Romanian continued by the Transylvanian School and society, where it produced nothing, thus at its peak by the 1848 revolutionaries. The becoming a form of pseudo-liberalism and ideal type of the heroic intellectual is Ion promoting an underdevelopment policy. Heliade Rãdulescu. The so-called intermediate class is a mino- Heliade Rãdulescu is convinced that the rity playing a crucial role in the pursuit of Romanian people has a messianic role the cores economic interests. It is made up (Bãdescu, 2003), but at the same time he of two overlapping categories, the land- employs a very technical approach regarding owners, whose main function is the extraction the process of social development through of surplus from the peasants, and the town education and through promoting a local merchants and administrators, acting both (national) bourgeoisie. Sociologie Româneascã, volumul VII, Nr. 4, 2009, pp. 138-154 147
What the nation needed was not an indoc- from the utopian communal order of the trinated, but an educated youth, i.e., in- French Revolution. He, and other revolu- dependent, self-sustaining individuals, that tionaries professed the need for national unity would in turn be able to liberate the country as the most important ingredient of civil from its economic dependency on scientific liberty: without nationality the republic will rather than doctrinaire bases: See to it that be another form of despotism (Al. Papiu every youth leaving school, the academies, Ilarian [1943] Istoria românilor din Dacia the university, should have a training that superioarã. Schiþa tomului III, ed. ªtefan Pascu, allows them to sustain themselves and be Sibiu, 157, apud G.D. Iscru, 1988, 250). independent. Create more technical schools In Transylvania the 1848 Revolution took in every district, for it is they alone that a dramatic turn for it had to have a strong bring forth the national bourgeoisie; and national defensive stance against the annexa- the nation which has no workers, artists, tion of Transylvania by the Hungarian Revo- merchants from among its own, that nation lutionary Government. The social ideal of perishes (Heliade, 1916, 267). the Hungarian revolution was almost entirely The existence of a national bourgeoisie subordinated to this matter. Between 1848 thus became a necessary condition for the and 1849, the huzsars killed 30 000 civilians nations survival. Once autonomous, the deci- of Romanian ethnicity and destroyed about sions the country would make on its way to 240 villages. During the fights with the army modernization were its own responsibility, and of Avram Iancu which was defending the this made thorough knowledge of Romanias history and of its social traditions imperative: Apuseni Mountains other 10 000 Romanians In stepping forward we must remember our were killed. This compulsive subordination starting point; progress cannot be accom- of Revolution to an unrealistic objective plished without safeguarding the wealth (Hungarians were 1/3 of the total population already gathered, be it material, spiritual, or of Transylvania at most) made the task of moral. [ ] Again, with the laws and changes the Russian and Austrian Empires to liqui- the foreigners started imposing on us, and date both movements much easier (data from which the demagogues and anarchists keep the speech of the historian Petre Þurlea in praising, the Romanian will lose his very the Parliament of Romania, on March 16, name of Romanian (Heliade, 1916, 11). 1999, http://www.cdep.ro/pls/steno/steno. The Second Renaissance brings two new stenograma?ids=2961&idm=1,12&idl=1, social types: the ideologue and the specialist consulted on February 2009). (Badescu 2003). Both are somehow different Further on, Transylvania saw the unfol- of the ordinary people. They are to introduce ding of the last major national movement in the Romanian people on the path of deve- 1892-1894, known under the name of the lopment. The ideologue is a revolutionary, Transylvanian Memorandum. Almost all keen to synchronize the Romanian space with the Romanian elite of the province, as well the new ideological teachings from Paris on from Hungary was involved. And when the reason, politics and society from upside down. Hungarian authorities took an unusual hard Important enough, there was not always a stance, closing the Romanian schools and clear-cut distinction between these social types. arresting or harassing the petitioners, the Some of the revolutionaries were pretty far Romanian Government under the hard away from the ideologue model of the French pressure of its own public opinion had to Revolution whenever not reason as such was intervene in Vienna in order to alleviate the the main referential, but the ordinary people situation. The Memorandum marked the fully and the protection of the nationality: even if maturation of the Romanian political move- Nicolae Bãlcescu, one of the leaders of the ment, united since 1881 under the National 1848 movement in Romania, was highly influ- Romanian Party. Interestingly enough, the enced by the French Revolution, he was far Memorandum Movement did not question 148 R. Baltasiu, M. Boatcã, O. Bulumac, Romania layers of collective identity... the opportunity of Dualism of the Austro-Hun- them, Maiorescu argued. This, then, consti- garian Empire, except the problem of the tuted the basis for the enunciation of his elementary civil rights for the Romanians theory of form without substance: under the concept of an extended autonomy Steeped in Oriental barbarianism until inside the Austrian Monarchy. the beginning of the 19th century, Romanian In the meantime, in what had become the society started to awake from its lethargy Kingdom of Romania (since 1881) there around 1820, perhaps seized only then by emerged the cultural paradigm of critical the contagious movement by which the ideas thought (Junimea) delivered one of the first of the French Revolution had reached even world class theories on development, highly the outer geographic extremities of Europe. resourceful to this day. Attracted to the light, the Romanian youth undertook this extraordinary emigration towards Critical thought and the theory the fountains of French and German science, of form without substance which has kept growing to this very day and which has brought part of the luster of foreign (Titu Maiorescu) societies to free Romania. Unfortunately, It was in his 1868 article Against the Pre- only the outer luster! For, unprepared as our sent-Day Direction in Romanian Culture, youths were and still are, dazzled by the great published in Junimeas magazine Convorbiri phenomena of modern culture, they only Literare (Literary Conversations), that assimilated the effects, but did not grasp the Maiorescu for the first time undertook a causes, they only saw civilizations shallower severe analysis of Romanian society and of its forms, but did not see through to the deeper hasty modernization: Judging by the statistics historical foundations which with necessity of outer forms, today Romanians seem to produced those forms and without the prior possess almost the entire Western civilization. existence of which they could not even have We have politics and science, we have journals lived. And thus, limited by a fatal superfi- and academies, we have schools and litera- ciality, their hearts and minds inflamed by ture, we have museums, conservatories, we too light a fire, the young Romanians did have a theater, we even have a constitution. and do come back to their homeland with the But in reality all these are dead productions, decision to emulate and reproduce the appea- pretenses without foundation, ghosts without rances of Western culture, in the belief that bodies, illusions without truth, and thus the they would thereby also at once attain the culture of the Romanians upper classes is literature, the culture, the arts, and above null and void, and the abyss separating us all, liberty in a modern state (Maiorescu, from the people below grows deeper every [1868], 1973, 163). day (Maiorescu, [1868], 1973, 168). With remarkable precision, Maiorescu A peoples powers, be they material or detected the intention behind this excess of moral, have a limited quantity at any given forms in the intellectuals vanity of showing time. The Romanians national wealth has a foreign peoples at any cost, even by disre- fixed figure today; their intellectual energy garding the truth, that we are their equals in is also of a certain amount. You cannot get terms of civilization. This is the only expla- away with gambling this sum of powers, the nation for the vice that seeped into our public capital of a peoples cultural enterprise. The life, and that is the lack of any solid foun- time, the wealth, the moral strength and the dation for the outer forms that we keep re- intellectual swiftness you use for a futile ceiving (Maiorescu, 1868, 164). Moreover, creation, and all the more for a bad creation, the society which all these outer forms of are forever lost for the necessary and the civilization entered had simply not been true one. They cannot both succeed, pre- prepared by anything in its history to receive cisely because the source of a nations powers Sociologie Româneascã, volumul VII, Nr. 4, 2009, pp. 138-154 149 is not unlimited, but is limited by its very administration is supposed to dispose of any nature. But if you lack a thousand modest, impediments to a countrys intellectual and diligent students, national industrialists and economical development [ ]. But the pre- workers, good poets and writers, and real sent administration and the elements making scientists, the reason is because the limited it up constitute by themselves a permanent powers your people possesses for them are impediment to our development [ ]. On the used up by ignorant teachers, no-good clerks, one hand, the economic exigencies of an academics, secretaries, honorific members, allegedly civilized state increase daily and cultural associates, journalists, athenians, require an ever-growing amount of work in conservatorists, pseudo-poets, canvas-hangers order to be met, on the other hand, the at the living artists exhibition, and so on physical degeneration of the workers race and so forth. You have one marble block and the disappearance of the instruments of only: if you use it for a caricature, what else his work eliminate the very possibility of is left for sculpting a Minerva? (Maiorescu, work. Parallel to these two general evils, [1874], 1973, 5). which create constantly growing gaps, we The verdict that Maiorescu ultimately gave note that the frontier points are being opened was a radical one: Form without substance in order to let in entire flocks of foreigners who come to supplant a people which peri- is not only of no use, but it is downright per- shes by the ineptness of its sons (Eminescu nicious, because it destroys a powerful cultural 1881c, 76ff). means (Maiorescu, [1968], 1973, 170). Every constitution, as a states funda- mental law, has as its correlate a particular Critical thought and the positive class on which it is based. The correlate of classes (Mihai Eminescu) the Western states constitutions is a rich and cultivated middle class, a class of pa- Using the criterion of productive work, which tricians, of industrial manufacturers who had at an earlier point led Titu Maiorescu see in the constitution the means of repre- to characterize the large peasant mass as senting their interests in line with their signi- the only real class in Romanian society, ficance. [ ] Where are our positive classes? Eminescu in his turn spoke of a positive The historical aristocracy it always has to class, therefore a productive one, making be historical in order to be important has up the real country. This particular social almost disappeared, there exists no positive group and the parasitical elements out of middle class, the gaps are filled by foreigners, which the superimposed layer had emerged the peasant class is too uncultivated, and, increasingly defined themselves in terms of although it is the only positive one, no one the relationship entertained with each other, understands it, no one represents it, no one and thus entered into a process of class forma- cares about it (Eminescu, 1876, 59). tion, while the legal country, a metapho- The key factor in this diagnosis is repre- rical term with the help of which Eminescu sented by Eminescus insight that cosmo- described the liberal institutions, provided politanism (in its liberal variant), although the juridical apparatus necessary for creating acting as a global design, was rooted in the and justifying this polarized structure as well local history of the Western societies which as the resulting economic exploitation: elaborated it. The land, in its constitutive parts, evolves The ideology it sought to export to under- toward dissolution and anarchy. And things developed countries by means of rational could indeed hardly be otherwise. Just like models of capitalist organization was therefore the workers role is to produce useful objects, a success story, but one that consciously the role of administration is a concrete and ignored the historical realities which it con- valuable work, just like any other. By the fronted in the Eastern European periphery. power awarded it by state authority, an Social revolutions such as had taken place in 150 R. Baltasiu, M. Boatcã, O. Bulumac, Romania layers of collective identity...
1848 all over Europe were a luxury which inefficient institutional policies and lack of small states, whose political or economic reliability, reaching even the most elevated independence was constantly threatened, could social classes in terms of culture, status or not afford. Hence, advocating individual liber- fortune (Eminescu, 1998, 25). The increased ties in such a context could only act (as it bureaucracy and a legal system hard to under- already had) to the detriment of state power. stand that suffers one too many legislative Eminescu thus pleaded against a contrac- changes are bound to negatively influence tualist state, against individualism, free trade, the citizens moral sense of purpose. Conti- and strictly formal modernization, and for a nuing on the same line, Mihai Eminescu state representing the entire nation (instead manages to highlight by the instrumentality of just separate individuals), for safeguarding of his sociological theory the fact that a nationality, and for protectionism. great deal of the ones that find themselves These analyses led him to distinguish imprisoned are nothing else but the sure between two types of civilization, the eco- victims of the usurary practice and of the nomic and the political: The precondition promiscuity derived from it (idem). for state civilization is economic civilization. Interpreting statistical data trough a natio- Introducing the forms of a foreign civilization nalist lens, Eminescu states that the increased in the absence of its economic correlate is number of taverns, opened mainly by the sheer wasted work. But this is what our libe- Jewish people settled on Romanian territory, rals did. Instead of taking a look at societys has a negative or even a destructive impact essential ill, they were concerned with the over the citizens moral and financial state. accidental and meaningless ones (Eminescu, Although this type of discourse was blamed 1877, 30). in his time, we can sustain that the objec- tivity of such a theory cannot be touched. Eminescu on misery: Misery That is because Eminescu also embraces as the high cost of peripheralization the critical type of analysis when it comes to the imitative behavior adopted by the Mihai Eminescu is one of the few theoreticians Christian Romanian elites (the exploitation that succeeded in analyzing the nature of of the peasants misery is made in the same Romanias social misery by offering a set way even by the Christian landholders of determinant factors and direct effects. (Eminescu, 1998, 29) that follow a single One of the main causes that greatly contri- principle: the higher the misery, the higher buted to the profound moral degradation is the the extortion through scandalous interest rates. usurary practice (a state of constant exploi- From the same critical perspective, the tation sustained by landholders that has direct Romanian theoretician banns the immoral and negative effects over the peasants and conduct by saying: We have to know about the 19th century Romanian middle-class). the peasants exploitation in Moldavia that According to Eminescu, this type of usury reached its peak through usurary means and is responsible for the corruption of peoples exhilaration in order to understand why he verticality by inducing them to commit an is unable to evolve, why he is moving back- increased number of crimes and felonies. In wards; because he appears in front of us fact, it is all reduced to a conceptual triangle as a depressed idiot, with no life and no or a vicious circle between the people of pleasure for life (Eminescu, 1998, 29). justice, the usurarian ones (that bribe the In addition to the factors remarked above, first category) and the victims (that must Eminescu also adds the freedom regime which, obey the faulty verdicts and speculative in his opinion, succeeds in exploiting in the policies). This is the mechanism through most usurary form the greatest socio-econo- which the conscience of rightfulness suffers mical class, the agrarian population, its ruin alteration up to the highest levels due to the doing nothing else but damaging the statehood, Sociologie Româneascã, volumul VII, Nr. 4, 2009, pp. 138-154 151 fiscal incomes and national welfare in genera interests and needs of the peasants. Almost (Eminescu, 1998, 31). 80% of Romanians lived in the countryside The discovery of the main causes for the and were the main GDP contributors, but only spiritual misery that continues to spread a fraction of the national revenue returned to all around determines a highlight of the series the countryside. Therefore, internal inte- of effects that appear at the societal level: gration was the main issue of modernity for emigration, low marriage rate, high morta- the Romanian society at that time. lity rate, high level of criminality etc. The Neoserfdom of the peasantry was the most Romanian emigration in Bulgaria or Serbia crippling cost the Romania had to pay for for example is due to the agrarian rule in her modernization between 1864 when the 1864, a law that instead of helping the capitalist reform of the land has started peasant to develop a better quality of life, and 1918 when the main national cycle did nothing but worsened the poverty and ended with the forming of Greater Romania. misery; the constant line of work exploitation Neoserfdom meant a newer and much power- and moral frazzling determines the Romanian ful enslavement of the peasantry by foreign peasant to emigrate, in search of a better speculative capital with the aid of the modern modus Vivendi. This type of migration institutions. Given the integration of Romania proves the misery state in which the agrarian as a periphery in the logic of the world population or the poor urban one find them- system as the Turkish domination subsided selves, a true conviction of the actual state after 1829 (the second cesure, changing the of things. (Eminescu, 1998, 31). peripheral axis), the foreign capital did not produce industrial facilities, but raided the easier opportunities by speculating the need Modernity after the First World for luxury of the land owners. In order to do War: The third Renaissance this the speculative capital strongly encou- raged the modernization of the infrastructure Greater Romania is the organic end of the of the state the law and the roads, in order first two Renaissance cycles. From now, to efficiently export the agricultural products state frontiers overlap with the boundaries and let the speculative credit circulate at ease. of national ethnicity. The intellectual discourse was freed from the national imperative, so On the peasant doctrine that the interwar period was prolific in pro- ducing different projects aimed at moder- of development (Madgearu) nizing society and the state. Some of the Madgearu considered that within his multi- doctrines thus produced were reconsidering directional model of transition from feudalism the role of Orthodox faith in politics, others to capitalism as illustrated by the dissimilar promoted various relationships between ca- developments in England, Denmark, France, pital, labor, society, and the state. and the European South-East, the specific There was an inflorescence of answers evolutions of the agrarian countries were to the provocation of modernizing the so- linked by the particular relation in which ciety. We will take into account only two of they stood with the capitalist world-eco- them, the national peasant doctrine of Virgil nomy, and which was inherent in their very Madgearu (one of the leaders of the National backwardness. Analyzed on the basis of Peasant Party) and the corporatist doctrine Romanias example, specific evolution in of Mihail Manoilescu (one of the most res- Eastern Europe a concept which Madgearu pected European economists in the interwar explicitly employed was given by: 1) the period). The main concern is the rural contrast between neoserfdom and the libe- issue how to link technology, politics and ral state institutions; 2) the limited role of the urban classes and economics with the commercial capital in the development of 152 R. Baltasiu, M. Boatcã, O. Bulumac, Romania layers of collective identity... liberal structures; 3) exploitation of the State development, since it was only through in- through the political oligarchy; 4) the para- dustry that the enhancement of a countrys sitarian and artificial character of the national economic purchasing power could lead to industry; 5) the coexistence of industrial more advantageous international exchanges feudalism with a nascent industrialism, and (Manoilescu, 1929, 91). Placing labor pro- 6) the direct transition from commercial to ductivity at the center of his analysis, the finance capitalism without passing through Romanian economist contended that, contrary the industrial stage (cf. Madgearu, 1936, to the tenets of classical economic theory, [1925b], 98f). human labor was qualitatively unequal and For Madgearu, agricultural evolution could differentiated with respect to the amount not be explained on the basis of a unilinear of skill it required and the productivity it and teleological process of transition from supplied, so that labor quality, not labor feudal exploitation to capitalist wage labor. quantity (as for Adam Smith) was decisive Rather, its mode of labor control was a func- in determining the value of goods exchanged tion of the relations of production which the on the world market: La quantité de travail allocation of land had made it possible to humain mise en branle (déclanchée) serait enforce: The legal abolition of feudal rela- un signe de supériorité pour une branche de tions of property and work becomes a reality production! Cest au contraire léconomie only if the land transformed into private pro- de travail qui est un critérium. Ce nest pas perty does not remain a means of domination le maximum de travail, mais le maximum de and exploitation, if the emancipated peasants productivité de ce travail humain, qui devrait are not compelled to engage their work and être signe de toute supériorité économique their cattle on boyar property. Otherwise the (Manoilescu, 1929, 332). legal form contradicts the real substance For Manoilescu, therefore, a correct labor (Madgearu, [1922], 1936, 24, 169). theory of value would have to take into account The immiseration of the peasantry and not only the profitability, but also the produc- the technical regress of agricultural exploi- tivity of labor. While the classical economic tation had then been the direct consequences theories revolved around Ricardos concept of neoserfdom, i.e., of the form which eman- of comparative advantage, according to which cipation had taken. a country should concentrate on the produc- The property of the land has to become tion of those goods in which it had the smallest a work property [proprietate de muncã] disadvantage on the world market, Manoilescu and not an instrument of exploitation against insisted that economic operations were gene- the peasant in order to ease the condition of rally advantageous if their labor productivity the peasant and to fully integrate the rural was higher than the national average, which economy with credit and technology. The was always the case for industrial activities work property is fully configured to produce when compared to agricultural ones. A dis- a decent life for the peasant families and to placement of forces of production toward facilitate the economic progress of the agri- industry would thus always lead to higher culture with the help of the newly designed productivity, whereas renouncing industria- rural credit. The new rural credit was to be lization in favor of a specialization in agri- developed according to the natural cycle of cultural exports, as the free trade doctrine the crops and cattle. implied, would lead to dependency: Les théories qui, sous prétexte de division du On the corporatist doctrine travail et de spécialisation de la production (Manoilescu) recommandent aux nations demployer leur nouvelles forces et lexcédent de leur population Manoilescu argued that industrialization was à des activités inférieures dune productivité the condition sine qua non of every countrys faible, sont les théories du regrès et de la Sociologie Româneascã, volumul VII, Nr. 4, 2009, pp. 138-154 153 déchéance nationale (Manoilescu, 1929, tendentious science of the West. (Manoilescu, 184). Profitability, the individual gain of the 1942, 83) capitalist entrepreneurs behind such unequal exchanges, should then be clearly distin- In a radical break with both Marxist guished from productivity, the total national and Weberian criteria for the definition of gain achieved in a branch of production. social classes according to class interest, the The ideological implications of postulating a Romanian corporatist thus emphasized functio- necessary identity between individual and nality understood in terms of historical national gain, Manoilescu observed, were responsibility and social duty as a decisive particularly detrimental to agricultural coun- feature, on account of which Romanias bour- tries, where the high revenues of capitalists geoisie could and should be brought before joined the countrys inherent low productivity the nations court of justice (Manoilescu, in keeping down the national gain. 1942, 119). From the corporatist perspective Manoilescus doctrine on corporatism which he espoused and which he viewed as is centered on the social functionality of a resurgent aspect in the 1930s European the different occupations (not classes) which reversion to mercantilist practices and to should be vertically integrated to produce a communal, neo-corporate forms of social functional political order, i.e. an order serving organization, the functions and missions the national interest. of the bourgeoisie could only be measured Although Manoilescu acknowledged his by the extent to which they had been imple- debt to the model of corporatist organization mented in the integral service of the nation that Emile Durkheim elaborated as a solu- (Manoilescu, 1942, 117), i.e., from the per- tion to anomie (Durkheim, 1967), his own spective of the local history in which they approach added to the social and economic were embedded. components of the corporatist conception a cultural and political dimension corpo- ratism, for its Romanian theoretician, was References the political form which our nationalism acquires (Manoilescu, 1933, 8). 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