A Study of the Traditional Jajmāni System in India

Towards Revitalizing Diversity: A Study of the Traditional Jajmāni System in India

Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy in Exact Humanities

Harsh Satya 200859001 [email protected]

International Institute of Information Technology Hyderabad - 500 032, India January 2020

International Institute of Information Technology Hyderabad, India

CERTIFICATE

It is certified that the work contained in this thesis, titled Towards Revitalizing Diversity: A Study of the Traditional Jajmāni System in India by Harsh Satya, has been carried out under my supervision and is not submitted elsewhere for a degree.

------Adviser: (Late)Prof. Navjyoti Singh Adviser: Prof. Rajeev Sangal Date: Date:

Dedicated to

Shri Ravindra Sharma who introduced me to the beautiful world of Jajmāni Village

4 Acknowledgement

It is with a feeling of immense satisfaction that I complete my thesis today. I hope it to be a humble addition to the previous gamut of work on the jajmāni system and Indian tradition. I have been very fortunate to have enjoyed the company of some very profound people in this journey. Here, I would like to have the privilege to express my sincere gratefulness for their kind help and guidance.

First and foremost, I would like to express my deep appreciation and gratefulness to my research supervisor (late) Prof. Navjyoti Singh. I am truly indebted to him for introducing me to the great philosophical traditions of East and West. Prof. Singh was instrumental in providing me the opportunity and encouragement to explore the traditional jajmāni system. This Thesis is a humble effort towards repayment of his debt on me.

I am grateful to Prof. Rajeev Sangal for his much-cherished support and encouragement in every manner during my stay at IIIT-Hyderabad. I feel indebted to him for helping me bring a completion to this work after the sad demise of my supervisor last year. I am grateful to Prof. P.R.K. Rao for his untiring inputs which nudged my mind to further explore and imagine. I am also grateful to Prof. Nandkishore Acharya with whom I had countless discussions, particularly on issues pertaining to Art and Society which helped me explore the relation between the two.

I am also equally grateful to (late) Shri Ravindra Sharma who was kind enough to accept me as an apprentice and made me feel like a family member. Shri Sharma has been the key figure in my life for developing a deep appreciation of the jajmāni system in particular and Indian ethos in general. I also thank Smt. Rajshri Sharma, Apoorv and Divya for making me feel at home in their company. I thank (late) Shri Sadashiv Rao, Shri Harpal Singh and Shri Karunakar Rao for their invaluable inputs and company during my stay in Adilabad. I am also thankful to Shri Gyaneshwar of Kerameri for exposing me to the ojha community and their rich craft tradition. And I thank the larger Kala Ashram family who made me feel part of their own.

I am thankful to Shri Neelkanth ‘Mama’ and Shri Wazir Kurba of the kurba community in North Karnataka. They lovingly explained the different nuances of the ghumantu (nomadic) life as I spent weeks with their herd. I also thank Shri Gopi Krishna of Belgaum who actually introduced me to the kurba community and provided crucial inputs to understand their way of life. I thank Gopi ji for providing me shelter in his home during my numerous visits to Belgaum.

I am thankful to Shri Parshuram Gangavane of Pingoli village in Konkan Maharashtra who was kind enough to explain about the ways of thakar community. I also thank Shri Kanwarjit Nagi for introducing me to Parshuram ji and also for providing me shelter in his home during my stay in Sawantwadi.

I would also like to thank Prof. Gita Dharampal and Prof. Naresh Sharma who were kind enough to provide invaluable comments at the proposal stage of thesis writing. Their critical review has helped in qualitative improvement in compilation of this thesis.

I feel especially grateful to Prof. R. R. Gaur who was an invaluable but rather invisible support in this entire journey. His support has remained during the most crucial times in my life. I thank Prof. Gaur for helping me provide a shape to the thesis.

I am grateful to Shri Pawan Gupta who was instrumental for me to realize my inner calling. I thank Pawan ji for introducing me to Dharampal ji in person and his work on pre-British Indian society. I also like to thank Shri Ganesh Bagaria for introducing me to Madhyastha-Darshan (Co- existentialism). I would also thank my colleagues in Center for Exact Humanities whose opinions I have always valued. I thank all my friends for their intellectual and emotional support during this journey.

I am thankful to my parents (late) Dr. Yashpal Satya and Prof. Santosh Satya and my uncle Dr. Ransingh Arya who were instrumental in sowing seeds of affinity and interest towards the Indian

6 village in me. I thank my wife Ruchi Negi who have stood by me in every possible way during this journey and who often undertook some difficult trips with me to rural interiors.

Harsh Satya 9th July 2019

7 Abstract

Modern times have witnessed unprecedented material growth leading to increase in efficiency, comfortability and longevity of life. The success of modernity has attracted attention and curiosity of global community. However, behind the silver screen of modern glamour lie some existential challenges which are threatening not only the human welfare but also the existence of life itself on this planet.

Some of these challenges include ever growing unsustainability of modern lifestyles, decimation of diversity in various spheres and a general disinterest seen in modern mind towards issues which do not have immediate bearing on one’s living (specifically material wellbeing). These challenges ought to be taken up head on in contemporary times in order to address the concerns fundamentally.

In this context, exploration of the jajmāni system which was prevalent in traditional Indian society appears to be an important domain for study. Indian society has been known for being home to rich diversity. India has been home to all the major religions of the World, hundreds of languages are spoken by its people, thousands of gods are worshipped, and many important philosophical schools find patronage in Indian social institutions. Also, there are sufficient indications that there used to be a prime concern as well as facilitation of ‘collective contemplation’ on fundamental issues of humanity including the primal condition of man through various artistic modes. The jajmāni system also deserves to be analyzed from the point of view of sustainability and local self-sufficiency as it is usually claimed that it provided widespread prosperity to people.

Even though the jajmāni system has attracted the interest of large number of scholars in the last century, however not much emphasis is discernible in these works has been done to understand these concerns. The present study on jajmāni system has attempted to study it from the following four major concerns- - The birth and sustenance of diversity in jajmāni villages.

8 - The role and importance of ‘culture of collective contemplation’ with regard to ensuring ‘unity-in-diversity’ in the society. - The self-sufficiency and sustainability of jajmāni villages. - And, the causes behind the collapse of jajmāni system in modern times.

For all these, it is also important to grasp the philosophical basis and the key principles on which the jajmāni system was established over a long period.

However, it is pertinent to note that at present it is not possible for one to come across a village which is actually functioning on the principles of jajmāni system. Therefore, for a comprehensive understanding, a conceptual model has to be visualized based on its formative principles and the bits of available information on it. In this regard, the present study reviewed available literature to identify and understand the underlying philosophical concepts and also to understand the system’s functioning. We have also attempted to identify and learn from a few rather unconventional resources to improve upon our understanding. One important resource has been Shri Ravindra Sharma, who extensively studied the functioning of the system in Adilabad region of southern India by actually living amongst several traditional communities for more than two decades and learning their crafts. In addition to him, this study has also extensively interacted with community elders of two communities in Western India- the kurbas (shepherds) and the thākar (traditional puppeteers).

The spectrum of our literature review has addressed two broad interests- one, to understand salient concepts that are needed for this study and the other, to critically assess the existing status of information on jajmāni system. Consequently, the whole review is categorized in four different but connecting sections. The four sections are as follows: - Salient views on Origins of ‘Society’ and Concerns of Diversity - The Importance of Collective Contemplation and the roles of Public-Private Realms - A critical review of the core literature on jajmāni system - Studies to understand philosophical basis of jajmāni system

9 The jajmāni system in very brief can be understood as a social system of direct inter-dependency and mutual fulfilment amongst the families in a village community. The institution of jāti (caste) becomes pivotal to this arrangement. The system is founded on the basic philosophical principles of mokśa (liberation)- as the purpose of life and ‘yajña’ (mutual fulfillment) as a way of living.

The diversity in the jajmāni system is protected and sustained by the institution of jāti (caste), which ensures family-based production system. Moreover, diversity gets constantly enriched in rich spaces of ‘collective contemplation’ where new ideas and beliefs get born. The numerous artist communities who have enjoyed patronage in jajmāni system can be credited to create a rich culture of ‘collective contemplation’. Such spaces seem to adhere to the classical idea of public space (in Greek tradition) or samāja (in Indic tradition).

Numerous artist communities like the traditional story-tellers, drama performers, puppeteers, painters, folk singers etc. have found patronage in the jajmāni system. These artist communities have been responsible for creating rich culture of collective contemplation (on fundamental issues of human concern). They find their inspiration from the classical treatise on drama- the nāttyaśātra which provides an understanding of the purpose of art and its primal relation with society.

This study considers the artist communities to be playing a central role in the functioning and stability of jajmāni system. Such a culture is key to birth of diversity in society and also for the unifying force between diverse beliefs. Next, we have found the family-based production system a key requirement for protecting and sustaining diversity in the Indian society. Such a production system is ably supported by tool-based small-scale technology, which was apt for meeting production needs without disturbing the existing diversity in society. In this regard, the institution of jāti (caste) must be credited for diversity conservation. Lastly, we discovered that the economic self-sufficiency and sustainability of the system can be credited to the nature of its local market and the mode of production which ensured full employment opportunities and environment friendly methods of production.

The insights obtained during the course of this study can be useful to address the problem of diversity sustenance in contemporary society and the challenges of sustainability and self- sufficiency for local community living.

11 Contents Acknowledgement Abstract

Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Background: A Look at Basic Human Aspiration 17 1.2 Our Natural Environment- Unity in Diversity 17 1.3 Contemporary Attitude Towards Knowledge and Diversity 19 1.3.1 Dominant Attitude Towards Knowledge in Contemporary Times 20 1.3.2 Dominant Attitude towards Diversity in Modern Times 22 1.4 Need for Exploring the Jajmāni System Comprehensively 25 1.5 Jajmāni System: A Brief Introduction 27 1.6 Previous Studies on Jajmāni System- Some Untraced Domains 30 1.7 Research Hypothesis and Problem Statement 32 1.8 Methodology of Exploration 32 1.9 A brief overview of the Flow of Thesis Chapters 33

Chapter 2: Review of Relevant Literature 2.1 Introduction 35 2.2 Review of Literature on Origins of ‘Society’ and Concerns of Diversity 37 2.2.1 Theories on Origins of Society: Functionalist, Marxist, Phenomenologist Views and Varņa-aśrama Conception in India 37 2.2.2 Importance of Diversity and its Plight in Modern Times 43 2.2.3 Experiment of Multiculturalism to Manage Diversity in Society 48 2.2.4 Modern Separation of Public and Private Realm to Manage Diversity 51 2.3 Importance of Collective Contemplation- The Roles of Public-Private Realms in Classical Times 53 2.3.1 ‘Action’ and ‘Polis’ in Hannah Arendt’s Thought 55 2.3.2 The ‘Private’ & ‘Public’ Individual in Navjyoti Singh’s Thought 60

12 2.3.3 Collective Interest in Dharma – the Unifying Force in Collective Contemplation 62 2.3.4 Locating the ‘Space of Drama’ in the Context of ‘Realm of Collective Contemplation’ 67 2.4 Review of Core Literature on Jajmāni System 67 2.4.1 The Indian Village- Some Salient Perceptions 68 2.4.2 Economic Autonomy of Indian Village According to Wiser: A Case of Karimpur 71 2.4.3 Dumont’s Views on Jajmāni System 73 2.4.4 Srinivas’ Criticism of ‘Village Community’: Formulations on Dominant Castes and Sanskritization 77 2.4.5 Fuller’s Endorsement of Village Community: Importance of Cultural Integration 81 2.4.6 Some Other Views on Indian Village 83 2.4.7 Factors Responsible for Disintegration of Indian Village: Dharampal, Sundarlal, Dutt and Dirks’ Analysis of Impact of Colonial Rule on India 86 2.4.8 Towards an Indian Sense of Past: Dharampal and Navjyoti Singh’s Efforts to Bring New Light to Indian ‘Darkness’ 89 2.5 Review of Literature to Understand Philosophical Basis of Jajmāni System 93 2.5.1 Exploring Important Philosophical Concepts to Understand Jajmāni System 94 2.6 Conclusions 98

Chapter 3: Learning from Ravindra Sharma’s Work and Field Interactions 101 3.1 Brief Introduction of Ravindra Sharma’s Work 102 3.1.1 Some Key Observations by Ravindra Sharma on Jajmāni System 106 3.1.2 The Jātis in Adilabad as Described by Ravindra Sharma 114 3.1.3 Some Festivals in Adilabad 115

13 3.2 A Study of Kurbā Community in Belgaum Region 119 3.3 A Study of the Thākar Community in Sawantwadi Region 122 3.4 Conclusions 123

Chapter 4: Understanding the Key Principles and Characteristics of Jajmāni system

4.1 The Concept of Mokśa (liberation) in Indic tradition 126 4.2 The Concept of Rina (existential debt) 129 4.2.1 Debt Dissolution is in Forward Direction 130 4.2.2 Mokśa (liberation) as Freedom from all Debts 131 4.3 The Concept of Yajña in Indic Tradition 132 4.3.1 To See Yajña as a Ritualistic Action 134 4.3.2 Yajña in Bhagavad-Gitā 137 4.3.3 Yajña as Exchange 139 4.4 Key Parameters of Jajmāni System, Particularly Emerging from Ravindra Sharma’s Work 140 4.4.1 The Institution of Jāti (Caste): Harnesser of Diversity 141 4.4.2 The category of vritti 149 4.4.3 The Institution of Purohita 152 4.4.4 Principles of Village Economy 153 4.4.5 The problem of Changing Jāti 157 4.4.6 Family Based Production 158 4.4.7 Tool Based Technology 159 4.5 Multiple Currencies for Exchange 162 4.6 Festivals are Economic Opportunities 165 4.7 The Institution of Pancāyata 166 4.8 Jajmāni System in Harmonious Relation with Nature 170 4.9 Visualization of Jajmāni System 172 4.10 Conclusion 175

Chapter 5: Role of Nāttya (drama & other art forms) to Promote Contemplative Spaces in Jajmāni system 5.1 Introduction 178 5.2 Brief Introduction of Nāttyaśāstra 180 5.3 The Purpose of Drama as Given in Nāttyaśāstra 182 5.4 State of sadhāranikaran and Obstacles to it 185 5.5 Construction of a Playhouse to Protect Drama from Obstacles 188 5.6 ‘External Obstacles’ Mentioned in Nāttyaśāstra 190 5.7 Construction of Playhouse is Considered to be a Yajña 193 5.8 Conclusion 194

Chapter 6: Jajmāni system’s Encounter with Modernity in the Colonial Era- Factors for its Decay

6.1 Introduction 197 6.2 Extent of Industrial Production in Pre-British India and its Eventual Collapse 200 6.2.1 Economic Assault in Bengal 206 6.2.2 Methods Employed to Destroy Indigenous Industries 211 6.2.3 Change in Method of Taxation and its Resulting Impact on Trading 212 6.2.4 Collapse of Indian Industries 216 6.3 Re-constitution of Caste and Collapse of Indian Polity under Colonial Rule 219 6.4 The 1833 Charter Act- Introduction of Indian Penal Code 226 6.5 Indigenous System of Education and its Subsequent Collapse 230 6.5.1 The Traditional Structure of Support for the Education System 233 6.5.2 The Demolition of Educational Institutions Through Colonial Policies 235 6.6 Collapse of Traditional Panchāyats 239 6.7 Collapse of Bhikśā Vritti 241 6.8 Conclusion 243

Chapter 7: Salient Learnings and Conclusions 7.1 A Fresh Look at Jajmāni System 245 7.2 Main Explorations and their Outcome 247 7.2.1 Exploring the Philosophical Basis of Jajmāni System 247 7.2.2 Diversity in Jajmāni System 249 7.2.3 Development of Contemplative Spaces in Jajmāni System 251 7.2.4 Sustainability in Jajmāni System 252 7.2.5 Factors of Decay 253 7.3 Divergence from Previous Studies and Additional Contribution 254 7.4 Relevance for Future 255

Appendix- I Appendix- II Appendix- III References List of Publications

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1 Background: A Look at Basic Human Aspiration

The Human being is considered to be a co-existence of ‘mind’ and ‘body’; of that which is mental and that which is material. Therefore, one can say that human well-being is essentially about a harmonious co-existence between mind and body.

Pursuit of knowledge can have said to be the primary human aspiration which distinguishes him from animals. A human being is intrinsically a curious being. In other words, a human being’s fundamental motivation (as opposed to that of any other species) is acquisition, refinement and propagation of knowledge. And the domain of knowledge ought to cover both the material and the non-material aspects of reality.

Knowledge is also considered to be the primary tool for ensuring sustenance and wellbeing of life. Whether it be material wellbeing or mental (and spiritual) wellbeing, knowledge is essential for both. Whatever wellbeing mankind has achieved till date owes to the unwavering pursuit of knowledge. And whatever solutions to current problems lie in the womb of future, can only be revealed through this pursuit. ‘What is to be done?’ and ‘how is it to be done?’ will find their answers as Man pursues knowledge. In this way, it can be said that knowledge is both a means and ends in human endeavor.

1.2 Our Natural Environment- Unity in Diversity

Man does not live alone in the world. He is amidst other men. And all men are amidst the larger Nature. His sustenance (material well-being) and his progress (aspirational fulfilment) are with and amidst larger mankind and Nature. There is no escape from human relationships and

17 relationships with rest of Nature such as plants, animals, birds, insects, soil, water, rivers, mountains etc.

It is pertinent to appreciate that Nature exists in its diversity and in fact by virtue of its diversity. A forest is home to hundreds of animal species, and thousands of plant and insect species. Rich biodiversity is symbolic of a rich forest. Thinning of biodiversity is symptomatic of a dying forest. The biodiversity on the planet is not only essential for human survival, but even for the planet’s wellbeing. The health of the ecosystem is directly dependent on the health of its biodiversity. Different species in a forest are responsible for different roles, each being as critical as the other. Loss of a particular species is therefore tantamount to loss of some vital contribution, which in turn would adversely affect the overall balance of the ecosystem.

Within the forest, contestations between diverse species is observed. However, these contestations do not result in depletion of the forest. There is a ‘mystical’ unifying force in the forest which keeps it together despite the innumerable contestations taking place in it. The forest is a place of ‘Unity-in-Diversity’. The balance and order of the forest is sustained amongst innumerable diverse species.

Rich diversity exists amongst human beings as well. Man has over centuries developed innumerable food preparations, clothing styles, home designs etc. In the same way, thousands of languages have been naturally developed. Many ideas and belief systems too have got developed in the natural course of events.

The diversity in human thoughts essentially cater to development and refinement of knowledge production. Diverse interests, views, cultures only add to the overall richness of knowledge tradition. But there are contestations too amongst different ideas and beliefs. And these contestations can lead to chaos if not for appropriate interweaving of human diversity.

18 Much scholarly work has been done to understand and give importance to the diversity in Nature and in human realm. However, it has become a difficult task to manage diversity in modern times. It is now well acknowledged that biodiversity is seriously in decline today. And so is the case with cultural diversity.

1.3 Contemporary Attitude Towards Knowledge and Diversity

It is true that contemporary times have seen phenomenal growth in material progress of mankind. Such production of wealth is certainly unprecedented in the history of man. The glamour of modernity’s success has successfully captured the attention of all. However, some serious fallacies lie behind the silver screen of modern success. These fallacies are causing serious maladies threatening the very survival of life on planet. Such serious is the situation that today our very own survival is threatened by our progress; global warming and global war being extreme but real examples of it. If man’s progress becomes a threat to his survival (and of other life forms), then perhaps it is the right time to re-evaluate the very fundamentals of our progress.

Re-evaluation of modern notions of progress can begin by understanding the modern attitude towards knowledge. Amongst other things, it can be justifiably said that modern times have seen a systemic neglect of the non-material (consciousness) aspect of reality by knowledge institutions. Moreover, the methods of inquiry have been such that they have failed to appreciate the interwoven aspect of life; of mind and body, of mankind and Nature. The result of this neglect has been growth of such human aspirations which are neither sustainable (for they are largely disconnected with Nature) and nor do they result in inner satisfaction in man.

The other serious concern is the depleting state of diversity on the planet. The modern attitude seems to consider diversity of all kinds to be a roadblock in material progress. With the development of modern tools of production (which are mechanized and heading towards increasing automation) any kind of cultural or regional diversity acts as a hindrance. The modern method of production has achieved immense wealth creation but at the cost of flattening cultural

19 diversity. It is important to appreciate that in long term human sustainability is dependent on diversity in human realm (and on the planet).

1.3.1 Dominant Attitude Towards Knowledge in Contemporary Times

The contemporary situation is such that knowledge pursuits have largely ignored the non- material (consciousness) aspect of reality and limited themselves to the intricacies of the material world. This attitude stems from a view that “objective” reality alone can be considered a source of reliable knowledge. This insistence on objective reality alone, can be considered a defining transition between the classical era to the modern era. With advent of modernity an attitude dominated in scholarly pursuits which separated ‘know thyself’ from ‘know Nature’ and ignored the first aspect [Dhar, P.L. and Gaur, R.R. 1992]1. A push in this direction was provided by the famous French philosopher and mathematician Renes Descartes. His mode of thinking, known as Mechanical Philosophy separated matters of Mind from matters of body (and choosing to only focus on the latter). Giving a historical perspective to students of technology about the development of modern science, Dhar and Gaur would explain this attitude: “The Cartesian Dualism- viz. removal of every trace of psychic from the material nature- was admirably suited for the purposes of modern sciences and held its sway till late 20th century” [Dhar, P.L. and Gaur, R.R 1992, p.48].

Taking it further, Darwin’s “naturalism” popularized this attitude in modern knowledge pursuits. Naturalism emphatically established the primacy of facts alone. Popularity and general acceptance of Darwinian thought emboldened the school of thought which considers objective reality alone as source of reliable knowledge [Ed. Prakash, Anand 2004]2. And therefore, facts alone began to be considered as reliable and the non-material aspect of reality faced a systemic neglect in institutions of knowledge.

1 Dhar, P.L. and Gaur, R.R. “Science & Humanism: Towards a Unified World View” Commonwealth Publishers, New Delhi 1992. 2 Prakash, Anand “Nineteenth Century Thought: An Introduction” Worldview Publications, Delhi 2004.

20 One unforeseen result of this separation of non-material reality from knowledge pursuits was that with time knowledge got largely reduced to mere tool for material well-being. The contrast between the ancient and modern attitude towards knowledge can well be summed up by the following anecdote given by Dhar and Gaur: Euclid, on being asked by a pupil at the end of his first lesson in Geometry what he would get by learning such things, is said to have called his servant and remarked “give him a coin since he must… make gain by what he learns” [Dhar, P.L. and Gaur, R.R. 1992, p.58].

And so, knowledge acquisition in contemporary times has largely got reduced to skill acquisition, whose sole purpose is to sustain life and make it comfortable.

While the focus on material reality has resulted in material opulence and comfort in one’s life, aspects of human consciousness and human relationships have got largely ignored. There is a need to assign importance to the understanding of human relationships, aspirations, identity, purpose of human life, death etc. in the contemplative domain in order for the society to make sensible use of the hard-earned material opulence. Without making sense of what is to be done with the material opulence, it loses relevance in human life and becomes ‘immaterial’. The energy and resources utilized to generate such material opulence thus become rather wasteful.

The willful ignorance of consciousness by the modern knowledge institutions has resulted in de- recognition of those (ancient) cultures which have paid great attention to workings of mind and consciousness. Such attitude adopted by knowledge power houses throughout the world has only further aggravated the situation of depleting diversity, as many rich cultures today find themselves de-valued and rendered irrelevant.

21 1.3.2 Dominant Attitude towards Diversity in Modern times

As mentioned earlier, the reality of Man is that he exists amidst diversity of mankind and Nature. However, human effort in modern times seems to be towards wiping off this diversity in various ways.

For example, David Satcher, former U. S. surgeon general has expressed his concerns towards loss of cultural diversity in health institutions, adversely impacting public health3. Similarly, linguists around the world have expressed grave concern about loss of languages. Ken Hale has written about the loss of languages around the world; nearly 90% of them are “imperiled”4. Hale considers this endangerment as a catastrophic loss to “human intellectual” wealth. Sharing the concern, Marianne Mithun called language as “most valuable human intellectual resource”5, and hence loss of hundreds of languages across the world is seen a great loss to knowledge tradition. Similar alarm bells are rung by environmentalists6, biologists7 and people concerned with rights8.

However, this diversity is on a rapid decline. The extent of species lost in the last century has rung many alarm bells, often being referred to as “the sixth extinction” [Orr 2003]9. The survival of life on this planet is said to be under threat due to this. The depletion of Diversity is however not limited to flora and fauna on the planet, but it is also observed in human affairs.

3 Satcher, David. "The Importance of Diversity to Public Health." Public Health Reports (1974-) 123, no. 3 (2008): 263. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20723340. 4 Hale, Ken. “On endangered languages and the importance of linguistic diversity”. Endangered Languages: Current issues and future prospects p. 192 Ed. Lenore A. Grenoble and Lindsay J. Whaley Cambridge University Press 1999. 5 Mithun, Marianne. “The significance of diversity in language endangerment and preservation”. Endangered Languages: Current issues and future prospects p. 163 Ed. Lenore A. Grenoble and Lindsay J. Whaley Cambridge University Press 1999. 6 Shiva, Vandana. “Monocultures of Mind”. Zed Books Ltd. New York 1993. 7 Gamfeldt, Lars, Helmut Hillebrand, and Per R. Jonsson. "Multiple Functions Increase the Importance of Biodiversity for Overall Ecosystem Functioning." Ecology 89, no. 5 (2008): 1223-231. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27651669. 8 Appanah, S., and L. Ratnam. "THE IMPORTANCE OF FOREST BIODIVERSITY TO DEVELOPING COUNTRIES IN ASIA." Journal of Tropical Forest Science 5, no. 2 (1992): 201-15. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43581027. 9 Orr, David W. "Diversity." Conservation Biology 17, no. 4 (2003): 948-51. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3588848.

22 In modern times, diversity in human realm is considered by many to be a road-block to the (material) progress of Man. In words of David Orr who writes on the declining state of Diversity in the world: “But the problem is not limited to the decline of biological diversity. Many of the same forces that erode biological diversity jeopardize diversity of all kinds, including that of the languages and culture. The modern world it seems is at war with difference even while professing devotion to it” [Orr 2003, p. 948].

Orr ties the beginning of modernization project with ideas of “standardization, legibility, efficiency and control”. The contestations that exist due to diversity are feared to result in inefficiency and disorder in society. A certain regimentation is considered necessary to ensure progress of humanity. The tools of regimentation according to him were standardized methods of reasoning (which he relates with development of a unified science) and development of a single language which alone would be fit to handle the precisions of knowledge.

The unfortunate result of rapid and mass standardization taken up as part of modernizing the world has been ‘desituating’ people from their cultural roots [Orr 2003], a phrase Orr borrows from his contemporary Toulmin10. The cultural uprooting has consequently led to weakening and loss of many knowledge traditions. Orr argues that the modern world in its enthusiasm to ensure order through standardization has lost the capacity to deal with aspects of reality that are uncertain, including the value of people to think diversely.

Orr proposes a five-point solution towards conservation and promotion of diversity, which is discussed in later segment [Orr 2003, pp.949-951].

The roots of “desituating” people can perhaps be traced to the separation of work (production) from familial household. With advent of modernization, production was made part of a centralized process, and thus the public space got redefined. The public space became a space of

10 Toulmin, S. “Return to Reason” Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 2001

23 production and was therefore required to become standardized for orderly and efficient production. The private realm of family on the other hand was divorced from any production activity. It was merely expected to protect and conserve the diversity of its cultural heritage.

More recent efforts like the ‘project of multiculturalism’, which has been actively adopted by European and North American countries are attempts to manage diversity without disturbing the centralized and standardized practices of production. After almost half a century of effort, the project of multiculturalism at best has achieved mixed results, though many scholars and politicians have regarded it a failure altogether. This is discussed in greater detail in later segment.

To summarize, there is a need to explore a social system which is conducive to the natural growth of diversity, since diversity is an integral requirement for not only human sustenance but also for human progress (knowledge production). Such a social system must be able to fulfill two basic requirements. First, it should facilitate people with diverse backgrounds and beliefs to harmoniously live together and participate in a rich contemplative space of ideas. Second, it should provide affordance to ordinary people to pursue knowledge not merely as a tool of material well-being but as an end in itself. Such a social system should be conducive to the natural tendency in Man to pursue knowledge and live with diversity. Further, the diversity manifested amongst men in terms of skills, aptitude and capabilities also needs to be carefully harnessed for the benefit of society as a whole.

In this context, the present study attempts to draw learnings from the traditional Indian society, which is known to be home to rich diversity; hundreds of languages, millions of gods, innumerable customs etc. It is also well known that the traditional Indian society was structured on what is called the ‘jajmāni system’. And therefore, learning from the traditional jajmāni system should prove to be educative.

24 1.4 Need for Exploring the Jajmāni System Comprehensively

Sufficient evidence is available to indicate that ample diversity existed in Indian society. The diversity is experienced not only across regions in the sub-continent but also within a village (or a cluster of villages). In Indian villages, one would normally encounter different customs, food habits, styles of clothing, celebration of festivities, and even languages. Noted scholar on jajmāni system M. N. Srinivas who has given a detailed account of his own village Rampura in southern India, corroborates the rich diversity observed not only in a geographical region but also within his village. In his one of the later essays he writes: “Indian culture is characterized by enormous diversity. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the cultural situation in India varies every few miles. And even within a single village, each caste has a culture which is somewhat different from that of others. It fact, it would not be an exaggeration to state that each kinship unit has its own distinctive cultural practices… (The diversity) is now threatened by homogenizing forces both from within the country and abroad” [Srinivas M. N. 1996]11.

Srinivas refers to the times of his childhood. The street where he grew up as a child had homes belonging to only Brahmin families, yet four different languages namely Kannada, Tamil, Telugu and Marathi were spoken in different households. Moreover, such was the extent of diversity in his village Rampura (near Mysore), that the neighborhood of shepherds (belonging to kuruba community) which existed immediately behind his street appeared to him a different world altogether [Srinivas M. N. 1996].

The rich diversity however was well integrated, so much so that a village functioned as one unit. Commenting on the unity of the Indian village, Srinivas in this essay writes: “I have stressed the differences between the shepherds and brahmins but I should not fail to mention that commonalities also existed in the area of institutions, values and

11 Srinivas, M. N. "Indian Anthropologists and the Study of Indian Culture." Economic and Political Weekly 31, no. 11 (1996): 656-57. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4403911

25 beliefs. For instance, the institution of pilgrimage to the shrine of a favorite and the idea of making votive offerings to him (or her), to mention but two instances, were common to both. … both inhabited the same cultural universe, though different segments of it. The situation is best described by terming the shepherds as the ‘self-in-the-other’ of the brahmins and vice versa. What is true of the shepherds is also true of other castes” [Srinivas M. N. 1996: p.656].

This view makes it a case for us to consider the Indian village to be an apt case of “unity-in- diversity”12. An investigation into the principles of jajmāni system, which forms the structural basis of the Indian village should therefore be relevant to our exploration.

In addition to diversity integration, the jajmāni system was also successful in achieving economic self-sufficiency in the villages. This view was held by the early British administrators (early nineteenth century) who studied the functioning of Indian villages. For example, the collector of Madras F. W. Ellis described the Indian village as “a case of common wealth” [Dumont 2013, p.33- 34]13. Much later towards the middle of twentieth century, William H. Wiser also confirms this view when he studied the functioning of a north Indian village [Wiser 1988]14. According to Wiser, the village provided full employment opportunities to all its residents, so much so, none felt the need to migrate to the nearby town of Mainpuri.

Lastly, and perhaps the most important aspect of the jajmāni system was its ability to develop a rich culture of contemplation. Apart from other things, it is also well acknowledged that jajmāni system provided patronage to innumerable artist communities; singers, dramatists, painters, sculptors, puppeteers, storytellers, gymnasts etc. The remnants of these communities are visible even today. These communities invested their efforts in development of various art forms, and through them propagation of philosophical ideas amongst the masses. Taking an example from

12 It may be mentioned that Srinivas in earlier works have questioned the unity of village. 13 Dumont, Louis. “The ‘village community’ from Munro to Maine” The Village in India Ed. Vandana Madan Oxford University Press 2013 14 Wiser, William H. “The Hindu Jajmani System: A Socio-Economic System Interrelating Members of a Hindu Village Community in Services” Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Delhi, 1988 (first published in 1936).

26 Srinivas’ works, the community of harikathā performance facilitated contemplation on such philosophical issues. Srinivas termed this activity as “sanskritization”, which according to him was intended to familiarize the masses with the concepts in classical Sanskrit literature. In this way the ordinary village folk thereby enjoyed opportunities to delve on issues of dharma, karma, mokśa etc. (These are some important philosophical contributions by Indian civilization which are popularly discussed by ordinary folks. Each concept requires a detailed explanatory analysis which we cannot undertake here). Thus it can be said, the jajmāni village by patronizing such communities actively encouraged facilitation of a culture of collective contemplation.

We can say with much confidence that the jajmāni system becomes a fit case study of a social organization which not only ensures economic prosperity but is also successful in conservation and management of cultural diversity. The modern world would have important learnings to gain from the study of this ancient system. And therefore, an investigation into the principles of village organization based on jajmāni system would be relevant to understand the methods of diversity management and celebration.

The jajmāni system got disintegrated in last two centuries under the colonial administration. Presently it is not possible to find a village which is still functioning on the basis of jajmāni relations in the true sense. Our study therefore is based upon identifying and understanding of some key concepts of jajmāni system. The evidence collected is used to construct a conceptual visualization of the jajmāni village community. This conceptualization is supported through the fragments of evidences collected from previous research outcomes, the work of Ravindra Sharma based on nearly 20 years of exploration in Adilabad and our direct interaction with selective community elders.

1.5 Jajmāni System: A Brief Introduction

At this juncture it will be appropriate to give a brief description of the workings of the jajmāni system. As the name suggests, the system draws its inspiration from the civilizational concept of

27 ‘yajña’15. The system is based on mutually fulfilling relationships and promotes the value that life itself is a large yajña and individual actions need to be seen as offerings to the larger whole. In the jajmāni system, people, in turn, act as jajmāns i.e. performer of yajña under the guidance of a purohita (priest); the whole action is dedicated to the benefit of all in the community. In the process all others join to contribute their respective services to facilitate the successful performance of yajña.

In other words, the stability of jajmāni system is dependent on individuals working with the purpose of serving the needs of their respective jajmāns. In the system, each family acts as service provider to other families and also act as their jajmāna in a rotational mechanism.

The system can be understood as a social system of reciprocity between different families (belonging to different castes). The reciprocity is played through direct exchange of services, not on immediate basis but over a period of time. The family which is receiving the service is referred by the term jajmāna and the family which is providing the particular service is called kām-wāle or kām-karnewāle (both the words were used by Wiser in his study of a north Indian village16).

To explain it using a simple example, let us take the case between a farmer and potter in a village. In this system, both will exchange (the products of) their services in a pre-negotiated arrangement over the year: the farmer provides grains to potter, and the potter provides earthen ware to farmer. The period of exchange is usually one year and therefore allows for a certain time deferment. This means, that a farmer is not expected to provide the potter grains each time the potter provides him with an earthen pot. The supply of grains is at times of harvest (which may be twice in one year), however the supply of pots can be more regular or even on demand basis. This is in contrast with a usual market place where such an exchange would require the farmer to present grain and the potter to present pots at the same time (and same location).

15 The ancient Indic practice of oblations into a holy fire. The term is often translated as sacrifice. 16 Wiser, W.H. (1988), p. xx

28 In this way there appears to be a certain asymmetry in the system. However, the stability in the system assumes that a breakeven is achieved between the farmer and the potter over an elongated period of one year (or more). Only then, would they be eager to continue with the same arrangement in subsequent years.

The stability in the system comes from the practice of “fixed clientele”. Each family is served by a set of dedicated kām-wāle families and each family has a dedicated jajmāna families. In other words, every family enjoys fixed and dedicated jajmāni relations. These dedicated relations ensure full employment opportunity to all the members of the community.

Such an arrangement is between all families of all castes in the village and can be referred as jajmāni relations. Each family plays the jajmāna and the kāmwāle to some family or the other on a rotational basis. In this manner, material needs of all families are expected to be fulfilled and thereby a certain stability in the system is ensured.

While the material production and exchange cater to fulfillment of necessities of families residing in the village, it does not however disturb the socio-cultural diversity. Each caste has developed its diverse ways of living. For example, when observed carefully, one would notice that each caste may have its own food preparations and eating habits, different design of homes, different styles of dressing; they observe different rituals for common human phenomena like birth of a child or death, worship different gods/goddesses etc. So much so, it is learnt that traditional doctors even prescribe different doses of medicine for the same disease to people from different castes! All this diversity in ways of living is protected and nurtured and duly respected.

The primary reason for this diversity appears to be a decentralized, home-based production system that has been adopted. Unlike modern times, which saw a separation of home from workplace and therefore demanded a certain standardization at workplace, no such requirement is seen in the jajmāni system.

29 The jajmāni relations can extend outside the boundaries of a village, as not all services may be available in it. For example, if in a certain village there is no resident weaver, in such a case the particular service can be sought from a neighboring village (or even a distant village) which has weavers residing in it. In this way, the jajmāni system naturally extends to a cluster of villages in a limited geographical region (called dehāt17 in north India). Such a region can be considered to be economically self-sufficient entity where material needs of people are fulfilled through production and exchange at local level18.

Lastly, as mentioned earlier, the jajmāni system provides patronage to numerous artist communities. These communities through regular performances of their respective art forms facilitate creation of rich culture of collective contemplation in the village. This study considers this a significant aspect of jajmāni system which has been largely overlooked by earlier scholars.

A more detailed analysis of the system will be presented in subsequent chapters.

1.6 Previous Studies on Jajmāni System- Some Untraced Domains

The traditional jajmāni system has been an object of curiosity and analysis for last couple of centuries. Many British administrators and western scholars have shown interest in its functioning, and much literature is available on its analysis.

The attention of western scholars has been largely limited to understanding the unfamiliar category of caste. Much work has been done to dissect various aspects of caste and its socio- economic impact on the Indian society. Many of the Indian scholars have continued with this interest in caste. Additionally, much effort has been put to understand the economic self- sufficiency of the Indian village, which is credited to the principles of jajmāni system.

17 This term is popular Hindi speaking areas of north India, referring to a cluster of villages. In Punjab it is called pind. 18 A similar assertion is made by Karunakaran, a well-known Gandhian in his monograph “Rural Economic Zone: Economy as if People & Planet Mattered” p. 1 MGIRI publications 2010.

However, it is interesting to see that none have studied the system from the point of problem of diversity in human society. Jajmāni system’s ability to sustain and enrich human diversity seem to be an important aspect that needs scholarly attention. In contemporary times, such an attention acquires significance since depletion of diversity, both in human realm and also in ecological realm is a global concern. In these times, when West’s experiment with multiculturalism seems to have hit a road block, looking back at the jajmāni system afresh may provide us with some way forward.

The present study is an attempt to re-look at the jajmāni system to understand its inherent ability to nurture diversity, which is natural for any human society. Congruent to this concern is our second concern which is to understand the system’s ability to create a rich culture of ‘collective contemplation’ through various art forms, since it is through contemplation (on issues of dharma- adharma)19 that human beings begin new initiatives. The richness of collective contemplation is considered to be a factor of how well issues of dharma get unraveled in it. It seems that traditional stories enacted through art forms were focused to bring one’s attention to various dharma-sankata (dilemmas that result from contestation in beliefs) and their solutions. The previous studies on jajmāni system have largely overlooked at the importance of ‘collective contemplation’ in Indian society; how issues of dharma dominated the content of ordinary and common spaces collective contemplation.

19 One may refer to Navjyoti Singh’s explanation of the word dharma in “Good Manners as a Bridge between World Religions” chapter in Philosophy Bridging the World Religions: A Discourse of the World Religions Ed. Koslowski Peter, p. 72. Published by Kluwer Academic Publishers 2003. Dharma means- “that (disposition) which is (firmly) held”. It can be understood as that innate capacity in man that helps him distinguish between ‘what is right’ from ‘what is wrong’. According to Singh dharma stands for ‘injunctive’ or ‘dispositional’ content that is held as belonging naturally to man. Popularly dharma is used in the sense of ‘quality’ or ‘duty’. And in modern discourse it is often translated as ‘religion’. Singh also informs that in ancient text Rg Veda (3.3.1) the term sanātanadharmani (compound usage of sanātana and dharma) is understood as “ancient injunctions”. One can understand this as- those injunctions that have stood test of time.

31 1.7 Research Hypothesis and Problem Statement

The present investigation was initiated with the hypothesis that the jajmāni system seems to be conducive to birth of diversity and its management. The extent of cultural diversity seen in India indicates this. The system also encouraged collective contemplation in society through various art forms. Moreover, the jajmāni system ensured economic self-reliance in rural India, before it came under severe assault under the colonial rule. The system appears to be conducive for sustainable living.

Accordingly, the present study attempts to explore the jajmāni system from the following concerns- - To understand the extent of diversity present in traditional Indian village. And the jajmāni system’s inherent ability to sustain diversity and encourage new forms of it. - To understand facilitation of collective contemplation in society through various art forms. - To understand the mechanisms that ensured economic self-sufficiency and sustainability in traditional villages. - And, attempt to understand the philosophical basis of the system.

1.8 Methodology of Exploration

The jajmāni system todays stands in ruins and it is not possible to identify a region or a village which is functioning on its basis. Therefore, in order to understand the tenets of it and to verify its ability to accommodate diversity etc. becomes a challenging task.

For the purpose, the method used is three-fold. First, basic concepts of the system were identified from the available literature and other sources of knowledge (oral tradition and local memories). Second, an attempt has been made to understand its philosophical basis and the

32 Indian cultural ethos. And lastly, on the basis of the above and using fragments of evidential information obtained, a model of the jajmāni system was conceptualized and analyzed.

In the process this study was able to identify a rather unconventional but very important source of knowledge to understand the principles and functioning of jajmāni system. Shri Ravindra Sharma extensively studied the system for a period of more than two decades. He found mentorship in many community elders, who not only taught him various skills like painting, pottery, sculpting, metal casting etc. but also helped him understand the aesthetics of social interdependency as was witnessed in the system. Ravindra Sharma has been known and well respected by a small group of social activists and people from academia, some of whom have even written about him and his contribution to society. He brings new insights on the jajmāni system.

1.9 A brief overview of the Flow of Thesis Chapters

The contents of this thesis are broadly divided into seven chapters. The first chapter introduces the theme indicating the need and the context of the exploration and also gives the research problem statement, methodology of exploration etc.

The second chapter gives a review of literature. It is broadly categorized in five segments. The first segment deals with understanding the importance of diversity and factors responsible for its weakening in modern times. The second segment has discussion on the conceptions of society in both the Indic and western scholarly tradition. The fundamental question here is that “why do individuals tend to come together”, to be part of some group formations? A case is made here for the human need of ‘collective contemplation’.

The third segment reviews prominent scholarly work on the jajmāni system, and its eventual disintegration under colonial rule. The fourth segment reviews literature on some key philosophical principles and parameters of the jajmāni system. The fifth segment explores the

33 origins of drama as envisaged in the Indic tradition. The study takes a look at the ‘nāttyaśātra’- treatise on drama in Indic tradition. This review is important as it presents the conceptual relation between art and society, and thereby brings focus to the role of numerous artist communities that were integral part of the jajmāni system. From this it becomes evident that the artist communities were primarily responsible for developing a rich culture of collective contemplation in the Indian village.

The third chapter explores the workings of the jajmāni system with the help of field interactions. These interactions happened in three distinct regions in southern India- Adilabad (with Ravindra Sharma), Belgaum (with Neelkanth Nagappa Kurba of kurba community) and Sawantwadi (with Parshuram Gangavane of thākar community). Evidences were gathered in the field interactions to validate the conceptual imagination of jajmāni system.

The fourth chapter discusses the philosophical principles behind the jajmāni system. These include concepts of yajña, rina (existential debt), mokśa (liberation), vritti, jāti (caste) etc. In addition to this, certain key parameters like the nature of village economy, nature of technology, institution of purohita etc. are also discussed. This chapter also describes the jajmāni system.

The fifth chapter explores the relationship between drama (art) and society as given in nāttyaśātra. The attempt here is to understand the role of numerous artist communities which found patronage in jajmāni system. A conceptual basis for a culture of collective contemplation in Indian society is made here.

The sixth chapter discusses the causes of disintegration of jajmāni system. It looks at the various policy decisions taken under colonial administration which led to the weakening of the system.

The final chapter gives salient conclusions and learnings of the present study, along with relevance in the modern context.

34 Chapter 2

Review of Relevant Literature

2.1 Introduction

In this chapter we review the relevant scholarly work done on traditional jajmāni system. In addition to this, relevant literature on issue of diversity will also be explored to understand its inevitability and the crisis it faces in the present times. To start, a brief review of literature on the prominent conceptions of society is done. And, in this chapter review of literature on some philosophical concepts behind jajmāni system is also taken up. This review is expected to provide the reader not only basic understanding of the jajmāni system but also builds a context in which the jajmāni system should be explored.

The whole review can be categorized in four different but connecting sections. These are as follows: - Salient views on origins of ‘society’ and concerns of diversity - The Importance of collective contemplation and the roles of public-private realms - A critical review of the core literature on jajmāni System - Review to understand philosophical basis of jajmāni System

The first section of literature review concerns itself with the origins of society. The attempt here is to address the fundamental question- why do individuals come together? This section reviews some prominent theories that have discussed the primary motivation behind human society. Related to this aspect is the problem of diversity, since each individual brings along certain uniqueness with him/her. This section explores the inevitability of diversity and the concerns regarding its depletion in modern times.

The second section is a focused on the classical ideas of public and private realm and the nature of their separation in modern times. The discussion on public-private realms is of significance for

35 two reasons- (i) it explains the fundamental reason behind depletion of diversity in modern times, and (ii) provides a basis for examining classical idea of society. As a result of this, the reader is acquainted with the background on which this study attempts to situate the jajmāni system. Useful information from nāttyaśātra- the classical Indian treatise on drama, has been obtained to appreciate the relationship of art and society and that of classical Indic notion of public space.

The third section is a review on the core literature on the traditional jajmāni system. Many scholars from early colonial era have observed the functioning of this system and also analyzed its salient features. Here a critical review of the previous studies on jajmāni system is attempted to understand the existing perceptions as well as gaps in their exploration.

Lastly, the fourth section is a brief review to explore the philosophical basis of jajmāni system. Civilizational concepts like yajña, mokśa (liberation) and rina (debt) are analyzed here. These concepts cannot be attributed to any particular thinker but find their origin in the ancient vedic literature. All this, will provide a philosophical background to the traditional jajmāni system. In addition, this section also explores the thoughts of few thinkers who have explored the nature of man and society. The sentiment of inter-connectedness seems to be common to the idea of yajña and the concerns of these thinkers. Their concerns therefore seem to get addressed in jajmāni system. These concerns include A. Nagaraj Sharma’s theory of Co-existentialism known as madhyastha-darśana20, Mahatma Gandhi’s idea of swadeśi and grāma swarajya21, Gandhian economist J.C. Kumarappa’s idea of service-based economy22 and another celebrated economist E. F. Schumacher’s formulation of Buddhist economy23.

20 Sharma, A. Nagraj “Samadhanatmak Bhautikvaad” Jeevan Vidya Prakashan 2009 21 Gandhi, M. K. “Hind Swaraj: Indian Home Rule” Navjivan Trust, Ahmedabad 2007 22 Kumrappa, J. C. “Economy of Permanence” Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan, Varanasi 1957 (Originally Published in 1945) 23 Schumacher, E. F. "Small is Beautiful: A Study of Economics as if People Mattered” Vintage Books, London 1973

36 The inter-connectedness and co-existential nature of reality is propounded by concept of yajña and also by madhyastha-darśana. The implications of inter-connectedness are seen by Gandhi, Schumacher and Kumarappa, whose work provides appreciation of jajmāni system.

2.2 Review of Literature on Origins of ‘Society’ and Concerns of Diversity

This study begins with addressing the primal question- why do individuals come together? It examines the popular theories on origins of society, both in western and Indic tradition. And since, any gathering of humans involves coming together of diverse individuals, the subsequent concern addressed is the question of diversity. Therefore, a brief review is also presented on the inevitability of diversity, its importance for human progress and how classical and modern societies have attempted to manage it.

2.2.1 Theories on Origins of Society: Functionalist, Marxist, Phenomenologist Views and Varņa- aśrama Conception in India

It is important to have a discussion on ‘origins of society’; conceptions regarding the phenomena of individuals coming together. The primordial question here is- what brings people together? Man, the individual must be lacking something for he felt the need for company.

Etymologically, the word “Society” finds its early usage in middle of sixteenth century. It was used with the context of companionship and associations of persons who are together for a specific purpose. Later on, from the middle of seventeenth century the word gained a more refined usage, when it began to be used for a part of community that is more cultured or educated.

If one is to look at the Hindi language literature, a rather interesting usage for gatherings is noticed. In Hindi, two distinct though similar sounding terms are used to denote animal gathering and human gathering. The word samaja is used for animal gathering, and the word samāja is

37 used for human gathering [Monier Monier-Williams 2005, p.1153]24. In literature, samaja is also used to describe a gathering of fools. This indicates that ancient Indian grammarians saw the need to distinguish gathering of humans from gatherings of other animal species. And to distinguish between gathering of fools and gathering of wise people. Therefore, a discussion on the fundamental character of human gatherings becomes relevant, if one is to explore the origins of society.

A general exploration on three popular notions in Western tradition is presented by Haralambos25. They are given below.

Functionalist View: Shared Values Bring Individuals Together

As described in Haralambos, the theory of functionalism became prominent in the middle of 20th century. It considers a society to behave like a system, composed of numerous parts like Economic system, Political system, Education system, Family etc. A functionalist is required to study each part and the effect of one on another.

According to the functionalist, for society to behave like a system, an integration amongst the various parts is to be ensured. This integration is ensured by “value consensus” amongst them [Haralambos, 2007]. When all parts agree on the same fundamental value, then they will all work to achieve a common goal. Only then a basic integration is possible for society to function smoothly, or in other words for order to be maintained in Society.

Haralambos takes the example of western industrialized society to explain this. According to him, the western society functions orderly due to the shared value of Materialism i.e. the wellbeing of Man is primarily due to material consumption. This value is shared by all its parts; the Economic system tries to increase the production of goods, the Education system tries to impart skills and

24 Monier Monier-Williams “A Sanskrit-English Dictionary: Etymolologically and Philosophically Arranged with special reference to Cognate Indo-European Languages” Asian Educational Services New Delhi 2005 25 Haralambos M. “Sociology: Themes and Perspectives”, Oxford University Press, 2007

38 know-how which will enable increase in production, the Family becomes a place of increased consumption, the Political system tries to ensure non-interruption in production in factories and consumption in families.

Thus, according to the functionalist view, individuals come together when they share values. And for them to work together as a team, they need to ensure a continued consensus on fundamental values.

Marxist View: Material Production is the Basis of Human Gatherings

The Marxist explanation of origin of society is radically different from that of Functionalism. It begins from a simple observation that as mankind progressed from the stage of hunting- gathering of food to the stage when man became a food producer, individuals were naturally required to come together. In the era of agriculture there was a necessity for people to form groupings and work in teams. This in Marxist terminology is explained as- economic relations and factors of production like technology forms the basis of society.

All other social relationships like the political system, the educational system, values system, cultural beliefs etc. are founded over and above the base of economic relations. Marx called it the “super structure” of society. According to him, any significant change in economic relations will cause changes in the super structure. Thus, according to this view individuals come together in order to produce material stuff- food, clothes, house etc.

Haralambos points out that while both the Functionalist and the Marxist theory on society although different, but they still have certain basic commonality between them. Both the views see man’s behavior to be shaped and dictated by the system. The behavior of man in the Functionalist view is determined by the norms and values prevalent in the system, and in the Marxist view is determined by the nature of economic relations in the system [Haralambos 2007].

39 Phenomenological View: Self-image is Primary Concern in Human Gatherings

The third view on origins of society is the Phenomenological view, also known as ‘Interactionism’, which differs from both the Functionalist and Marxist views. The difference is in basic premise on human action itself. The Phenomenological view does not consider human action to be a mere reaction to the external system. It considers human action to be meaningful, and something that originates from within. Therefore, according to Phenomenological view, one needs to find the interpretative meaning behind the action that one sees in order to understand it correctly.

To explain this seemingly complex proposition, Haralambos takes a very simple example of a man and a woman in a room, where the man lights a candle. This simple action is open to multiple interpretations. It could be a case of lighting the room or it could be a ritualistic action, say a birthday party or it could be an aesthetic action involving romance between the two. To understand the action, it becomes imperative to understand the interpretations carried by the actors.

At this juncture it is important to mention about an important concept in the Phenomenological view- the concept of self-image [Haralambos 2007, p.16]. Any interpretation of the actor’s action, involves a component of self-image; the picture of himself. For the phenomenologists, the idea of self is very important to understand. They believe that the self-image is constructed out of the reflection of the reaction of others towards the individual. Thus, study of gestures, manners, appearance and language is important in order to understand and define situations and self.

So, from a phenomenologist’s point of view, people come together primarily to develop a self- image. They believe that it is in company of others only that one would know oneself truly. Society therefore becomes a place of exchange of gestures, manners, communication, interpretations and judgements.

The varņa -aśrama system as developed in Indic tradition

Like in the West, the traditions in India too have held a considered view on society formation. This study took recourse to the work of Prabhu in order to understand the view developed in India26. A brief discussion on it is as follows.

According to Prabhu, the organization of social life is based upon the ancient view on the meaning of human existence, its purpose and its conduct; social as well as individual [Prabhu 2016]. Prabhu calls it the Hindu view on life. We however refer to it also as the Indic view, since many of these concepts find resonance with other civilizational schools like the Buddhist and Jaina views.

Prabhu writes, in Indic thought life merely by itself is considered to have no meaning; its meaning can be seen only as a link in a chain of past and future births. And the progression of life through many births terminates at the point of liberation called mokśa, as cited below; “And essentially the birth of a human being is but an opportunity for him or her to free himself or herself from the bonds of this chain of births by living a life of Dharma…” [Prabhu 2016, p.11].

Any social organization in India was therefore designed with the primary purpose to enable all individuals to reach the terminal point of mokśa. This journey is through karma (deeds/actions) alone and thus the world (or society) is called karma-bhūmi or the realm of action in the Hindu literature.

Thus, in very simply terms, the Indic civilizational view is that when karma (action) is performed according to one’s dharma (appropriate conduct), it enables one to move towards mokśa (point of liberation). A brief discussion on dharma is in chapter 2; how the concept of dharma is commonly understood and how it can be seen as the source of unity amidst diversity.

26 Prabhu, P. “Hindu Social Organization: A study of Socio-Psychological and Ideological Foundations” 4e SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd 2016 (Originally titled “Hindu Social Institutions”, published in 1939).

Now moving on, the civilizational belief has been that to facilitate an individual’s journey towards the point of liberation, the right actions are needed, and the social life of an individual is expected to be organized in a way to facilitate him with the right actions. In Prabhu’s words, this is done as per man’s “developmental stage of nurture i.e. śrama and his natural endowments, dispositions and attitudes i.e. varņa” [Prabhu 2016].

The word āśrama can be understood as ‘a resting place’, e.g. as cited, “The āśramas, then, are to be regarded as the resting places during one’s journey on the way to final liberation which is the final aim of life” [Prabhu 2016, p.53]

There are four āśramas- (i) brahmacarya i.e. student stage (ii) ğruhastha i.e. householder stage (iii) vānaprastha i.e. a preparatory stage for the next one and (iv) samnyāsa i.e. the stage of complete renunciation of societal relations and attachments. Simultaneously there is an imagination of four varņas- brāhmaņa i.e. carriers of knowledge, kśatriya i.e. warriors, vaiśya i.e. farmers and traders and śūdra i.e. service providers and manufacturers.

To summarize, in the varņa-āśrama scheme, the need for individuals to come together is to facilitate actions in such a way that each one moves towards the point of liberation. The system is expected to take into account the natural inclination and nurturing of individuals, so as to enable their actions in the right way. Society can thus become a playground of coordinated actions towards the common goal of liberation.

The Indic thought considers an evolutionary pull towards a terminal point. Thus, each individual is destined to reach the point of liberation. Who will reach first and who will reach last is dependent on the individual’s actions.

Prabhu concludes by reminding that life merely by itself has no meaning; its meaning is understood only as a link in a chain of past and future births, which ultimately terminates at the

42 point of mokśa or liberation. And thus, purpose of any human gathering according to Indian ethos is to facilitate the journey towards the terminal point of purpose.

Therefore, any evaluation of a social system which finds its origin in Indic tradition must include its primary concern regarding facilitation of men to reach the terminal point of mokśa. Gross misreading of Indic systems has happened when looked from a Western view since the very conception of mokśa and its respective concerns are missing in the Western tradition.

2.2.2 Importance of Diversity and its Plight in Modern Times

When people come together, a strange complexity comes into existence, i.e. the problem of diversity. Each individual is unique from the others in some way. And so, in a gathering, each brings with him something new, something different from the others. The resultant diversity is inevitable and also needed for human progress, but at the same time is a challenge to manage.

Therefore, a discussion on diversity becomes relevant here. It not only concerns the progress of mankind and but also concerns the sustenance of life on the planet Earth. The life on mother Earth, as it has developed with all its complexities is primarily due to its inherent ability to encourage and sustain diversity.

Human progress too can be linked to the diversity seen in mankind. An individual’s ability to be imaginative and creative is certainly a result of his exposure to diverse ideas and experiences. Any culture of knowledge production will involve innumerable imaginative and creative initiatives, which will further bolster the existing diversity.

Today, it is well recognized that diversity is on rapid decline on the planet. The extent of species lost in the last century has been a serious problem, and in certain quarters it is being referred as “the sixth extinction” [Orr 2003]27. The phrase certainly rings alarm bells, and one’s attention is

27 Orr, David W. "Diversity." Conservation Biology 17, no. 4 (2003): 948-51. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3588848.

43 brought to the need to work for solutions at the scale of the planet. The corollary of this is that many environmentalists have altogether given up hope of overturning or even restraining our collective march towards extinction of life!

This study is primarily concerned with the condition of diversity in domain of mankind. This is not to say that the two diversities are disconnected and therefore one can be indifferent to the loss of innumerable species. On the other hand, depletion of diversity both in the forest and in society is coequal and therefore perhaps even interrelated. The views of David Orr on this subject is important for our exploration. Orr is a well-respected environmentalist who has been writing on issues of climate change and how the human activities responsible for it have been violating inherent design principles found in mother Nature. Orr connects at a fundamental level the set of factors which have been responsible for demise of diversities both in human realm and in Nature, as cited, “But the problem is not limited to the decline of biological diversity. Many of the same forces that erode biological diversity jeopardize diversity of all kinds, including that of the languages and culture. The modern world it seems is at war with difference even while professing devotion to it” [Orr 2003, p. 948]

Probably the case today is that diversity both in human realm and in Nature is seen to hinder the (material) progress of mankind. Well known Indian sociologist Madhav S. Gore, whose work on urbanization’s impact on familial space in Indian context is well known, points out that diversity in human realm poses two unique problems to societies28. First, cultural differences amongst people imply that different groups are committed to different value frameworks, and so questions arise about which life-style should prevail. Second, diversity gives rise to disparities, and therefore political structures are required to manage or minimize these disparities to maintain order in society [Gore, M. S. 1996, p.31].

28 Gore, M. S. "Unity in Diversity." Social Scientist 24, no. 1/3 (1996): 30-43. doi:10.2307/3520117.

44 The material opulence seen in modern times is certainly historic. And rightly, it is credited to the modern methods of production- the centralized and standardized forms which modern industries have acquired, and which is further accentuated by the adoption of various modes of automation (which in turn heavily depend on centralization and standardization). To ensure the success of these, the political structures around the world had to exercise facilitating (perhaps forcefully) modernization of traditional communities.

Orr ties the beginning of modernization project with ideas of “standardization, legibility, efficiency and control”. These ideas according to him were linked to the attractive notions of “progress, economic growth, and human superiority over nature”. Orr has used them all in one sentence to describe the beginning of modern times.

Celebrated economist E. F. Schumacher who is perhaps best known for his proposals for human- scale and decentralized technologies, has also expressed similar concerns about the attitude adopted by modern economic paradigm29. Schumacher’s insistence of using ‘small’ technology is a direct criticism of achieving efficiency through large scale, centralized mass production.

As a result of the realization that the economic modern paradigm has gone astray, more recently, there is a call being given for a holistic development paradigm, which does not place Man in opposition to Nature. One of the proponents of the holistic view has been E. F. Schumacher himself, who points in very apt terms the systemic degradation of Nature as a result of the success of modern economics and technology; the fundamental mistake of considering Nature as “free goods” [Schumacher 1973]. The result of this mistake, he writes is: “This means that an activity can be economic although it plays hell with the environment, and that a competitive activity, if at some cost protects and conserves the environment, will be uneconomic” [Schumacher 1973, p.27].

29 Schumacher, E. F. "Small is Beautiful: A Study of Economics as if People Mattered” Vintage Books, London 1973

45 Today, looking back we can say that the progress of mankind and his dominance over Nature have been wrongly stitched together, ignoring the fact that such a progress is highly unsustainable. It has put humanity in an awkward dead-lock, where discourse on progress and development finds itself in direct contradiction with discourse on environmental protection.

The tools of control over Nature and mankind have been the standardized methods of reasoning and the insistence towards (development of) a single language which alone would be fit to handle the precisions of knowledge. Such efforts have also insisted on considering only that aspect of reality which can be quantified and measured, as a source of true knowledge.

To explain the phenomena of technology standardizing life, an example of development of clock and its widespread adoption in 14th century Europe has been cited by Orr- referring from Lewis Mumphord’s history of technology, where he describes the clock as “the foremost machine of modern technics” [Mumphord 1934, p.15]. The clock led to the quantification of time and “a new medium of existence” in which “one ate, not upon feeling hungry, but when prompted by the clock; one slept, not when one was tired, but when the clock sanctioned it”. Such standardization of daily routine, was followed by standardization of visual space by making geometrically precise maps- “(the) ability to quantify visual space enabled Europeans to extend control…and uniformity” [Orr 2003].

The cost of rapid and mass standardization taken up as part of modernizing the world resulted in ‘desituating’ people from their cultural roots [Orr 2003, p.948], a term originally coined by Orr’s contemporary Toulmin. The ‘desituating’ or what can also be called the cultural uprooting of people across the globe, has consequently led to weakening and loss of many knowledge traditions. With the loss of these traditions, humanity is also losing its ability to deal with aspects of reality that are “obscure”, including the value of diversity which cannot be quantified.

Orr gives a five-point solution towards conservation and promotion of diversity [Orr 2003, pp.949-951]. The foremost requirement is to have a clarity on why diversity is important to

46 mankind. For this he believes that one must have experienced the beauty that is inherent in diversity and the celebration that comes with coming together of diverse people. Such a rich experience cannot be replaced by rational arguments in favor of diversity. Their value is in the supporting rationale which may be used to make a case for diversity conservation.

In addition to this, one needs to work towards building a sustainable economic model in which the “seventh generation” will have a stake too. This would require the transformation of our centralized methods of production from fossil-fuel based energy sources towards the decentralized and diverse methods using renewable energy. And also, as Schumacher put it quite aptly, the sustainable economic model has to primarily address the issue of lifestyle- a “life-style designed for permanence” [Schumacher 1973, p.9].

It is interesting that Orr relates conservation of diversity to a sustainable economic model. And thinkers like Schumacher link sustainable economic model to sustainable life-style. This indicates the significance of one’s way of living towards augmenting diversity conversation. It can be reasonably speculated that perhaps they are indicating the need of a ‘local life-style’, which is based on locally available resources; harmoniously interwoven with local environment. Such a way of living will be congruent to the diversity in the world as it will be situated in local cultures.

Thirdly, (and this is also related to the question of lifestyle) Orr emphasizes the need to re- imagine the idea of individual freedom for it to be congruent to social diversity. Freedom as understood in modern times gets severely limited from the concepts of diversity and sustainability. Any restrictions on individual’s ever-increasing consumption pattern or even a certain postponement of it, is seen an attack on his freedom.

Both, a life-style towards sustainable economy and a notion of freedom that is in congruence with human togetherness can find answers in jajmāni system as will be elaborated later. Perhaps the Indic idea of mokśa (liberation) can provide a theoretical basis to develop a new idea of freedom.

Lastly, and perhaps the most controversial suggestion which Orr makes is towards radically reconfiguring the ways knowledge is produced and consumed in modern times. Orr writes: “finally, the protection of diversity will require a larger and yet more limited view of science and what it means to know. It is assumed, wrongly I think, that knowing is equivalent to measuring, explaining, and controlling. The protection of diversity will require, to the contrary, that we recognize reality and value what exists beyond our limited ability to measure and control” [Orr 2003, p.951].

The above point raised by Orr supports the view mentioned earlier that in modern times knowledge enquiry has been restricted to only the material aspect of reality and has largely ignored the non-material aspect (something that cannot be measured or quantified) [Dhar & Gaur, 1992].

2.2.3 Experiment of Multiculturalism to Manage Diversity in Society

The concern towards rapidly declining diversity comes from the interest of self-preservation, where it is acknowledged that man alone, without existence of other life forms, cannot survive in the world. Then there are also the proponents of ‘rights’ who enthusiastically work towards protecting and conserving the “other”, which not only includes other species but also people of other cultures and backgrounds.

Bhiku Parekh when commenting upon the policy initiatives taken up by various governments to encourage movement towards multicultural societies, brings to our notice the importance of building such a society. According to him, at a fundamental level there is a realization amongst policy makers that different cultures add value to a society. Each culture represents a different system of meaning and vision of good life. Each has realized a limited aspect of human existence and therefore each has something valuable to offer to the other. Most importantly, one needs

48 to acknowledge that no culture is perfect, and no culture is worthless. And thus, inter culture dialogue is helpful to the larger human good [Parekh 2000]30.

And so, the effort towards building a multicultural society centers around inter-culture dialogue. Parekh argues that the possibility of such a dialogue always exists since all cultures by themselves are plural in nature, as each individual is distinct from other. This plurality that exists within has to be recognized, and as a prelude to inter-cultural dialogue, facilitation of the process of dialogue within a culture is the key.

To explain this process, Parekh identifies “interplay” of three crucial factors which are necessary for ensuring inter-cultural dialogue. Firstly, each culture continues with its plural character and is protected against homogenization. Secondly, individual members recognize the inevitability and desirability of cultural diversity. And lastly, a certain cultural embeddedness in individuals in necessary [Bevelander, Pieter and Taras, Raymond 2013]31.

These concerns resulted in the experiment of multiculturalism, which gained considerable support amongst policy makers, liberal intellectuals and social activists in Europe and North America. It is now generally viewed as the most democratic and humane way of handling the issues of different minorities like immigrants, aboriginals and the indigenous peoples, linguistic and religious minorities etc. [Srikanth H. 2012, p.17]32. Canada in this regard seems to be the vanguard amongst the nations of the world. It formally adopted promotion of multiculturalism as state policy as early as 1970s.

30 Parekh, Bhiku (2000), Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 31 Bevelander, Pieter and Taras, Raymond (2013) Chapter Title: Twilight of Multiculturalism? Findings from Across Europe, Book Title: Challenging Multiculturalism: European Models of Diversity, Ed. Raymond Taras: Edinburgh University Press. 32 SRIKANTH, H. "Multiculturalism and the Aboriginal Peoples in Canada." Economic and Political Weekly 47, no. 23 (2012): 17-21. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23214913.

49 It seems now after looking back, the effort undertaken in the project of multiculturalism focused largely on the process of assimilation and ‘naturalization’. Amongst other things, it placed emphasis on the need for the immigrants (and refugees) to become proficient in the “native” language and adoption of “native” values of the host nation. Proficiency in native language is a major requirement towards attainment of citizenship.

In Germany, proficiency in German language is considered a “cornerstone” for integration of immigrants. It is the single most effective way to ensure “equal opportunities and chances to participate in all areas, especially social, cultural and economic life”. So much so, immigrating spouses are compulsorily required to pass a language test abroad before they can join their partners in Germany [Wasmer 2013, pp.167-168]33.

This study considers the aspect of cultural rootedness, which has been mentioned by Parekh earlier an important factor for diversity conservation. One’s own cultural rootedness is perhaps a key condition needed to appreciate other cultures.

Despite the commitment of nations towards building multicultural societies and the many proactive initiatives taken by various governments, it is generally being recognized that Multiculturalism has been a failed experiment. In Germany, chancellor Angela Merkel declared in 2010 that attempts to make multicultural society has “utterly failed” [Wasmer 2013, p.163]. Although Merkel’s remark is rather surprisingly a direct admission, but her views are shared by many political leaders in Europe. The dominant political discourses in recent times have been skeptic and critical of the multicultural model adopted in European countries to manage diversity in society [Bevelander and Taras 2013]. So much so, that Bevelander and Taras have characterized the increasingly common tendency of blaming many of the social ills on

33 Wasmer, Martina. "Public Debates and Public Opinion on Multiculturalism in Germany." In Challenging Multiculturalism: European Models of Diversity, edited by Taras Raymond, 163-89. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2013. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctt20q22fw.14.

50 multiculturalism as a new “national sport” comparable to the football champions league. Parekh too holds the same view when he summarizes this problem in his book in the following words:

“Multicultural societies throw up problems that have no parallel in history. They need to find ways of reconciling the legitimate demands of unity and diversity, achieving political unity without cultural uniformity, being inclusive without being assimilationist, cultivating among their citizens a common sense of belonging while respecting their cultural differences, and cherishing plural cultural identities without weakening the shared and precious identity of shared citizenship. This is a formidable task and no multicultural society so far has succeeded in tackling it [Parekh 2000, p.343]”.

The project of multiculturalism however continues in the West, with newer initiatives. Countries like Canada continue to encourage immigrants, even when its immediate neighbor is very watchful about it.

2.2.4 The Modern Separation of Public and Private Realms to Manage Diversity

The failure of multiculturalism can be understood by analyzing how the public and private realms in human life have been separated in modern times. This phenomenon is unique to post industrial revolution in Europe, where ‘work’ was taken out from the household, and cultural diversity was left behind in its unprotected ambit. As a result, the public realm became a space of production and the private realm was systematically devoid of any production value. The house keepers, commonly women, were thus rendered to be ‘non-working’! As a result, to ensure efficient and orderly production in factories, it became necessary to make them a place of standardization and uniformity.

51 With the onset of 20th century, the method of Scientific Management (also called as Taylorism) propounded by Frederick Taylor institutionalized this practice to almost all spheres of public life. As Orr puts it: “In the twentieth century, the drive for standardization was applied to the workplace (Taylorism), to public economics as cost-benefit analysis, business operations, education, agriculture, forestry, urban planning, and governance [Orr 2003, p.949].

The result of such inputs has been a near complete divorce between the public and the private realms of life, the latter rather unfairly expected to conserve the diversities of human life without having any significant influence on standardized public life.

As a result, today one feels free to speak the language of one’s inheritance in the private realm of family only. One feels free to sit, stand, walk, talk, eat, celebrate etc. in ways picked up naturally in family only. And, when it comes to public realm, a certain standardized behavior is expected.

In fact, it appears that in the modern centralized production system, it is almost impossible to uphold diversity. One can only imagine the confusion and chaos that would be created in a factory where the workers do not share a common language or observe different holidays. In this light, one can now appreciate the need for immigrants to be proficient in native language for proper integration (as discussed earlier).

Therefore, for pragmatic reasons, the public realm becomes the realm of standardization, while the private realm becomes the realm of diversity. This solution, while results in smooth functioning of modern organizations and leads to efficient production, it has greatly impaired diversity on the other hand. This is because the private realm has become dependent on the public realm for its functioning and survival. The overbearing nature of public on private, is forcing the private to voluntarily give up on its diverse ways and make all the efforts to align itself

52 to the public. As an example, we can see that today children are pro-actively discouraged to learn their mother-tongue, as otherwise they will find it hard to be situated in public domain. In the choice of clothing, the moral values, the choice of literature, food habits etc. all are desperately attempting to align themselves to the standardized ways of public realm. The private realm is forced to become standardized.

2.3 The Importance of Collective Contemplation- The Roles of Public-Private Realms in Classical Times

In the above discussion, we have mentioned how in modern times the separation of public- private realms i.e. separation of production from the household was envisaged as a means to ensure greater and more efficient production, and somehow diversity was left to be accommodated in the private realm. The issue of public-private realms needs to be re-visited; of how these realms were originally understood to be in classical traditions. Such a review will be useful to understand how the problem of diversity was addressed in classical times. This might find relevance in contemporary times; how diversity can be adequately conserved and further nurtured.

A more comprehensive study on origins of society as envisaged in classical Greek and Indic tradition throws up a point of commonality between the two traditions. In both the traditions, due prominence is given to ‘contemplation’ in Man, and therefore development of contemplative spaces is considered to be the primary function in a society. And as discussed earlier, such spaces are unique to human gatherings. Only humans gather for collective contemplation. It is in the realm of contemplation only that one can distinguish a gathering of humans (samāja), from a gathering of animals (samaja).

53 In recent times, the case of contemplative space is probably made most vociferously by American scholar Hannah Arendt in her seminal work The Human Condition34. Arendt has been regarded as a thinker on ‘origins’. Her contribution to intellectual thought has thrown light upon the classical conceptions like the idea of society and how in modern times they have acquired different meanings. One of the most significant problems of modern times which Arendt brings up for discussion and for which she has been greatly admired, is the relation between political and social. She underlines the great deal of confusion caused due to the mistaken translation of “political” into Latin as “social”. This study takes recourse to her work in order to establish the primacy of what Arendt calls political i.e. a space for collective contemplation, in human realm. Arendt’s political is emblematic of human society.

This study further takes support from the views of Navjyoti Singh to explore reflections on idea of society in the classical Indic thought. Singh’s interest in Indic philosophical traditions perhaps originates from his concern of dwindling “legislative power” of Indic thought in modern times. Singh also throws some fresh light upon the relationship between art and society as envisaged in classical Indic thought. Singh had appreciation towards the tradition of kathās (storytelling) in Indian society. According to him “Plays contain more reality than reality! Perhaps what he (Singh) wants to say is that reality is revealed to us in true form only through storytelling in Plays. And in this process only aesthetics is born in literature” [Vajpeyee 2018]35.

Drawing from both Arendt and Singh, this study attempts to locate origins of drama known as nāttya- as a practice of collective contemplation in society. We take recourse to classical text nāttyaśātra- a treatise on drama, in which the term samāja is used for the ‘gathering of spectators’. We intend to situate performance of drama (nāttya) and other art performances at the center of village life in India, where the prime focus seems to have been facilitation collective contemplation in the village community. Such an attempt is novel, as previous studies on jajmāni

34 Arendt, Hannah “The Human Condition”, University of Chicago Press, 1958 35 Translated from Vajpeyee, Udayan “Vicharan: Navjyoti Singh se Samvaad”, Rajkamal Prakashan, 2018

54 system have not explored Indian village from this perspective. A detailed discussion on this is given in subsequent chapters.

In the following section, we will examine the works of Arendt and Singh in more details to clarify the perspective of public-private spaces as per classical view.

2.3.1 ‘Action’ and ‘Polis’ in Hannah Arendt’s Thought

Hannah Arendt is known for theorizing the beginnings. Her works are reflections on the Human capacity to start something new. The seminal work- The Human Condition (1958) was written immediately after one of the most significant beginnings of mankind; the launch of first space satellite in 1957. The launch created a new possibility of discovering life away from Earth or even start a new civilization on a new planet.

On one hand Arendt saw humanity (through Science) “free” itself from natural laws of Earth by escaping into space, yet on the other hand she saw humanity to tend towards reducing itself to merely a mass consumer and thereby behave as just another of animal species governed by natural desires of hunger and procreation.

Arendt’s Distinction of ‘Action’ from ‘Labor’ and ‘Work’

It can be said that Arendt’s most important contribution is her distinction between action and labor & work [Arendt 1958]. To explain very briefly, she considers labor to constitute all activities which are necessary for body, its growth and its eventual decay. For example, ingestion, digestion and excretion of food, perspiration and respiration in body etc. Labor also includes activities required for sustenance of cycle of life i.e. those activities which are related to reproduction.

Work on the other hand is made up of those activities where human being builds artifacts and places them in the World. In other words, work involves “making of the world”, hence the classical term homo faber has been associated with man [Arendt 1958, p.136]. The world is made

55 of not only natural objects like trees and stones, but also of artifacts like tables and chairs, a result of human work. And, Arendt reminds us that the world is not simply constructed by human beings, but also in turn sculpts them back. She writes: “Things would be a heap of unrelated articles, a non-world, if they were not the conditions of human existence” [Arendt 1958, p.9].

Action and the Realm of Appearances

Distinct from labor and work is action; “activities which are between men directly, with no intermediary tool or media”. Importantly, Arendt places speech as part of action.

Elaborating on the nature of action, she agrees with the phenomenologist’s view that through action a human being gets disclosed; the inner self is revealed to himself and the mankind. According to her, it is in this domain that men can be seen to be both equal and distinct from each other. They are equal since all men are capable of and are justified to reveal themselves through their actions. And they are distinct from one another in the self-images that get revealed.

The domain of images is central to human gatherings for Arendt. She says that through action, men get to exist not merely as physical objects but as appearances in others’ head. Through action and speech human beings reveal their uniqueness. According to her, this alone justifies the need for action (or speech).

This appearance of men in each other’s’ head is distinct from mere physical presence and is most dear to men. And thus, action acquires a distinct place, different from both work and labor. She writes: “with word and deed, we insert ourselves into human world, and this insertion is like a second birth (emphasis added) … This insertion is not forced upon us by necessity, like labor, and it is not prompted by utility, like work. It may be stimulated by presence of others whose company we may wish to join, but it is never conditioned by them; its impulse springs from the beginning which came into the world when we were born and

56 to which we respond by beginning something new on our own initiative” [Arendt 1958, p.176].

The purpose of highlighting “second birth” in the above citation is to draw a parallel between a similar idea found in the Indic tradition; the idea of dvija or twice born. Human being has been considered to be born twice, once from the mother’s womb into the material realm, and then again in the realm of appearances after he becomes capable of ‘acting’ (in the sense used by Arendt).

Arendt’s criticism of Marx is at this precise point, for according to her Marx considered manufacturing of artifacts as constituting human action. Arendt considers it dangerous to construe action as ‘making’ something, which she classifies as work. She writes: “Making is something a craftsman does by forcing raw material to conform to his model” [Arendt 1958, p.xi].

Arendt places realm of appearances as central to origin of human gatherings.

The Possibility of New Initiatives in Action

Arendt associates initiative with action. She says, that to act in the most general sense is to take initiative; to begin, to set something in motion. In her words, actions belong to “natality” of human beings (to start something new) and not mortality (to bring to end). According to her the realm of humans should always be considered as a realm of plural possibilities, or plural beginnings. This is because each human being is unique in its own way, equal to none who co- habit the Earth, or who have lived in past or will live in future. Each human being is a beginning of a new possibility. “Action would be unnecessary luxury, a capricious interference with general laws of behavior, if men were endlessly reproducible repetitions of same model, whose nature or essence was the same for all and as predictable as the nature or essence of any other

57 thing. Plurality is the condition of human action because we are all the same, that is, human in such a way that nobody is ever the same as anyone else who ever lived, lives or will live” [Arendt 1958, p.8].

Arendt was an opponent of the individualism that developed in the West. She emphatically says that “men, not man live on the earth and inhabit the world”. One must acknowledge the plurality of mankind and any social system that is to be envisaged therefore should be conducive to the diversity that emerges from it. She claims after Plato, political philosophers’ writings have systematically ignored the most salient political features of human beings- plurality, that each of them is capable of new perspectives and new actions and they will not conform to a tidy model unless their political activities are suppressed.

Arendt says that it is action which corresponds to plurality of human condition. The aspect of plurality is specifically the condition of political life. This aspect becomes specifically important for the present study, as it explores in the origins and unavoidability of diversity in human society. Arendt seems to establish that human beings cannot be imagined to be devoid of action, and action cannot be separated from the plurality of humans. In simple words, mankind is destined to have diversity (unless action is stifled).

So, according to Arendt, the political nature of man constitutes initiative and plurality.

The distinction between action on one hand, and work & labor on the other is the key to Arendt’s distinction between public and private realms; actions belong to the former, while work & labor belong to the latter. Arendt’s focus seems to be on formation of political space (the public); a space where politics can be played as it was originally meant to be.

Her main contribution is her emphasis on the need to establish the polis in modern times- space for political, free from the concerns about necessities of life sustenance. Contemplation in such a political space in her opinion is not on making life better or more comfortable, but instead the

58 issues of contemplation pertains to those that are on margins of life- death, immortality, birth, beginnings, termination etc.

She writes this in times when politics has got reduced to concerns of material necessities for the masses. She describes the modern era as one where the social has gobbled up the political and the state has become a massive housekeeping organization- restricting its concerns to sustenance of life and fulfillment of material necessities. Arendt in a way marks the beginning of modernity with this phenomenon- the rise of social. In these times, the concerns of household regarding sustenance of life and its comfortability has acquired dominance in the public discourse. She marks this with the event when property owners formed a club, called society and thereby entered the public sphere (that of political). Hereafter, the discourse of politics saw a shift towards “protection and multiplication” of property. The King (and later the State) became largely a protector of private property. Therefore, it seems Arendt describes modern states as “mass housekeeping organizations”, as they are largely occupied with issues of maintaining material wellbeing of life.

According to Arendt the classical times had a clear distinction between the private space i.e. space of household and the public space i.e. space of political. As a result of which concerns about (material) wellbeing of life were limited to the household and concerns about life, death, birth, immortality were subjects of political discourse. In modern times, with the emergence of a third category of social in between, the lines between private and public have blurred.

Arendt was critical of Marx’s imagination of society where it is assumed that men come together in order to produce and consume and his imagination of history which is seen as a progression of tools to produce and consume. Such a view according to Arendt is reflective of the animal life and not human beings- who are fundamentally distinct from animals. Each human being is a unique individual, capable of taking initiatives and thus making new beginnings. According to her, this is symptomatic of modern society- where economic concerns (work) have come to dominate

59 both politics (action) and human self-consciousness. Her critique of “rise of social” is perhaps the most uncomforting aspect of her work to modern mind.

Her book reminds us that human beings are creatures who act in the sense of starting things and setting off a train of events. The hope of humanity comes from the fact that new human beings come into existence every day, each with it brings a new possibility.

2.3.2 The “Private” & “Public” Individual in Navjyoti Singh’s thought

Hannah Arendt’s exposition on the classical imagination of public space as a space of collective contemplation finds support from the Indian philosophical traditions too. Navjyoti Singh underscores such overlaps between classical Indic and Greek theoretical traditions. For example, Navjyoti Singh saw a commonality between the Greek imagination of polis and the Indian imagination of samāj (society). A part of this overlap, was also to see the similarity between the Greek and Indic imaginations on public and private spaces.

According to Singh, Man dwells both in private and public realms. The justification of private inner life comes from the realization that there is a certain “immediacy and intimacy” in the nature of experience. According to him, “the nature of experience is such that it occurs only in the present moment and cannot be located either in a moment earlier or in a moment later. Moreover, experience is the most intimate to an individual, it cannot be shared”. For example, there is no way to co-measure the degree of pain in two human bodies. One can only make an estimate of it. This forms the conceptual basis for the private realm of an individual.

So, while private life finds justification from the nature of experience, a human being is also seen to celebrate the company of other humans. People as a general observation do not appear to be content with only being in realm of privacy. People naturally tend to come together, outside their privacy. The celebration of company gives the justification of the public space.

60 According to Singh, an individual is not indivisible. The individual can be split into- private agent and public agent. The private agent is made of what Singh calls “motor organs” (animate body) and is capable of performing actions. The private agent is born from mother’s womb and also dies “at an event called death”.

On the other hand, the public agent is born in an inanimate body of impressions in minds of others. These impressions are formed when others form judgements on the actions performed. According to Singh, the public agent never dies, and outlives the death of the private agent. The public agent does not die, but it can fade away from the public memory after the death of private agent. Public agency of individual can be recalled long after the death of individual and can still be publicly active. For example, the private agency of Mahatma Gandhi (in flesh and bones who is capable of doing action) ceased to exist in 1948, however the public agency continues to be active even today and is often recalled in public discussions.

Singh explains that in this manner an individual is considered to be twice-born in Indian tradition; one as a private agency equipped with body and other as public agency bereft of body; “an individual is dvija- one who is born twice”. A similar assertion is made by Arendt above; what she calls second birth of individuals.

Singh further explains, that when a child acquires sufficient calibration of body parts and develops a sense of right and wrong, so that he is able to perform moral deeds, the public agency is then born. The first birth is that of a private individual, who has a body. The second birth happens when the child is capable of doing actions and leave behind impressions on the mind of others. This is the public man.

In this way, both Arendt and Singh throw light on the classical idea of public realm. This realm is composed of images (impressions) of each other in our heads. These impressions are formed when humans observe each other’s actions (including speech) and form judgements on it. Both Singh and Arendt, give primacy to the realm of judgements and impressions over and above the realm of objects.

Both Arendt and Singh give due prominence to the human being’s innate tendency to ‘act’ and leave behind legacies over and above the need to fulfill material necessities. The space of human gathering, the public is primarily for such purpose.

In this context, this study (in chapter 5) attempts to re-look at the origins of drama as envisaged in ancient India, since drama is a space created for collective contemplation. Through this exercise we will attempt to explain the relationship between art and society as originally conceived in ancient India.

2.3.3 Collective Interest in Dharma – The Unifying Force in Collective Contemplation

Indian society has been home to numerous artist communities like story-tellers, drama performers, folk singers, puppeteers, scroll painters etc. These communities can be credited to have created rich spaces of collective contemplation in jajmāni villages. The space of collective contemplation would naturally also be a space of diverse (and often contesting) ideas. The problem of containing the contestations amongst diverse beliefs is a serious problem and it will be important to understand the nature of unifying force that would enable it. Understanding of such a force is necessary to explain the much celebrated “unity-in-diversity” in India. In contemporary times too, much is being thought on these lines- how to ensure unity amongst diverse religions (belief systems) in the World.

According to Ravindra Sharma, who studied the functioning of jajmāni system in Adilabad region, the force unification in the village is sourced from what he called the “collective interest in dharma” of all members of village community. However, he has not explained the nature of such a force.

62 Navjyoti Singh in his essay on uniting diverse religions of the World has explained the term dharma36. It comes from the root dhr (bearing, supporting, possessing) and it means- “dhārana iti dharma” or “that (disposition) which is (firmly) held”. Singh explains that dharma stands for ‘injunctive’ or ‘dispositional’ content that is held as if belonging naturally to oneself. Popularly dharma is used in the sense of ‘quality’ or ‘duty’. And in modern discourse it is often translated as ‘religion’.

It can be said that like yajña and mokśa, dharma is also one such civilizational concepts developed in Indic tradition. The common Indian claims familiarity with the word and uses it often in everyday life. It is commonly understood as righteousness and is primarily concerned about right action. To a common Indian, everything and every being is considered to have sva-dharma i.e. its own dharma- implying that everything naturally/innately tends to adhere to the law of its being. Conversely adharma is considered when something or someone attempts being in a way which is not as per the natural law. In rig veda- the oldest of the four vedas or book of knowledge, the word rta is used for both dharma and satya i.e. Truth [Radhakrishnan 2009, p.54]37. According to Radhakrishnan, in Rig veda, dharma is used in the sense of “law of evolution”.

The classical texts called śāstras are generally considered to be authentic source which explain dharma. Prabhu has defined śāstras as “Scientific Treatises which expound principles of Dharma” [Prabhu 2016, p.11]38. However, mere knowledge of śāstras is not considered sufficient to understand dharma but one must use one’s reasoning to also understand the context. Brihaspati who is regarded as one amongst the great scholars of ancient times, writes in manu smriti that “no decision should be taken by mere resort to a (letter of the) śāstra; for, deliberations (vicāra) devoid of rational considerations will lead to results detrimental to dharma” [Prabhu 2016, p.18]. Prabhu summarizes the discussion on dharma by stating the continuous effort needed by Man

36 Singh, Navjyoti “Good Manners as a Bridge Between the Religions”, chapter in Philosophy Bridging the World Religions: A Discourse of the World Religions Ed. Koslowski Peter, pp. 66-95. Published by Kluwer Academic Publishers 2003. 37 Radhakrishnan, S. “The Hindu View of Life” HarperCollins Publishers, Noida 2009 (originally published by Unwin Hyman Ltd., UK in 1927). 38 Prabhu, P. “Hindu Social Organization: A study of Socio-Psychological and Ideological Foundations” 4e SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd 2016 (Originally titled “Hindu Social Institutions”, published in 1939).

63 to decipher the full meaning of dharma. He says that the society recognizes that even though much has been written on dharma, yet the complete account of it is still missing [Prabhu 2016, p.17].

Both Radhakrishnan and Prabhu are correct when they write that it is generally assumed that when actions are done as per dharma, one moves towards mokśa i.e. liberation. And to ensure this, the Indic society regulated most intimate details of daily life as per rules of dharma.

The Indian society considers search for answer to what is dharma as an ongoing, lifelong process; something which distinguishes life of man from that of animals. The primary concern for the classical society is to facilitate this quest in every human being. This can probably explain why the society felt the need of providing patronage to story-tellers; through the stories of great people the society expected to refine its understanding of dharma. It is in this light that the word itihāsa (commonly translated as history) is used in classical sense; the two great epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyana are known as itihāsa. Indian villages have hosted performances of these itihāsa from time immemorial; and common people have contemplated on the lives of characters in these plays to refine their understanding on dharma.

Moving on, the problem of ensuring unity amongst men of contesting beliefs is a serious problem. In contemporary times much has been thought on how the religions of the world can be united? One common sentiment for resolving this problem has been to establish means of dialogue and communication between diverse and contesting belief systems.

It is here relevant to refer also to Navjyoti Singh’s essay, who presents the “sanātana perspective”39 to resolve contestations in collective contemplation. We are giving prominence to Singh’s views on this matter since the origin of the jajmāni system can be situated in sanātana perspective. Singh’s views will also be useful to throw light on Ravindra Sharma’s assertion that

39 According to Singh the various worldviews which find their origins in Indic civilization like Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism are collectively referred as ‘sanātana traditions’.

64 was mentioned earlier- “collective interest in dharma” is the unifying force amongst people of diverse beliefs.

Navjyoti Singh in his essay seems to support the common assertion that a dialogue between contesting beliefs is a necessary requirement. Such a dialogue, according to Singh, tends to “soften” the “hard ground of contestation”. However, such a dialogue needs to have an intended direction to it. According to Singh, the dialogue between diverse beliefs has to work towards achieving a “universal stance” of a judicious person [Singh 2003, p.67]. Singh calls such a person to be maryādāpuruśottama or a “wholesome upright person”40. According to Singh, such a “wholesome upright person” who will be “a universally-accepted-judicious-person” will be “serenely selfless man”; something which all religions (beliefs) insist on creating. Singh writes: “Construction of a wholesome upright person is one of the aims and consequences of every religion. Religion in a way is an attempt to create a wholesome upright person. All religions are such an endeavor, if not wholly, then at least partially” [Singh 2003, p.66].

Singh justifies the possibility of such a “universal person” by claiming that there are certain “universal experiences” which are shared by all the religions of the World- a “pious sense of the finitude of man, overwhelming sense of sacred in Nature and willing aptitude to surrender on excessive indulgence”.

According to Singh, in society, presence of such an upright person- his judicious actions, naturally tend to attract acceptance of all others, even when they may ascribe to contentious beliefs. To justify this, Singh proposes a ‘theory of justice’ based on the sanātana tradition which attempts to analyze the nature of ‘judicious action’.

According to Singh, the sanātana tradition accepts man to fundamentally be a “dispositional” being. The dispositional nature of man is captured in the concept of dharma. In other words, it

40 “(it is a) Sanskrit compound term ‘maryādā (judicious disposition, propriety in conduct) + puruśa (conscious agency, self) + uttama (meritorious, excellent)’. The compound term thus can be translated as ‘meritorious judiciously disposed person’ or can be freely rendered as ‘wholesome upright person’ [Singh 2003, p.68].

65 can be said that sanātana tradition accepts all men to be inherently ‘bent’ towards dharma. Singh writes: “Dispositional propensity itself is understood through the definition of man as dharma dhāraka” [Singh 2003, p.72].

According to Singh, the advantage of considering man to be fundamentally “dispositional being” (dharma dhāraka) is twofold. Firstly, facing dharma-sankata or contestation in beliefs becomes a natural “situation” of man. And secondly, due appreciation is given to his unceasing innate “drive” to resolve contentious beliefs. Due recognition of both these aspects constitute the unifying force between diverse beliefs; probably also what Ravindra Sharma meant by “collective interest in dharma”. What becomes important here is to realize that all men are innately driven to resolve contestations. And that all contestations can in principle be resolved.

The diversity in Indic civilization (which Singh prefers to call sanātana civilization; Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism etc.) is typically seen in the form of thousands of sampradāyas (intentional communities), each having its own founding principles. Singh claims that the unifying force amongst them is acceptance of man being a dharma dhāraka or “dispositional being”, whose basic tenets he goes onto describe [Singh 2003, pp.71-95].

According to nāttyaśātra – the ancient treatise on drama, which has something profound to say on the relation between art and society, the primary purpose of all art performances is to reinvigorate human interest in dharma. If one is to accept this proposition, then from the above discussion it becomes clear, that the more successful different art performances become in achieving their purpose, the more unity they are expected to achieve amongst people of diverse beliefs. In this light, one can appreciate the centrality of artist communities in the jajmāni village life; patronage to these communities appears to be essential for achieving not only birth of new ideas and beliefs but also for a unity amongst people of diverse cultural background.

66 2.3.4 Locating the ‘Space of Drama’ in the Context of ‘Realm of Collective Contemplation’

The classical treatise on Drama- nāttyaśāstra becomes relevant for this study as it gives an early conception of society in Indian thought- which is similar to the Greek idea of polis (public) as explained by Arendt (1958) and takes into account the public nature of man as explained by Singh (2018). The actual word used in nāttyaśāstra is samājik which literally translates to the word social but should be seen to mean similar to Arendt’s conception of political.

This study has taken recourse to Manmohan Ghosh’s translation of the classical text41. According to him, the treatise nāttyaśāstra is attributed to the sage Bharata Muni, and its compilation in the current form is around 2CE.

The first chapter in nāttyaśāstra viz. the introduction deals with the ‘origin of drama’; the first drama that was supposedly played. It also explains the purpose of drama; of what it tries to achieve for the mankind. The second chapter is about construction of a playhouse, the kreedāsthala where the drama is played. It talks about the necessary prerequisite before a drama can be played successfully. The salient indications from these in the context of present discussion will be elaborated in chapter 5.

2.4 Review of the Core Literature on Jajmāni System

The discussion so far has attempted to establish the centrality of spaces-for-collective- contemplation in formations of society. This assertion is based upon the understanding that human being should primarily be seen as a contemplative being.

Now, in this section, a review of the core literature on the traditional jajmāni system, which has been an object of curiosity for many scholars during the last century will be taken up to identify

41 Ghosh Manmohan The Nāttyaśāstra: A Treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy and Histrionics. Ascribed to Bharat Muni. Vol 1 The Asiatic Royal Society of Bengal, Calcutta 1959.

67 the present status of understanding about the jajmāni system and the unexplored domain as well as some contestations.

2.4.1 The Indian Village- Some Salient Perceptions

Vandana Madan has compiled together some profound essays on the jajmāni system written by different scholars42. In the introduction of this compilation, Madan writes about her views on the Indian village. According to her, the basic structure of village has not undergone much fundamental change from the earliest times (till probably about a time when the colonial administration started influencing the functioning of the villages). The inhabitants in the Indian village have lived together as one community. Referring from Basham, she writes, “Then, as now, … the villagers formed a self-conscious community” [Madan 2013]. This, makes the study of the jajmāni system all the more relevant, which since it seems to have provided a structural stability to Indian villages over thousands of years.

According to Madan, each village enjoyed its unique cultural customs and boasts of its unique history, which is different from other villages in the neighborhood. In fact, Madan begins by a beautiful quote: “There is no village in India, however mean, that has not a rich sthala-purāna, or legendry history of its own” – Raja Rao, Kanthapura [Madan 2013].

On one hand while each village had a unique cultural character to it, on the other hand, in her words, “they were always a part of a wider social and civilizational matrix”. It would be a fallacy to consider an Indian village to be self-absorbed and be oblivious to developments and changes outside its boundaries. The village although considered to be largely ‘autonomous’, in no way was disconnected and isolated. Madan draws the reader’s attention to what she calls ‘multiplicity of relationships’, which were not only intra-village but also inter-village.

42 Madan, Vandana. “The Village in India” Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2013

The self-autonomy and cultural unity of the village should not to be concluded to mean a place devoid of any contestations. Friction resulting from socio-economic disparities and diversity of contesting ideas have always existed in the Indian villages, much the same way as in any social set up in other parts of the world. However, what must be acknowledged and explored is the mechanisms that were at place to manage and resolve such contestations. And similarly, one must also acknowledge a village’s tendency to keep an eye on changes happening in the outside world, and its ability to adopt and domesticate those changes.

The Indian village has been an object of curiosity for travelers and scholars. The early phase of colonial curiosity resulted in pure information gathering by colonial agents, which gradually shifted to the second phase of ethnographic studies taken up by anthropologists and other social scientists. There is a marked shift between the conclusions drawn by the early colonial administrators on one hand, and the analysis taken up by social scientists in a later period.

Early 19th century colonial literature gives a rather idyllic image of the village, most famously described as ‘little republics’ by Sir Charles Metcalf; as units of self-sufficiency. French Scholar Louis Dumont who has extensively studied the early colonial reports about the functioning of villages in India refers to the description by Metcalf: “the village communities are little republics, having nearly everything that they want within themselves and almost independent of any foreign relations” [Dumont 2013, p.36].

A similar observation is made by Mountstuart Elphinston in 1839, when he writes in History of India: “these communities contain in miniature all the materials of a state within themselves and are almost sufficient to protect their members, if all governments are withdrawn” [Dumont 2013, p.36].

69 Earlier in 1810, writing about the villages in Mysore region British officer Lt. Col. Mark Wilks mentions about a political post of a potail (patel) or a village headman. According to him, the potail plays the role of a bridge between the village and the King. He collects taxes on King’s behalf and supplies warriors from the village at times of war. According to Wilks, the village does not really care much about who the King is but follow on the directions of the village headman. In this manner therefore, Wilks considers it fit to use the term ‘little republics’ for the Indian village. He writes: “Every village, with its twelve Ayangadees as they are called, is a kind of little republic, with the Potail at the head of it; and India is a mass of such republics. The inhabitants during war look chiefly to their own Potail. They give themselves no trouble about the breaking up and division of kingdom; while the village remains entire, they care not to what power it is transferred; wherever it goes the internal management remains unaltered; the Potail is still the collector and magistrate, and head farmer” [Dumont 2013, p.34].

Similarly, the collector of Madras F. W. Ellis in 1814 compared the functioning of the village as monarchies, where the headman was at the center of all decision making. He however makes an exception for Tamil speaking villages which have a village senate. Ellis writes: “the former have (Tamil villages)… no chiefs; his duties are discharged by the village senate, gramapravartacam, by which all the affairs of the community, internal and external, are conducted: in this assembly every proprietor has a seat and as voice, each possessing a right to the management of the general business of the community, as to every other privilege, in proportion to his share in it” [Dumont 2013, p.39].

Dumont has referred to the Fifth Report from the Select Committee of the House of Commons, on the Affairs of the East India Company (1812), which observes that a village does not care much on who the King is, as long as the internal economy of village is not changed. Quoting from the report, Dumont writes:

70 “Under this simple form of municipal government, the inhabitants have lived from time immemorial. The boundaries of villages have seldom altered… The inhabitants give themselves no trouble about the breaking up and divisions of kingdoms; while the village remains entire, they care not to what power it is transferred or to what sovereign it devolves; its internal economy remains unchanged; the Potail is still the head inhabitant, and still acts as the petty judge and magistrate and collector or renter of the village” [Dumont 2013, p.35].

In some villages, the headman occupied the central position and in some there was a system similar to a senate to decide matters relating to the village. However, Dumont has questioned the political autonomy of a village, since a village is known to have its tie-up with the local King.

On the political front, Gandhi considered village to be the focus of freedom struggle. He time and again stressed that swaraj (commonly translated as ‘Home Rule’) would mean nothing if it fails to touch the lives of those who lived in countless Indian villages. He saw India’s soul living in its villages. However, he acknowledged that the condition of villages that existed in his times left much to be desired for, from both economic and moral points of view.

The Indian village has become a symbol of different things to different people. For some Indians, the village is a dragnet, something which is keeping India away from material and social progress. And then there are few, who see the future of mankind in a decentralized socio-economic set up, where material production is ensured through small scale technology that is environment friendly. For these, the Indian village organization continues to be an object of positive curiosity.

2.4.2 Economic Autonomy of Indian Village According to Wiser: A Case of Karimpur

Foremost name in the study of jajmāni system is perhaps that of William H. Wiser, who compiled a comprehensive report about social life in a north Indian village called Karimpur in 1920s. This

71 was first published as part of his master’s dissertation, and later acquired the form of a book43. The book went on primary source of knowledge on this subject, as it was regarded one of the early prominent field studies specifically done with the intent of understanding the workings of a jajmāni system.

Wiser’s work has served as source material for analysis by many subsequent scholars. Pauline M. Kolenda credits him to be the first one to recognize a system of what otherwise appeared to be unconnected ritualistic exchanges in the village44. Wiser reports on major festivities he witnessed in the village through the period of one year, and how each of them served as an occasion of economic exchange between different families. He meticulously made notes regarding the nature of remunerations (which included payment through a combination of money, cloth, grains and other means).

In this manner, Wiser credits this system, to provide self-sufficiency to Indian villages. The village was successfully able to provide ample opportunities to each family to earn its living. This was ensured through inherited clientele, which through customs was forbidden to be encroached upon. It must be noted, that the problem of unemployment was not to be seen in the jajmāni system and is perhaps a direct consequence of its disintegration.

Wiser has listed a total of 750 resident families in Karimpur, belonging to 24 distinct castes. He describes the rights and duties associated with each of these families and shows how a web of interconnected relationships are thus formed. The rights and duties find their basis in the customs that has been followed from generations, and any dispute is resolved on their basis. The customs of course find support from ancient texts, including the manusmriti which is mentioned by Wiser.

43 Wiser, William H. “The Hindu Jajmani System: A Socio-Economic System Interrelating Members of a Hindu Village Community in Services” Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Delhi, 1988 (first published in 1936). 44 Kolenda, Pauline Mahar. "Toward a Model of the Hindu Jajmani System." Human Organization 22, no. 1 (1963): 11-31. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44124164.

72 An important observation from Wiser’s study would be that he noticed a rotational hierarchy in these relationships, where each family plays the dual role of the provider and the receiver of services. Wiser writes: “… each caste in the village at some time during the year is expected to render a fixed type of service to each other caste… each in turn is master. Each in turn is servant” [Wiser 1988].

The master is referred as the jajmāna and the servant is referred as kāmwāle by Wiser. Such a view on the jajmāna- kāmwāle relationship has been contested by later scholarly work, some even calling his observation to give a ‘romantic’ view of the jajmāni system. However, what cannot be considered romantic is the system’s ability to ensure sustenance of livelihood for all the residents in the village. Wiser notes that the economic value of jajmāni relations through “rights” and “concessions” ensures that no resident feels the need to migrate out of the village in search of better economic opportunities.

Although Wiser’s study of the Indian village has been quite thorough in its notes, he has however altogether missed the role of art and artist communities in village life. Wiser did notice the presence of tawaif (he translates it as ‘dancing girl’) and faqir (Muslim seer) in the village. He however failed to understand their significance in the village life; in what way they contributed to the well-being of the village. In fact, such was the extent of his ignorance in this matter, that Wiser compared faqir with a beggar. This study considers this oversight as a significant shortcoming of his work. It was perhaps not so much of his own fault. Perhaps by the time of his study, the artist communities in general had greatly suffered their dispossession in village life under the colonial rule.

2.4.3 Dumont’s Views on Jajmāni System

Another important work in this field has been done by the French scholar Louis Dumont. His academic focus has been on inter-civilizational dialogue- between India and the West. Dumont’s

73 book Homo Hierarchicus (first published in French in 1966 and in English in 1970) is perhaps the most widely discussed work on jajmāni system. In his early studies, Dumont is critical of some of Wiser’s conclusions about the jajmāni system and regards them as Wiser’s romantic views.

Foremost amongst his objection is the usage of “village community”, a term endorsed by Wiser but that has been in use since the time of early British administrators. According to him, this view got popularized by the British administrators at first and later by the Indian nationalists. The British administrators, who instead to conducting independent surveys and analysis, were guilty of using the same source material again and again with cosmetic changes. And thus, it was but natural for them to have reached the same conclusion validating Indian village as a community45.

Dumont’s criticism of such reports is that they all seem to have been taken from the same source, and their descriptions are almost similar with a few cosmetic changes done. He meticulously points to the similarity in descriptions in all these reports, and therefore questions the veracity of their conclusions.

His objection towards regarding a village as a politically autonomous unit comes from the observation that every village gave a substantial portion of its produce as tax to the King. Moreover, it also supplied warriors to the King at the times of war and in return enjoyed protection provided by the King. And therefore, it does not strictly meet the criteria of political autonomy.

Dumont also objects to see the village as an economically autonomous body. For example, he does not agree with the collector of Madras F. W. Ellis, who has described the village as a case of common wealth. Ellis’ report titled Three Treatises on Mirasi Rights, described the village as “a corporate body of persons sharing rights in a common territory” [Dumont 2013, pp.33-34].

45 Dumont, Louis. “The ‘village community’ from Munro to Maine” The Village in India Ed. Vandana Madan Oxford University Press 2013.

74 Dumont’s objection towards economic autonomy of village comes from the observation that a village depends on certain critical services which are sourced from outside. Not all services in a village are produced within its boundaries. Moreover, Dumont also notes that the families of the village do not enjoy the same economic rights over the land but enjoy different rights.

In addition to these objections by Dumont, perhaps the most potent objection comes from observing hierarchy in the village. Dumont is right to point out that the term community upholds the value of equality amongst humans central to it. And the jajmāni system contrary to this, functions on the principles of hierarchy. This is validated by Wiser’s research in Karimpur, where principles of hierarchy determine the nature of every economic exchange. In this regard, according to Dumont, it becomes improper to see a village as a community.

It should be noted here that although Wiser did observe presence of hierarchy in Karimpur, however this hierarchy was perceived to be rotational, where each family occupied the position of the receiver or the jajmāna at some point or the other.

Perhaps the more important learning from Dumont’s analysis comes from his later reflections, where he talks about the theoretical constraints faced by Western scholars, who are attempting to make sense of an alien system (including the challenge of making sense of the unique category of Caste which scholars from Europe are not familiar with). It is important for one to keep in mind that most evaluation done on the jajmāni system that is commonly available is done from the Western point of view; using the categories that Western scholars are aware of, and values which they hold dear to themselves. This also includes works of many Indian scholars, who although are looking at their ‘own’ society, but from a perspective.

Dumont himself elaborates on this problem in the introduction of his well-known work Homo Hierarchicus46. Here, he stresses the need for one to leave behind one’s cherished values (most

46 Dumont, Louis “Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and Its Implications” Oxford University Press 2013 (First Published in English in 1970)

75 prominent being that of individualism) and known categories (like social stratification and division of labor) and be open to other values (namely hierarchy), when evaluating an alien (native) system like the jajmāni system. He writes: “It is only a question of attempting to grasp other values intellectually (emphasis given by him). If one refused to do this, it would be useless to try to understand the caste system, and it would be impossible, in the end, to take an anthropological (emphasis given by him) view of our own values” [Dumont 2013].

Failing to do so, it becomes impossible to make sense of a new category like the caste. Dumont is critical of using what he calls ‘facile approaches’ in order to proceed with the inquiry into caste. He is critical of using ‘borrowed labels’ from western societies, which may: “result in recording some interesting observations, but we would by definition have excluded all possibility of enriching our fundamental conceptions; the circuit we have to travel, from ourselves to caste, and back again from caste to ourselves, would be closed immediately because we would have never left the starting point” [Dumont 2013].

The ‘other’ value which Dumont insists one needs to be open about is hierarchy, without which one cannot understand the jajmāni system. In an attempt to create space for this value, Dumont tries to explain its inevitability in any social formation. Dumont’s call for openness to hierarchy is directed to the western readers who are likely to misunderstand caste due to modern denial of principles that seem to oppose the cherished values of individualism and equality.

Elaborating on Dumont’s point where he criticizes the modern mind’s (unthoughtful) commitment to individualism, another noted scholar Nicholas Dirks writes: “For Dumont it is the same commitment to individualism, even within the sociological space of theorizing the social, that rejects the possibility that hierarchy, the core value behind the caste system, has not only been foundational for most societies but is naturally so… to adopt a value is to introduce hierarchy, and a certain consensus of values, a certain

76 hierarchy of ideas, things and people, is indispensable to social life… the ideal of equality, even if it is thought superior, is artificial” [Dirks 2006]47.

This later analysis by Dumont is perhaps a critical review of his own earlier work on the jajmāni system. As mentioned earlier, in his initial studies on the jajmāni system, he is critical of the term ‘village community’ precisely from the point of view of equality. It is therefore, important to ask, if at all there can be a different imagination of community life, which is not opposed to the value of hierarchy?

2.4.4 Srinivas’ Criticism of ‘Village Community’: Formulations on Dominant Castes and Sanskritization

Moving on, the discussions on jajmāni system by M. N. Srinivas, in particular his formulations around sanskritization and ‘dominant castes’ are also considered important in Indian sociological circle. Srinivas’ anthropological study of his ancestral village Rampura (near the city of Mysore) is considered an important study and his formulations have thrown open new discussions on the system.

Srinivas like Dumont also does not see the use of term community to be fit to describe a village, due to the existence of hierarchy in all aspects of village life. Additionally, Srinivas also does not see a village to function like a unit, and rather whatever unity is seen in it, is actually forced upon its people.

Srinivas argues that the solidarity observed is actually forced upon by the dominant caste on other castes in the village. In contrast, he considers the caste to function more like a natural unit. According to him, a caste has a ‘social reality’, whereas a village is merely a dwelling place of

47 Dirks, Nicholas B. “Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India”. Permanent Black, Delhi 2006

77 diverse and unequal castes [Srinivas 2013]48. Here Srinivas questions the view propagated by the British Administrators, that a village should be seen as an independent and self-sufficient unit.

Srinivas argues that the lower castes do not subscribe to the solidarity of being part of a unit. It is the ‘dominant caste’ in a village which thrusts upon an artificial sense of solidarity on the lower castes. The political power that dominant castes have, can be due to their numerical superiority and/or due to their control over land. Srinivas gives instances of castes who although are numerically a minority but due to their control over land enjoy the dominant status. Conversely, there are also cases of castes who do not enjoy economic dominance but may still enjoy social dominance due to their ritualistic dominance on local customs. Another reason for a caste to be dominant in a village can be through the political patronage provided by the King. The reason for such a patronage is usually due to the caste’s contribution of majority of fighters to protect the king at times of war (who may often belong to the same caste). According to Srinivas, the caste’s ability to do violence in this way is related to them being dominant [Srinivas 2013, p.67]. Whatever may be the reason for a particular caste to be dominant in a village, the solidarity imposed on others is by force. And therefore, Srinivas challenges the very imagination of looking at a village as a unit.

Further, M. N. Srinivas sees the Indian village as a place of passivity and something that had been static in time. Here he seems to endorse Marx’s view, who concluded about Indian villages as being responsible for “restraining the human mind within the smallest possible compass… (and) depriving it of all grandeur and historical energies” [Madan 2013]. Marx considered the British rule being responsible towards introducing economic forces which led to the “welcome destruction of traditional Indian society”, as a result of unleashing certain economic forces and technology. For him, the disappearance of Indian village was both necessary and inevitable [Srinivas 2013, p.58].

48 Srinivas, M. N. “The Indian Village: Myth and Reality”, The Village in India Ed. Madan, Vandana Delhi. Oxford University Press 2013, pp. 51-70. Excerpted from M. N. Srinivas, “The Dominant Castes and Other Essay, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987, pp. 20-59.

78 Questioning the economic autonomy of a village, Srinivas points to what he calls “loopholes”, when he says that many services like salt, spices, iron smelting etc. came from outside the village [Srinivas 2013, p.64]. This objection has already been mentioned in earlier description of Dumont’s analysis.

Both Srinivas and Dumont seem to make the mistake of constraining autonomy by the boundary of village. As pointed by Wiser, the self-sufficiency in the village is a result of the jajmāni relations, that usually also extend beyond village boundaries. The jajmāni relations is not only between resident families of one village alone, but also amongst families belonging to different villages and more importantly with those who belong to wandering castes (also called ghumantu).

In the later segments, the detailed discussion on Wiser’s study and that by Ravindra Sharma in Adilabad would elaborate on the workings of jajmāni relations outside the village boundary. These discussions will give a clear glimpse into economic inter-dependence amongst families belonging to different villages. A specific instance of this would also be elaborated through the discussions with the kuruba community in Karnataka (separately listed for later discussion). The shepherds (kuruba) have informed this study, on how the wandering community even today fulfill the farmers’ need of rich manure, something that is critical for a village economy.

Both Srinivas and Dumont seemed to have neglected the contribution of wandering communities to the self-sufficiency of a village. This therefore requires a novel imagination of unity and self- sufficiency, which this study will attempt to provide. This study proposes, that the economic self- sufficiency of a family is ensured on grounds of it being a member of a caste in a village. The jajmāni relations which a family enjoys, is accorded to them by virtue of being associated to a village. And so, in this way, a village acts as a unit.

M. N. Srinivas is perhaps best known for his contribution to Indian sociology by coining a new term sanskritization. The process sanskritization as he characterizes, is adoption of certain values

79 and practices by lower castes to move upwards in the social hierarchy of caste system49. These practices like vegetarianism would generally be associated with the Brahmins, who are placed at the top of social hierarchy. The castes that are placed on higher positions in the hierarchy are more sanskritized than those at the bottom, since their practices are closer to the Brahmins.

Srinivas says, that although theoretically such mobility is not allowed, but it is much common to observe families move along caste hierarchy. Often the lower caste adopts the rituals and practices of the dominant castes, which may not be Brahmins. Such a change would take a couple of generations to get settled and find acceptance.

The process of sanskritization is however not limited to merely adoption of practices of higher castes. It also includes adopting their values and perhaps most importantly, being exposed to ideas that have found expression in vast Sanskrit literature, for example, ideas like karma, dharma, māyā, mokśa, samsāra, pāpa (paap), punya. Giving due importance to this aspect, Srinivas writes: “The institution of harikatha helps in spreading Sanskrit stories and ideas among illiterate. In a harikatha the priest reads and explains a religious story to his audience. Each story takes a few weeks to complete, the audience meeting for a few hours every evening in temple…. The faithful believe that such listening leads to the acquisition of spiritual merit. It is one of the traditionally approved ways of spending time” [Srinivas 1956, p.486].

This description of sanskritization by Srinivas seems to assume a rather homogeneity of ideas in Sanskrit literature. In fact, it is quite the contrary. Ideas like karma, dharma, mokśa etc. have many interpretations, some even contradicting each other. And therefore, it would not be accurate to assume that exposure to Sanskrit literature would result in adoption of uniform values and practices.

49 Srinivas, M. N. "A Note on Sanskritization and Westernization." The Far Eastern Quarterly 15, no. 4 (1956): 481- 96. doi:10.2307/2941919.

80 More importantly, Srinivas seemed to have overlooked that practices like harikathā were well established ways to promote collective contemplation in the Indian village life. The ‘existential dilemmas’ (dharma-sankat) brought to light in these stories, provided opportunities for ordinary people to engage with deeper questions in life and become familiar with their philosophical answers.

Moreover, Srinivas’ description attempts to make a neat chart of caste hierarchy and freeze it for a given time. Such a description contradicts Wiser’s observation regarding rotation of hierarchy in a village, where each family acts both as a jajmāna and also as a service provider (called kāmwāle by Wiser).

2.4.5 Fuller’s Endorsement of Village Community: Importance of Cultural Integration

A different view from Srinivas and Dumont is taken by C. J. Fuller, who regards a village to behave like a solidary unit50. He sees a certain social unity in a village, with the presence of degree of harmony and compatibility amongst its members and interestingly, between their local deities. Such experience of harmony is thought to be greatest when one lives in the village of one’s ancestors. This perhaps is indicative that the social harmony does get enhanced when one sees the jajmāni relationships to continue from one generation to the other. Fuller writes: “villages are normally recognized as significant social units, which are defined and constituted by relationships among villagers themselves, their local deities and the land on which they live… Indians often speak of their own village ‘customs’ and insist- however true it is in fact- that they differ from those found elsewhere” [Fuller 1992].

The solidarity in a village exists despite the presence of diverse practices or even social contestations within. Contradicting with Srinivas’ assessment that a village is merely a dwelling place of different castes, Fuller writes:

50 Fuller, C. J. “Rituals of the Village” The Village in India Ed. Madan, Vandana. Oxford University Press 2013, pp. 271- 291.

81 “despite all this variation, villages are still generally recognized as local communities, rather than place in which people merely happen to live and work” [Fuller 1992].

Fuller’s work focuses on cultural life that is intended to weave solidarity amongst village members. He observed certain village rituals whose explicit purpose was to benefit the whole village and build social cohesion amongst its members. He refers them by collective village festivals. He writes: “village rituals are one manifestation of the social significance of the local community, and in much of India the unity or solidarity of the community is most strikingly expressed in the celebration of village festivals” [Fuller 1992].

To explain this, Fuller analyses one such collective festival in Coorg region of southern Karnataka. The original documentation of the festival was done by M. N. Srinivas in 1941, and since Srinivas too explicitly dealt with the problem of unity of village, Fuller found it a fit case for analysis.

Taking from Srinivas, Fuller reproduces a fascinating description of the festival of goddess Kundat Bhadrakali of Koklur village. The goddess is considered to be “sometimes the tutelary deity of two or three villages, whose members cooperate at its annual festival” [Fuller 1992].

Fuller’s reading of this collective festival is that it intends to build solidarity amongst village members. His analysis of ritualistic duties that have been assigned to members of different castes gives him the conviction to use the phrase ‘organic solidarity’, to describe the social cohesion thus achieved. Fuller writes: “Overall though, it is through the division of labor that an ‘organic solidarity’, to employ Durkheim’s classic phrase, is generated among the various castes and families within the village, as focused on and organized by the headmen” [Fuller 1992].

Fuller disagrees with Dumont’s conclusion that the Bhadrakali festival belonged to the dominant Coorgs alone, since they were the chief patrons of it and met with most of its expenses. Rather,

82 Fuller gives importance to the ritualistic aspect, as the goddess is conceptualized as a tutelary deity of the whole village, and not the Coorgs alone. Fuller writes: “That the Coorgs meet most of the expenses reflects their leading role, but the offerings demonstrate that the Kuklur festival is celebrated for the whole village community, rather than just the dominant caste” [Fuller 1992].

Fuller goes on to give similar accounts of more collective festivals from other parts of India. His contention remains that the unity of the village community comes from cultural activities which are purposefully designed for collective participation. A number of such activities, played regularly over the year, tends to build a shared space of responsibility. It is important to mention here, that such festivities are organized by a sense of pride, which indicates a certain belonging which the villagers might be feeling.

2.4.6 Some Other Views on Indian Village

Exception to Fuller’s observation can be found in Oscar Lewis and Victor Barnouw’s study of village Rampur near Delhi51. They observed that the festivals in this region tend to be family concerns alone. However, they see marriage to be one important occasion which contributes to building social cohesion in the village. Lewis writes: “All the castes, or most of them, are brought into some connection with a wedding, in which the importance of the family and the village are demonstrated, and in which a jajmān’s ties with his kamins may be strengthened. The same is true, to a lesser extent of funerals and other rites de passage, as well as the village festivals” [Lewis Oscar and Victor Barnouw 1956].

Such observations are also made by Wiser, not only with respect to weddings but also child birth and funerals. This study too made a similar first-hand observation (in part) in a south Indian

51 Lewis, Oscar, and Victor Barnouw. "Caste and the Jajmani System in a North Indian Village." The Scientific Monthly 83, no. 2 (1956): 66-81. http://www.jstor.org/stable/21722.

83 village Hariamcheruvu (Andhra Pradesh) in 2009. The culminating ritual during weddings in the village was the shepherd’s contribution of the ‘sacred’ thread (made from the wool of sheep). In return, the shepherd’s family received dhoti, saree, a bag of grains and some money. This ritual was described to us by an old shepherd (the last one left practicing the profession) in the village. He carried a ball of woolen threads in his bag, along with a list of names of young girls who were nearing marriage age.

It is important to remember here, that many of the studies on jajmāni system have been in times of its disintegration. Therefore, while it is more accurate to observe the changes that have occurred in it, the challenge is however to capture the original intent with which it came into being.

For example, Lewis and Barnouw mention how the change in hair style of women have affected the nain (barber’s wife) in Rampur village, where the local women no longer require her services. Similarly, the slipping of carpentry in open market economy has greatly weakened the jajmāni ties between the carpenter and his patrons. Similar case is with the leather workers in the village (called camārs), whose jajmāni has got adversely effected with rise of tanning industry in the country [Lewis Oscar and Victor Barnouw 1956].

Another important study done in this regard is by Harold Gould of a north Indian village named Sherupur (done in 1954-55). According to him, the purpose of jajmāni system is to ensure survival of the village community and like Dumont, he considers hierarchy to be the basis of system’s stability. Both Gould and Dumont have placed ‘pollution’ at the center of hierarchy in the system. Just like there are rules of rights and duties in the customs, there are also rules on pollution which determine the hierarchy in the system. The one who is subjected to get polluted is placed higher and the one who is considered the source of pollution is considered lower in the hierarchy.

The important take away from both Wiser and Gould is that the jajmāni system involves a direct, ‘face-to-face’ economic relations between people, with no presence of any intermediary

84 institution52. The exchange of services or the produce directly take place between homes of different families, and there is no requirement of any shops in between. Gould calls it the case of ‘economic particularism’.

This observation however does not take into account the contributions from wandering communities, who in a way play the role of intermediaries in inter-village economic exchanges.

Gould, contrary to Wiser believes that these direct relations are non-rotational and fixed in a manner that some families are permanent jajmāns, while some are destined to be their servants for all times.

Gould also observed that not all economic relationships fall under the ambit of jajmāni system and some economic relations were completely out it, especially those concerning cash crops53. While he could not find name of this second system in Sherupur (perhaps indicating it as a new phenomenon which is yet to find its cultural roots), he found support from another study done by Harper in 1959 in southern India. Harper describes the presence of two distinct systems in some villages in south India - jajmāni system and the malnād system. The malnād system is for the cash crops alone; in the case of Harper’s observation, the areca nut. The system involves money wages as seen in open markets that are governed by the principle of demand and supply. This is different from the old jajmāni system which is concerned with ‘traditional economic needs’ and functions on traditional principles of jajmāni customs [Gould 1964, p.131].

These are indicative of changing economic practices in India; collapse of traditional jajmāni principles of economics and the simultaneous widespread adoption of open market like economic principles.

52 Gould, Harold A. "The Hindu Jajmani System: A Case of Economic Particularism." Journal of Anthropological Research 42, no. 3 (1986): 269-78. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3630033. 53 Gould, Harold A. “A Jajmani System of North India: Its structure, Magnitude and Meaning” Ethnology, vol. III, no.1, January 1964, pp. 12-41.

85 2.4.7 Factors Responsible for Disintegration of Indian Village: Dharampal, Sundarlal, Dutt and Dirks’ Analysis of Impact of Colonial Rule on India

So far, we have looked at how some of the prominent scholarship has described the village community. Moving on, it becomes an important consideration to explore the factors that led to the dispossession of jajmāni system and thus disintegration of Indian village. The systemic collapse of Indian agriculture, industrial tradition and trading practices led to widespread poverty and destitution.

In this context, this study looks through works of Dharampal54, Pandit Sundarlal55, and R.C. Dutt56 to understand the factors behind the collapse of Indian economy which plunged Indian villages in extreme poverty. Their work has shown that the fiscal policies adopted by colonial administration and the resultant change on taxation- both manifold increase in tax and also the change in its form from actual produce to money, resulted in decimation of village economy. Moreover, the centralization of tax collection resulted in rendering local village institutions orphaned, thus slowly resulting in their decline.

It is important to keep in mind that most studies done on jajmāni system have been done during times when Indian society was already suffering from destitution and desperation of extreme poverty. It is likely that many of the traditional norms had changed or even replaced by modern norms at the times of these studies. What may have been concluded to be jajmāni practices, may actually have been fairly recent constructs.

Similarly, equally important is to understand the destruction of cultural life in villages, which resulted in altering of the Indian social landscape. Important in this context is the destruction of

54 Dharampal “Rediscovering India: Collection of Essays and Speeches (1956-1998)” SIDH, Mussoorie 2003. 55 Sundarlal “Bharat Mein Angrezi Raaj Vol. II”. Publication Division, Govt. of India. 56 Dutt, R. C. “The Economic History of India Vol- One” Publications Division” Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India (first published in 1960).

86 Indian education system. We know from the seminal work of Dharampal57 the extent of educational infrastructure in Indian villages; for example, Thomas Munro’s report from 1812-13 on Madras presidency reports “every village had a school” and later William Adams’ report from 1835 about region of Bengal reports having “100000 schools” and similar account given by Lietner in 1882 of Punjab region [Dharampal 2007]. Dharampal’s work digs deeper to explore the caste composition of students in these schools, the books that are taught, the average time a child spends in school and also the condition of institutions of higher education in pre-colonial India. It is important for this study to explore this extensive network of education in India and how a collapse of it would have adversely impacted the cultural life in Indian villages.

Further, this study explores how the Indian social landscape got reconstituted under the colonial administration to acquire an altogether different form. Studies done by Dirks58 indicate that the character of Indian social life was re-defined and reconfigured, including the way hierarchy had functioned under the colonial administration as a direct result of the policies adopted at that time. An important example is the reconfiguration of caste to suit the colonial conquest of India. Dirks has shown that what is understood by caste today is actually a colonial construct- an all- encompassing pan India social identifier with neat and fixed hierarchy. Work by Dharampal provides support to Dirks’ view.

For example, we have already mentioned earlier, that both Wiser and Ravindra Sharma have noted the caste hierarchy to be of rotational nature. Similar observation is made by Dharampal, who after referring from British records of early nineteenth century claims that castes in India had existed “side by side” [Dharampal 2003, p.12]. Similarly, Dirks writes that caste in pre-colonial days functioned primarily like a political institution which “was shaped by political struggles and processes” [Dirks 2006, p.13] and was not an output of religious orthodoxy, as made out to be today.

57 Dharampal. “The Beautiful Tree: Indigenous Indian Education in the Eighteenth Century”. Other India Press, Goa 2007 58 Dirks, Nicholas B. “Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India” Permanent Black, Delhi 2006 (first published in 2002)

This study has explored the analysis done by Dirks and Dharampal to uncover the reconstitution of caste as part of colonial project. We feel there is a need for considered reading of their works to understand the extent of changes the Indian social went through in colonial period. It would be fair to say that studies done in colonial circumstances, and conclusions drawn from them about the jajmāni system should be reviewed.

It can be said that the first problem we face today vis a vis building an understanding of jajmāni system is to excavate the pre-colonial aspects of its functioning and not confuse its colonial form with its pre-colonial form; for example, Dirks calls the caste (as we know it today), a colonial form of European civil society [Dirks 2006, p.16]. According to Dirks, what the European scholars have studied as castes is not the ancient form of it. Dirks writes on this: “… the caste as we know it today, is not in fact some unchanged survival of ancient India, not some single system that reflects a core civilizational value, not a basic expression of Indian tradition. Rather, I will argue that caste (as we know it today) is a modern phenomenon, that it is, specifically, the product of an historical encounter between India and Western colonial rule” [Dirks 2006, p.5].

We shall discuss in greater details in ch.6, how the colonial rule changed both the economic and social landscape of India. Such has been the change that the structure and character of Indian society has been radically altered from what it was in pre-colonial days. In these circumstances, it can be understood that why most scholarship overlooked the formation of rich contemplative spaces for people in the villages. It is likely, that at the times of these studies, such spaces had already been dispossessed in life of a village.

This study attempts to bring back the focus on that classical concern. And in this light, it will attempt to explain the functioning of jajmāni system. As we have discussed earlier, the space for collective contemplation has been placed at the center of community life in classical India.

88 A more detailed discussion on this is listed in subsequent segments.

2.4.8 Towards an Indian Sense of Past: Dharampal and Navjyoti Singh’s Efforts to Bring New Light to Indian ‘Darkness’

We have briefly touched upon the changes that happened in Indian socio-cultural space under the colonial rule. And how the changed space has constituted Indian self-image in contemporary times. Dharampal (1920-2008) was most moved by his concern that the modern Indian mind has been ‘desituated’ (a phrase used by David Orr), and therefore was incapable of taking any original initiative. He firmly believed that we as Indians who belong to an ancient civilization must develop a true sense of past [Dharampal 2002]59. Dharampal was curious to explore the Indian mind and regarded an urgent need to re-discover the categories of Indian philosophical traditions. He was specifically keen to explore the conceptions regarding Origin and Time in classical Indic view.

Dharampal’s work was successful in breaking the fossilized image of Indian past- an image which considered India to be stuck in quagmire of time. To break this image, he relied upon the reports from early British administrators to examine the condition of Indian society before the British took over its administrative control. His work on the condition of Education system60; its widespread infrastructure and the quality of education being imparted in it, became a topic of much discussion, drawing sharp response both in his favor and against.

Dharampal has distinguished the reports given by early British agents (until early part of nineteenth century) from those by latter agents. According to him, the character of Indian social life had undergone radical changes under the colonial rule and therefore the society that was studied by British agents in late nineteenth century and early twentieth century onwards was different from what India was in pre-colonial days. Moreover, as Dirks has pointed that the tool of understanding India changed after the revolt of 1857; from discipline of History being used to

59 Dharampal “Bhartiya Chitta, Manas aur Kaal”. Published by Bharat Peetham, Wardha 2002 60 Dharampal “The Beautiful Tree: Indigenous Indian Education in the Eighteenth Century”. Other India Press, Goa 2007

89 understand the natives, Anthropology took over as the primary tool of investigation [Dirks 2006, p.43]. It can be said that European sociology was used not only to define Indian social but also to reconfigure it, homogenize it and systemize it to justify colonial rule [Dirks 2006, pp.43-47]. Dirks writes: “As India was anthropologized in the colonial interest, a narrative about its social formation, its political capacity and its civilizational inheritance began increasingly to tell the story of colonial inevitability and of the permanence of British imperial rule”. [Dirks 2006, p.16]

Dharampal was therefore always wary of conclusions about Indian society that were drawn in later part of nineteenth century and twentieth century scholarship, as they have resulted from evaluating an alien system with use of European sociological categories. He instead preferred to take more seriously the observations made in early colonial period. In an interview given to Dr. G.S.R Krishnan which was published in Deccan Herald in March 1983 and later reprinted, Dharampal says: “The more I went into the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century records, the more I was convinced that the picture of Indian society that we all have is wrong” [Dharampal 2003, p.4]61.

Dharampal’s attention was caught by Mahatma Gandhi’s lecture of Oct 20, 1931 delivered in Chatham House, London62, in which he claimed that literacy in India was at a steady decline and much of it he blamed on the policies adopted by the British administration. The decline of “village republics” (as Metcalf described it) led to decline of local schools and other knowledge institutions in India. What Mahatma Gandhi claimed about Indian educational system and infrastructure in this lecture appeared to be in direct contradiction to the self-image of India that is commonly held today. Dharampal decided to explore the reports and records of British administrators- from Punjab, Bengal and Southern India and gathered evidence on the state of

61 Dharampal “Rediscovering India: Collection of Essays and Speeches (1956-1998)” SIDH, Mussoorie 2003. 62 From “Collected Works of Gandhi” Vol. 54 13 October 1931 – 8 February 1932 p. 61 (https://www.gandhiashramsevagram.org/gandhi-literature/mahatma-gandhi-collected-works-volume-54.pdf)

90 education in Indian society before the British established their administrative hold. With the help of early nineteenth century reports of British officers, he brought to the notice of modern Indian reader, the wide extent of education in pre-colonial Indian villages and the sophisticated developments in the field of Science and Technology in eighteenth century in traditional India63.

Like Dharampal, Navjyoti Singh (1958-2018) was also very curious about the Indic knowledge traditions, especially classical theories in Mathematics, Logic and Aesthetics64. He was also very keen to explore the traditional jajmāni system and had great admiration towards Ravindra Sharma’s work.

Both Dharampal and Singh were concerned about the rather ignored intellectual traditions of classical India. Singh called it challenge of groping into the “darkness” of Indic traditions65; to understand Indic categories and to use them to unearth the treasure of knowledge that lies unexplored.

To illustrate the unique ‘problem of Endarkenment’ of Indic tradition, Singh uses a popular fable of Mullah Nasruddin on “Light and Search” [Singh, Navjyoti 2018, pp. 1-10]66:

In an otherwise tranquil night Mullah Nasruddin was feverishly searching for something on the ground right under a lamp pole at the outskirts of his village. Passing villagers asked him if they could help. He had lost the key. Everybody heartily joined together in his quest. When nobody could find the key for quite some time, a villager asked Mullah to recall and reflect on various possibilities of having misplaced the key. Mullah in a matter of fact manner said, “I accidentally dropped it on the other side of village.” The villagers were aghast and asked, “then why are you searching it here!” Mullah retorted “because, there is light here and darkness there.”

63 Dharampal “Science and Technology in Eighteenth Century” Other India Press, Goa 2007 (first published in 1971 by Impex India) 64 Jha, Avinash “Navjyoti Singh: Bhartiya Chintan Parampara ka Naya Path” in Pratiman: Samay Samaj Sanskriti (Year 6, No. 11), January-June 2018 Delhi pp. 344-351 65 The term darkness was used by him to indicate a wealth of knowledge which remains unexplored. 66 Singh, Navjyoti translated from “Andharmayata ka Anveshan” Pratiman: Samay Samaj Sanskriti (Year 6, No. 11), January-June, 2018 Delhi pp. 1-10

91 Using this rather popular fable, Singh sheds light on a problem of contemporary India which is rarely talked about in public discourses (barring a few exceptions like Gandhi), though well recognized in the privacy of homes. According to him, the ‘key’ in the Sufi fable which is under search, is the “humanity of non-West”, but the location of its search is in domains enlightened by modern European thought [Singh, Navjyoti 2018].

Jajmāni system is one such example, much of which lays hidden in the ‘darkness of time’. Most of its analysis by scholars has been through the ‘light of enlightened Europe’; through categories which Europe has been familiar with (to be discussed in greater detail in ch.6).

Glitter and glamour of modern West, has removed the people in “non-West” from their sense of past. There is now a social situation where for one to participate successfully in the enlightened space of modernity, one is required to leave behind the ‘darkness’ of “their gods, languages and manners”. The moral of the Sufi fable is however to not hesitate about probing in the dark.

For Singh, the undoing of ‘Indic Endarkenment’ is the greatest project modern India can take up and devote a longish time on it. The European enlightenment needs to be deconstructed using Indic categories. Singh adds a caveat here- “The issue is not of one-upmanship in a warring play of endarkenment and enlightenment but is one of truth. The key question is – Can there be enlightenment that does not unleash crippling endarkenment (elsewhere)? It is worth groping in the dark to find this mother of keys” [Singh, Navjyoti 2018].

Dharampal and Singh’s exhortation to grope in the darkness of Indic civilizational thought, encourages us to take recourse to some unconventional sources of knowledge. Chief among them is Ravindra Sharma of Adilabad (Telangana) who have a long and intense interaction with some of the traditional communities. One can say, he belonged to the oral tradition of knowledge dissemination in India. Our interaction with them proved to be invaluable in developing the understanding of the traditional Indian village and getting new insights regarding the jajmāni system.

92 A detailed discussion on the understanding developed through these interactions is listed for later discussions.

2.5 Review of Literature to Understand Philosophical Basis of Jajmāni System

The above-mentioned work gives an understanding of the workings of jajmāni system, primarily based upon the observations made by western scholars in times when the system had already begun disintegrating. However, for the purpose of this study it is also important to look at the concepts which can be said to form the philosophical basis of the system. These include concepts of yajña (from which the term jajmāni comes into being), rina (existential debt), mokśa (liberation), jāti (caste), vritti and a few more. Most studies on jajmāni system have not attempt to understand these civilizational concepts (except for caste). It will be quite fruitful to explore the philosophical basis of the jajmāni system, particularly to understand the civilization background from which it has emerged.

Although a separate section is dedicated for this discussion, however only to briefly mention here, this study found these Indic concepts to be important to understand the principles under which the jajmāni system was intended to operate.

The foremost amongst these is the concept of yajña, from which the name jajmāni is derived. The word jajmāna is used for one, on whose behalf a yajña is being performed. Conceptually it will be accurate to say that in jajmāni system, all activities of life are perceived to be like a yajña. This view finds its basis in the ancient vedic literature, where yajña is mentioned in the first hymn of rg veda, the oldest of the four vedas. This is perhaps an indication of the importance that the pre-vedic society accorded to yajña.

93 2.5.1 Exploring Important Philosophical Concepts to Understand Jajmāni System

According to Shankarnarayan, the vedic literature considers yajña to fulfill one’s material desires and build harmonious relations amongst humans and between Nature and mankind [Shankarnarayan, K. 2016]67. Another author Devdutt Pattanaik, while writing on the classical text bhagavad gita, explains yajña as an occasion of exchange which “establish a human ecosystem of mutuality, reciprocity, obligations and expectations” [Pattanaik 2019, p.99]68. A similar view about yajña is also shared by Bhatkivedanta, S. Prabhupada69 who has also elaborated on bhagavad gita. According to him bhagavad gita describes such a person as thief who does not live as per yajña i.e. does not act for reciprocity, mutuality, obligations etc. [Prabhupada 1986, p.158]. We will also explore the works of Fritz Staal70 who has established the ritualistic nature of yajña, and Gyamshruti, S. & Srividyananda, S.71 who have explained the practice of yajña as means to fulfillment of one’s rina (existential debt); another important philosophical concept developed in Indic tradition.

To explain very briefly here, the concept of yajña is built on the understanding that the reality is inter-connected and inter-dependent. No unit in reality can be considered to be isolated. And therefore, the practice of yajña is meant to enable human beings to live (to act) in a way so that they contribute to the larger whole- both mankind and larger Nature. A more detailed exploration into yajña is listed for a later discussion.

The inter-connectedness of reality finds theoretical justification in many schools of thoughts in Indic tradition. In contemporary times, Madhyastha-Darśana which was propounded by A. Nagaraj Sharma of Amarkantak72 too has endorsed this view. One can find philosophical support to jajmāni system from Nagraj Sharma’s basic tenets about nature of reality and man.

67 Shankarnarayan K. “Moksha ke Maarga: Vaidik Parampara ke Anusaar”. RadhaSwami Satsang, Beas 2016 68 Pattanaik, Devdutt. “My Gita”. Rupa Publications India Pvt. Ltd. Delhi 2019 69 Bhatkivedanta S. Prabhupada “Bhagvad-Gita: As It Is”. The Bhagwat Vedanta Book Trust, 1986 70 Staal, Fritz “AGNI: The Vedic Ritual the Fire Altar (vol 1)”. Motilal Banarsidas, 2010 71 Gyanshruti S. & Srividyananda S. “Yajna: A Comprehensive Study”. Yoga Publications Trust, Munger, Bihar 72 This school of thought is also known as Co-existentialism.

According to Madhyastha-Darśana the basic nature of reality is that it exists in the form of co- existence, where units enjoy interdependence on each other. All relationships (between units) are in the form of complementary relations between units. And in this light, the relationship of mankind with Nature, and amongst themselves too will be complementary; for otherwise it will not sustain. This view on inter-dependence between mankind and Nature and amongst men finds its manifestation in the way jajmāni system is expected to function.

The practice of yajña is expected to create a cultural habit in man where his actions are motivated by sense of contribution. Nagaraj Sharma has professed this sentiment through the injunction “let others live and live”. The implications of this can be seen fully manifested functioning of jajmāni system.

Perhaps a similar sentiment was shared by Gandhian economist J. C. Kumarappa when he proposed ‘Service Economy’ as a non-violent economic model; something that is non-exploitative of fellow men and also environment73. As explained by Kumarappa, such an economy is based on the assumption that if everyone only worries about providing in an economy, it would naturally ensure that everyone is fulfilled for their needs. The idea of service, where one provides without expectations of a return, can said to be inspired from the concept of yajña. Kumarappa sees this attitude in certain human relations, most visibly between a mother and a child. He would relate the idea of service to be closely linked to the idea of family.

In contrast to service economy, Kumarappa has describe the modern economy to be of the worst kind (i.e. most violent), calling it “parasitic economy”. According to him, a parasite by definition is an organism which feeds on the host without giving back anything in return. So much so, after a point in time the host dies, and eventually so does the parasite. Kumarappa would describe the modern economy to be following on this path of destroying the host i.e. mother earth and thereby running the risk of self-extinction.

73 Kumrappa, J. C. “Economy of Permanence” 1957

This study will indicate that the concerns of these thinkers are in one way or the other met in the jajmāni system. The system seems to be have functioned on the values of mutuality and reciprocity.

The other philosophical concept that is closely related is that of rina or debt. The Hindu philosophy believes that there are 5 major debts on each individual- debt of parents, teachers, gods/goddesses, mankind and Nature. And life is lived in order to repay these debts. Corresponding to the 5 rinas (debts), are 5 major yajñas called as panca-mahā yajña (five great yajña). In this way, one can also understand yajña to be a means to ensure rina-poorti (debt dissolution). As this study will attempt to show, the direct interdependence in jajmāni system and the culture of reciprocity is possible to work if people consider indebtedness a human reality and debt-dissolution a cherished value to work for.

Both these concepts, i.e. rina and yajña, will find relevance only when viewed from the perspective of mokśa (liberation). As discussed earlier in this segment, the Hindu view considers purpose of life to be mokśa (liberation), and all actions (namely yajña) are meant to facilitate one’s journey towards it. In other words, it can be said that one gets truly liberated when one is able to repay all the debts, i.e. complete rinapoorti.

The jāti (caste) in the jajmāni system is that institution which enables an individual to participate in this grand scheme. One’s contribution by virtue of one’s jāti (caste) is considered to be like a yajña. And so, by living by the rules and duties of one’s jāti, the individual is able to live a life as a yajña.

It is important to understand what is fundamentally meant by living life as per the rules of one’s jāti. It is expected that one dedicates all aspects of one’s living i.e. food habit, habitat, clothing style, festivities, medicines and other aspects of daily routine to fulfillment of a particular need of one’s jajmāna. So, for example, in the jajmāni system one would observe a potter molding his

96 living according to the needs of being a good potter which is to live for providing pots to his jajmāna. Similarly, a weaver, a blacksmith, a leather worker, a priest, a farmer etc. would do the same. One can observe that while they are residents of the same village, yet they have differing ways of living.

In other words, the institution of jāti is not only responsible for fulfillment of material necessities, but is also responsible to maintain diversity in living, as members of different castes live daily life in diverse ways; observe diverse cultural practices. And so, while, one would witness diversity of customs and habits across a region, one would also witness it amongst people living in the same village.

Another category, which is similar to the jāti is vritti. While there are thousands of jātis to be found in India74, however there are only three vrittis: karma vritti, vaiśya vritti and bhikśā vritti. People belonging to all professions (or all castes), are categorized in these three. The first two i.e. karma vritti and vaiśya vritti are composed of those who are involved in production and manufacturing and exchange of material stuff. In other words, these two vrittis are responsible for ensuring material prosperity in a village. The third one, bhikśā vritti is composed of artist communities who are engaged with creation of rich contemplative spaces in the village through performances of their respective art forms. Together the three vrittis are responsible for ensuring material prosperity and developing a culture of contemplation in the village.

The understanding on these Indic categories of jāti and vritti has been obtained from personal interactions with Ravindra Sharma and Navjyoti Singh. This study considers them experts in this field.

A detailed discussion on these philosophical concepts and Indic categories along with a few more is presented in chapter 4. These concepts will be helpful in re-visualizing the jajmāni system.

74 Census of 1890 listed 2,30,000 distinct castes.

97 2.6 Conclusions

To very briefly conclude the discussion so far, this study begins by attempting to address the primal question, why do individuals come together? We reach a conclusion that the fundamental motive behind a human gathering is to facilitate collective contemplation. It is in this perspective alone that a human gathering can be distinguished from gathering of animals. Only men, when they come together, help each other contemplate on issues that are beyond their survival concerns; issues of right and wrong action, issues of death and birth and immortality, issues of Nature and planet etc.

Moving on, when individuals come together, the diversity in the group is inevitable, since each individual brings with him a unique background and a unique opportunity for future. In this regard, diversity in human realm is both inevitable and also celebratory. And therefore, problem of diversity management is integral to any human society. Modern times have seen much depletion of diversity- death of languages, customs, home designs, food and clothing habits etc. are all being witnessed in contemporary times. In this regard, the case of traditional Indian village, which is structured on the jajmāni system becomes an apt case for study, since Indian society has been known to be an abode of diversity.

In order to understand the jajmāni system comprehensively, it is necessary to explore the philosophical basis for the system; concepts like yajña, rina, mokśa etc. These have been civilizational concepts and without an appropriate understanding of these it becomes rather difficult to properly appreciate the jajmāni system.

We have also explored the classical idea of public space and its distinction from private space. Classically, the private space of household is a space for sustenance and (material) comfortability of life. And the public space has been viewed as a space of collective contemplation; where non- immediate issues like birth, death, immortality, purposiveness etc. are taken up for contemplation. It is in such a space that new ideas are born and new initiatives are under-taken.

98 Moreover, there are certain fundamental human tendencies which allow for unity amongst diverse (and often contesting) beliefs. The strength of such a unifying force comes from the collective interest in dharma that is shared by individuals of diverse beliefs.

Modern times have seen a change in nature of public-private spaces. The public space has become a space of production, as a result of which the contemplation in public space has got reduced to matters of material production and exchange. Dharma and other issues like death and birth that exist on the margins of life have been largely left out of contemplation. As a result, the diverse (and contesting beliefs) have become a rather difficult to manage in modern public spaces.

This study in subsequent segments will explore the classical Indic conception of public space (society), by referring to classical text nāttyaśātra- the treatise on drama. Such an exploration will throw light upon the fundamental relation between art and dharma on one hand and art and society on the other hand.

This study intends to explore the jajmāni system from the point of its ability to facilitate collective contemplation amongst its members, since such a space is where diversity is born. And this study will also explore the mechanisms of sustenance of life (methods of material production and distribution), which allowed for diversity to be nurtured. There will be a special focus on the nature of local village economy and the nature of traditional technology.

The previous studies on jajmāni system have largely focused to understand the nature of its economic sustainability and to understand the unique Indian category of caste. These studies seem to have completely overlooked the concerns regarding collective contemplation and how diversity is born and sustained in jajmāni system.

Lastly, this study has taken recourse to certain unconventional though valuable sources of information on jajmāni system. One such resource has been Shri Ravindra Sharma, who spent

99 more than two decades with various local communities in Adilabad. Ravindra Sharma’s understanding of the jajmāni system is rich with local perspective and has the potential to throw new light on the current understanding about jajmāni system. In subsequent chapter, we intend to discuss his work and findings and thereby attempt to re-visualize the jajmāni system to some extent.

100 Chapter 3

Learning from Ravindra Sharma’s Work & Field Interactions

As mentioned earlier, in addition to the prominent literature on the jajmāni system, the present exploration has dwelt substantially on the revealing experience of Ravindra Sharma who has spent more than two decades with the rural traditional communities of Adilabad and has been able to throw some fresh light on the jajmāni system. In the challenge to grope in the ignored spaces of Indic intellectual traditions, taking recourse to rather unconventional sources have proven to be quite fruitful.

In course of the present exploration, long interactions with two other personalities has been useful to throw light upon the functioning of the jajmāni system. These interactions have sometimes led to conclusions which are quite different from the conventional opinion about the jajmāni system. Deliberations on these have the potential to throw new light upon the current status of understanding.

These deliberations can be divided into three parts. The first study is to look at jajmāni system at a regional level. Under the guidance of Ravindra Sharma, the functioning of jajmāni system in Adilabad region (Telangana, South-Central part of India) was explored. The significance of this case study is that while previous scholarly works like that by Wiser or Srinivas have focused on one village, Ravindra Sharma gives a larger perspective of jajmāni system across a region. At a regional level, the aspects of economic and political autonomy become all the clearer. Moreover, a view at regional level is necessary to appropriately place the many wandering communities (ghumantu), which otherwise do not find any/much mention when one is only looking at a single village.

The second and third case studies look at the role of two such wandering communities. Close interactions with community elders from the kurbā (shepherd) community of Belgaum

101 (Karnataka, South-Western part of India) and the thākar community (puppeteers) of Sawantwadi (Maharashtra, Western part of India), provided a view of from the point these wandering communities.

The understanding developed through these three case studies, enables one to place the significance of wandering communities, including the artist communities into the functioning and stability of jajmāni system. Such an understanding is largely missing in the conventional literature.

3.1 Brief Introduction of Ravindra Sharma’s Work

Ravindra Sharma (1952-2018) is regarded as an original thinker on Indian society by many contemporary intellectuals interested in the understanding of Indian traditional culture and society. Ravindra Sharma was a native of Adilabad and a master of many craftsmanship, which he learnt directly from local artisan families. He learnt these skills through long and intimate time spent amongst these communities. As a result, he also learnt about their social relationships with other communities and metaphysical outlook towards the world.

Prof. Samdhong Rimpoche (former Vice-Chancellor of Tibetan Institute of Higher Studies at Sarnath and also former Prime Minister of Tibetan Government in exile) described Ravindra Sharma as “one of the rare instances of someone who understood the ancient Indian education institutions and social systems and successfully explained it (to modern people) in a logical manner”75.

Revered Telugu literary figure Sadashiv Rao noticed a unique observational capacity in Ravindra Sharma. Rao writes about him:

75 Rimpoche, Samdhong translated from “Samyak Drishta” in Smriti Jagaran Ke Harkare: Ravindra Sharma (Guruji). Ed. Gupta, Pawan and Gupta, Ashish K. Published by SIDH 2012. p.5

102 “Everyone get educated, but very few are able to see things clearly with the help of an inherent aesthetic sense, and then ponder upon it before reaching a conclusion. That is what he did”76.

The unique capability to understand the society from within which Ravindra Sharma had developed was due to his intimate interactions with local artisanal communities. He acquired his multiple ‘art-skills’ from the traditional artisan (kārigar) communities of Adilabad- painting from nakkāśi-wāle, pottery from kumhār, sculpting from śilpi, metal casting from ojhā and more (other than his formal training from University of Baroda). As a result of his close proximity with these artisan communities, he observed the aesthetics of inter-woven community living. Perhaps something similar was also seen by Wiser during his stay in Karimpur; for he described the jajmāni system in terms of “inter-relation” between different communities.

According to Ravindra Sharma, all the communities who read jātipurān (historical tales specific to each caste) were responsible for interweaving of different castes together. The jātipurān not only consisted of historical tales of each caste, but also talked about interdependence between them.

While Wiser’s study was limited to one village, Ravindra Sharma’s observation was at a regional level. He could see the expanse of jajmāni relations at an inter-village scale and more importantly saw the significant contributions made by many wandering castes. Ravindra Sharma considered the artist communities key to the jajmāni system. According to him, these communities were responsible for nurturing a contemplative culture in the village, helping in dispute resolutions and developing a sense of mutuality in people. In this manner, through 20 years of close association with many of these communities, Ravindra Sharma developed a novel view of the jajmāni system, which should be considered as a view from inside (as opposed to the outside view of anthropological studies). Ravindra Sharma’s cultural embeddedness in Indic ethos, and

76 Rao, Sadashiv translated from “Prakhar Buddhi ki Pakki Soch ka Ravindra” in Smriti Jagaran Ke Harkare: Ravindra Sharma (Guruji). Ed. Gupta, Pawan and Gupta, Ashish K. Published by SIDH 2012. p.48

103 his familiarity and comfort with Indic categories along with his sharp observation resulted in his invaluable wisdom.

Ravindra Sharma gained from the rich oral tradition in India, learning from the tales that were sang by storytellers, and from the history lessons given by artisan communities. He continued in that tradition, and gradually gained reputation of a storyteller himself. His home, Kala Ashram as it came to be known, became a museum and an abode for listeners.

One of the early writings on him was by Rajni Bakshi, who saw in him a unique carrier of Gandhian legacy in the country77. She has placed Ravindra Sharma amidst some respected social activists in contemporary India, although his life was far removed from activism as it is commonly perceived. Ravindra Sharma’s description of village life provides validity to Mahatma Gandhi’s vision of grām-swarājya (village-based home rule); as an abode of fullness of life, which according to Mahatma Gandhi ought to form the building blocks of India’s future.

Elaborating a little on Ravindra Sharma’s earliest association with various artist communities, Bakshi writes about young Ravindra’s observations about the artist communities who were part of everyday social life. She writes: “… the boy understood that the budubudukālodü (damrü or hand-held drum playing community) was roaming through the town warding off ghosts and bidding farewell to the spirits of the night. It was now three in the morning. A little later the gosāmolü, a husband-wife team, would pass by singing bhajans to an ektārā. Then just before the first light rays lightened the sky, came the haridās. He danced with ghungaroo on his feet, singing rāga bhairavi. It was haridās who awakened the gods from slumber to greet the new day… then came the jangam… singing praise of śiva. Closer to noon came the kāthi- papalodu, a magician with animals… And so on, as the day moved full circle a variety of

77 Bakshi, Rajini “Ravindra Sharma: A Silent Dawn” in Bapu Kuti: Journeys in Rediscovery of Gandhi Penguin Books 1998

104 singers, minstrels, water-diviners, medicine men and traveling merchants filled life of Adilabad with color, song and meanings” [Bakshi, Rajini 1998].

As Ravindra Sharma hit adolescence, the world of Adilabad was changing under the project of modernization. Most people saw it as inevitable change of time, he however saw the decline in the richness of life which ordinary folks had experienced in Adilabad. “He knew that with minstrels an entire civilization, a way of life, was fading. It was leaving behind an eerie vacuum. The standardized, long-distance broadcasts of All India Radio were no substitute for the presence of a gosāmolü. Now life and art, art and beauty were moving further and further apart” [Bakshi, Rajini 1998].

Ravindra Sharma was successful in painting a picture of village where cultural life was inter- twined with social and economic aspects of living. For this he gave emphasis to the innumerable festivities observed in the village life. A festival, according to Ravindra Sharma is not only a celebration of local culture and customs, it is also an occasion of social bonhomie and economic opportunity for local communities.

Ravindra Sharma’s narration of traditional stories and folklores appeared quite unique and attractive to modern listeners. His style of storytelling was perhaps borrowed from traditional storytellers. For example, while narrating the episode of kriśna-leelā (part of the epic Mahābhārata), Ravindra Sharma explained certain important principles of village economy. Kriśna, the hero in the tale sabotages the practice of selling out the village products to urban cities and rather instead utilize them for nurturing the local village economy itself. In this way, kriśna helps the village establish its sovereignty over local water resource and establishes self- autonomy of the village78. This is perhaps an apt example to understand how the traditional storytellers imbibed principles of economics and social behavior through their performances.

78 Satya, Harsh “The Collector of Seeds” in Smriti Jagaran ke Harkare 2012 (a memoir on Ravindra Sharma) pp. 173- 186

105 For many, Ravindra Sharma played the role of being a story teller; narrating numerous stories of his experiences living amidst local communities. His sharing was critical in expanding one’s imagination towards alternative human livings, which otherwise have been (or are being) forgotten. This study considers his most important contribution was to place the bhiksha vritti communities (those who were engaged with artistic endeavors) in a central role in the functioning of jajmāni system.

3.1.1 Some Key Observations by Ravindra Sharma on Jajmāni System

Ravindra Sharma made some key observations about the jajmāni system in the Adilabad region. A brief mention about these are given below.

Village as a Unit

According to Ravindra Sharma, a village when seen as a unit would comprise of a region of 25 sq.km. Such a region commonly is known as dehāt or pind in north India. This study interprets this as a cluster of villages in a local region being an economically self-reliant unit. One can appreciate that not all services may be available in a single village, but economic self-sufficiency seems prudent amongst a cluster of villages. Wiser in his book has mentioned about a few important services which the village karimpur (village of his study) calls from neighboring villages.

Further, the principle of self-reliance is ensured by a fixed clientele for all families, and dedicated occasions of public remunerations called māna. According to Ravindra Sharma, every family enjoyed 12 occasions of māna, in one year. And this formed the basis of their economic security. This study could not independently verify the number 12, but what was certainly noticed was the practice of māna or what can be called ritualistic facilitation of certain families at times of festivals.

106 In this way, according to Ravindra Sharma a village would ensure (i) āhār ki surakśā or security of livelihood and (ii) kāma kā gaurav or dignity of labor for all families. Similar observation is also made by Wiser for Karimpur [Wiser 1988]79.

Family as a production Unit

In the village, a family acted as a production unit. Thus, each household was also a production workshop. And the entire family was involved in the production process. The income earned was therefore of a family and not an individual.

This study spent a few days with the family of Shri Gyaneshwar of ojhā community- traditional brass bell makers, in village Kerameri (about 100km from Adilabad town). It was observed that the family’s house functioned as a workshop with furnace situated in its backyard. The whole family worked as an economic unit and was involved in extracting forest wax, making wax threads, collecting brass from homes in neighboring villages or local market and eventually casting brass bells and other artifacts like seed sower and measuring cup for rice. The tools used by the family were always in custody of Tuljha Bai, wife of Gyaneshwar.

The family-based production requires the ways of living in the family to come in-tune with the requirement of family’s occupation. For example, the ways of a potter family would be distinct from the family of iron-smith. According to Ravindra Sharma- bhawan (habitat), bhojan (food), bhāśā (language), bhuśan (clothing and ornamentation) and bhajan (reverence to gods) differed for different caste families. It was noticed in the course of this study that the food eaten by Gyaneshwar’s family (ojhā community) was extremely spicy, so much so, others found it unhealthy for themselves. Further, Gyaneshwar shared that ojhā-s are prone to certain skin diseases over the time, as a result of their exposure to fumes of molten brass. One can appreciate

79 Wiser, William H. “The Hindu Jajmani System: A Socio-Economic System Interrelating Members of a Hindu Village Community in Services” Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Delhi, 1988

107 that such health issues are typical of their occupation, and the families would have customized the food habits to minimize the health risk.

One can also appreciate the need for customization of houses as per the needs of different occupations. For example, this study during a visit to Chirala (coastal Andhra Pradesh), found that the weavers’ house had a pit in it, where the loom would be fitted. This study did not come across any other house with pits incorporated in its design.

However, what is not clear is the need for having distinct language. This study noticed diversity of languages across regions but not across people different occupations in the same region.

For the context of our study, the family-based production is critical to conservation of diversity in the society.

Tool Based Technology

The nature of technology was such that it was tool based, small and simple. Such a technology allowed for decentralized mode of production where a family can be an economic unit.

According to Ravindra Sharma, every new technological invention would be kept in front of a council of scholars. The council would be responsible to decide if this new invention is worth adopting or not; concerns regarding social inter-dependence and environmental balance would be taken into account before accepting a new innovation. A technology which may be efficient in terms of productivity but damaging to social fabric would be rejected. This study however was not witness to such a council meeting.

According to Ravindra Sharma, when technology is of small scale it can be controlled and organized by the local community. However, if technology would be of grand scale, it then starts to organize the community according to its economic viability.

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Expenditure Centric Economic Outlook

According to Ravindra Sharma, the village economic outlook was expenditure centric, and not income centric. This means that the concern for the community was appropriateness of one’s spending. According to Ravindra Sharma, the purohita always kept a scrutiny on people’s spending- when is something to be given, to whom it has to be given and how (manners) it must be given? Perhaps it is assumed that when every family spends appropriately (under the watchful scrutiny of purohita), it ensures assured income to all families.

Ravindra Sharma has classified various forms of giving, each being distinct from each other. These were bhikśā, dānam, dakśinā, mānam, maryādā, nyochhāwar, śagun and hissā. These categories are familiar in Indian social life; however, they are often understood to mean the same. According to Ravindra Sharma, each one was associated with a specific way of spending.

The various artist communities who were part of bhikśā vritti were given hissā or a share of the produce. The students and sages were given bhikśā or alms. The scholars were given dānam or donations. The teacher (who had a family of his own) was given dakśinā. This was given every fortnight in form of raw grains, salt, sugar and other kitchen ingredients called masāle. The kārigar or artisans were given mānam or honorarium. As mentioned above, each kārigar family enjoyed 12 occasions of mānam in a year. Inside the extended family called kutumb, there were various maryādā-s that were observed when honoring members with gifts during special occasions like weddings. Then for communities of dhobi, machchwārā, nāyi, and servants in house, their remunerations were called tyāga karnā or giving away. Another word used for it was nyochchāvar karnā. And finally, to children, śagun was given.

According to Ravindra Sharma, one of the inherent purpose of various festivities was to develop a “sense-of-giving-away” in children (chhodne kā mānas). Such a sentiment would be in accordance to the philosophical teachings in Indic tradition, where material accumulation is

109 discouraged, and a material possession is considered a form of bondage. One can find a similar sentiment expressed by Gandhian economist J.C. Kumarappa when he writes about “economy of service”80. According to Kumarappa only such an economy would be a non-violent economy.

The various categorization done for the simple act of giving away something perhaps indicates that the village economic system is concerned about giving i.e. expenditure and not so much about taking i.e. income.

Such an economic system would perhaps be a practical manifestation of Kumarappa’s “Economy of Service”, and Schumacher’s “Buddhist Economy”.

Institution of Purohita

According to Ravindra Sharma, the purohita was the key player in smooth functioning of the system. It was his responsibility to ensure each one is “giving away” (spending) as per the requirements of the system. The purohita was tasked with creating a “sense-of-giving-away” in each one. In this way, he ensured a minimum economic assurance for all families.

As the name suggests, he is tasked of keep the larger benefit in mind; pur refers to a region, and hita refers to benefit.

Five compulsory subjects in education

According to Ravindra Sharma, as part of Education 5 subjects were compulsorily taught to every child; children from all jāti-s. These were 1. Sangīta (Music) 2. Nritya (Dance) 3. Vāstu (Architecture) 4. Nakśatra (Astronomy) and 5. Sastra-vidyā (fighting with weapons).

80 Kumarappa, J. C. “Economy of Permanence” Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan, Varanasi 1957 (Originally Published in 1945).

110 Sangīta was the skill of singing and playing some musical instrument like dholak, thapli, sitār etc. Nritya involved the skills of dancing and acting. Vāstu is the knowledge of design and the skill of building houses. Nakśatra is the knowledge of astronomy; to study various celestial bodies and various rituals associated with them. Sastra-vidyā involved the art of fighting. It included wrestling and also fighting with weapons.

Traditional banking

According to Ravindra Sharma, three communities were responsible for banking needs in the system; mahājan, panseri and pārikh. Mahajans were custodians of one part of harvest. They were responsible towards people with disability, widows, scholars and medicine men. They were also responsible for arrangements of religious festivals.

The panseri would keep with him all that which was not locally produced like camphor, mercury, hingol (stone used for pregnant women), medicinal herbs that were not found locally etc. He would have networks across distant regions to make such arrangements.

The pārikh was the custodian of people’s valuables like jewelry.

Presence of Akhādā

Akhādā is the place of wrestling in the village. Every akhādā had a teacher called “ustad” under whom young students learnt wrestling. According to Ravindra Sharma, the institution was considered to be part of educational infrastructure of the village. Akhādā-s can still be seen today, especially in north Indian regions of Punjab and Haryana.

Besides wrestling, use of all kinds of weapon like lāthi (stick fighting), sword fighting, spear fighting etc. were also taught. Use of bow-arrow was not taught here. Neither was the use of guns.

111

According to Ravindra Sharma, music had a role in the akhādā. For different kind of bouts, different music was played. The music was played during exhibition of fighting skills in front of public. The music was played both by the students at the akhādā or by someone who though is not part of it, but in a way contracted to play the music.

Ravindra Sharma claims that there were akhādā for girls also. Girls too were taught the art of fighting a war, use of various kinds of weapons etc.

Ravindra Sharma himself has been a master wrestler, called ustād, at one time commanding a school of about 500 students. He has been fondly called guruji by his friends for that association.

Complementary Relations between Communities

According to Ravindra Sharma, the jajmāni system’s functioning depended on certain social aesthetics between communities. The system of inter-dependence is actually in the form of complimentary relations, where complementary relationship between communities prove to be mutually beneficial. He considered such mutually fulfilling complementary relationships to be the basis of “social aesthetics” (emphasis given). Such mutuality amongst communities was established through numerous rituals. It should be recollected, that Fuller too has mentioned about collective rituals, with the intended purpose of achieving “organic solidarity” (Fuller’s term) in the village.

In addition to the above, the complimentary relations would often be established through the relation of “resource-and-waste”. When the waste of one community, becomes a resource of the other community, in such a case the two can said to be complementary to each other. For example, the waste of a farmer is crop residue and fallow land. This becomes a resource for the shepherd, who needs the fallow land to rest this herd and the crop residue is food for the sheep. On the other hand, the waste of the shepherd- sheep droppings and urine are important resource

112 for the farmer as it enriches the soil. In this way the two communities form complementary relations with each other.

Such a system of inter-dependence can be seen across all communities, sometimes direct and sometimes indirect.

Role of Artist Communities

The most significant contribution by Ravindra Sharma can said to be the placement of artist communities in the jajmāni village life. As mentioned earlier, Rajni Bakshi in her introduction to Ravindra Sharma mentions about his early childhood experience with various artist communities [Bakshi 1998, pp.114-115].

Ravindra Sharma places the contemplative spaces created by the various artist communities at the center of the system. According to him, saundarya driśti or (social) aesthetic sense was developed by such communities, which was key to establish harmonious relationships between communities.

As mentioned above, such communities enjoyed a hissā or a share in the produce of the family or the village. Each of these communities would be known for the musical instruments they carry or the performance they were known for. They would mostly belong to the ghumantu tradition of wandering, often following a fixed calendar along a fixed route having dedicated stops. Thus, a village would host a number of such families through the year.

These communities would also be consulted for dispute resolution if the need be. This is because, they had information about a gamut of disputes that took place in different villages and how they were resolved.

113 3.1.2 The Jātis in Adilabad as Described by Ravindra Sharma

This study through interactions with Ravindra Sharma compiled a list of jātis in Adilabad region81. This list is not a comprehensive list, but only indicative of his scope of exploration. Ravindra Sharma spent time with these communities to learn their craft and in the process learnt about their social outlook- how these communities visualized their social relationships and roles. As a result, Ravindra Sharma became a unique resource who could describe the functioning of jajmāni system according to the “self-image” of these communities; how they visualized themselves and their role in larger society.

Ravindra Sharma paid much credence to inter-community relationships that were visible through numerous rituals and festivals. According to him, every ritual composed of pre-defined participation of different communities and accordingly each ritual has a pre-defined mechanism of honoring (and remunerating) each community- or in his word “kām-kā-gaurav” for each community. For example, according to him the bhangi (sweeper) was the first in line to be honored (and remunerated) during weddings.

According to Ravindra Sharma, the inter-community relationships ensured what he called “social aesthetics”. The term as understood in this study refers to communities forming complementary relationships amongst them. One important manifestation of complementary nature of these relationships can be seen when the waste of one community becomes the raw material of another community. According to Ravindra Sharma’s description, the waste of teli (oil presser) (the squished seeds residue) acts as an important ingredient in farmer’s fields for soil fertility. This study too observed a similar phenomenon in Belgaum region, where the waste of shepherds (the sheep droppings) acted as important source of fertility in farmer’s fields and the crop residue of the field was an important food for the sheep.

81 Given in Appendix- II

114 According to Ravindra Sharma the respective jāti purāns of each community were full of injunctions establishing such complementary relationship amongst various communities. Each jāti purān described the duties and rights of the particular community. And hence, according to Ravindra Sharma regular performance of jāti purāns (by respective artist communities) was key to the “social aesthetics” in the jajmāni village.

A more detailed description about the various communities which Ravindra Sharma witnessed and interacted with in Adilabad is provided in appendix- II. The description provides some very interesting information about these communities, including the nature of occupation each one was involved in.

3.1.3 Some Festivals in Adilabad

It was not possible to cover all the festivities and document them in full detail. The purpose of covering some of the festivals was to understand the inter-weaving of cultural-social-economic aspects of life. Only a handful of festivities were directly observed in course of this study, which gave a glimpse of the inter-woven aspects of festivities. It can be assumed here, that the greater the number of festivals in a region, the greater is the economic opportunity for all communities. Some festivals covered are briefly described below.

Cikatha Devrā ki Pūjā This festival is performed after the construction of the house. The head craftsman and his wife, along with other workers involved in construction are invited for a feast. The head craftsman and his wife are given new set of clothes, after which the food is served.

After this, they are supposed to leave the house never to return again. It is believed, that with them they carry all the darkness away and therefore should not return back. The word cikatha means darkness and devrā means the god.

115 This is the first pūjā and the feast that is organized after the construction of house is completed. After this, the next pūjā is called gruha pravesh, which is also called vāstū śānti. In this pūjā the whole village is invited for the feast. This is a large festival where one or more product from every craftsman jāti is used. This festival therefore serves as an economic opportunity for all manufacturing jātis.

Polā The festival of Polā is celebrated on the amāvasyā (new moon day) of śrāvaņa month (as per traditional Hindu calendar). The festival is to honor the contribution of bullocks in farming. One day before the festival, the women would go to the bullocks, massage their shoulders and invite them for a feast by whispering in their ears. The massaging of the bullock’s shoulders is called kāndh sekni.

It is a symbolic recognition of the hard work done by the bullock in the fields and the load which its shoulders have carried. The next day, the laborer(s) on the field who worked with the bullocks would take them to the home of the farmer. The first meal that day will be given to the laborers and only after they have finished eating, others would be served food. There are many other families (from all castes) who also own bullocks. They are also invited for the feast.

The Polā festival marks the last day for the bullocks to work on the field. After this the heavy work in the field is over. The bullocks are then required later during the harvest season.

During this festival, the barhai (carpenter) makes wooden bullock toys for children which are sold in the fare. The children on the next day after the polā, would decorate these toys with gold ornaments in the house and then take them out for playing. It is called tānā polā.

The kumhār (potter) would supply a clay bullock which would be kept in the pūjā. Other clay toys like culhā, cakki, divā and 5 earthen vessels are also kept one on top of each during at the pūjā.

116 Polā festival was a major economic opportunity for the kumhār (potter) and barhai (carpenter). At the pūjā, the camāra men (also called mādgi locally) play the musical instrument dhapli (similar to drum). They were earlier given grains after the pūjā. These days they are given money. One family where I witnessed this festival gave Rs. 700 to a group of 5 men.

Ganeśa Pūjā The festival of Lord Ganeśa, also called Ganpati falls on the 4th day of month of Bhadra. For the purpose Ganeśa idols are prepared from clay. Leaves of 33 different kinds of trees and plants are used. This is the only festival, when leaves of Sangwan tree is used. Seasonal vegetables are also used. The Pūjā lasts for 9 days, where people decorate the Ganeśa idols. Women keep fast for 9 days.

On the 10th day, a procession of people is taken through the streets of the town/village leading to a pond or lake or river, where the idol is then immersed into the water.

According to Ravindra Sharma, like other festivals in this festival too, a whole lot of effort, time and money goes into preparing idols and decoration. In the end on the 10th day the idol is immersed into water. The sentiment which is perhaps intended is to create a sense of detachment from worldly objects, though at the same time inculcating a sense of aesthetics. Ravindra Sharma makes this observation for all festivities.

Govardhan pūjā The Govardhan pūjā is performed the next day of festival of Diwali. The word Govardhan means to encourage the tradition of rearing cows. In this festival, models of huts and carts etc. are made using cow dung and are placed such as to form a model of village. The cow is then made to walk on the models, thereby breaking them. The next day the same cow dung is then used to make models of Bali raja and Adi raja (the king Bali and his younger brother).

117 Holi It’s a pan India festival of colors. It is a major economic opportunity for gukkā community who make kunku (red color vermilion, used in all auspicious occasions) and gulāl (colorful powders).

The festival is also a major economic opportunity of the kumhāra (potter) in Adilabad region- all the earthen pots in every house are deliberately broken new ones are ordered.

This is an interesting case to note, since here is an example of the village creating an economic opportunity for someone without actually a need for it.

Mahālakśmi pūjā It is the pūjā of goddess Mahālakśmi and her elder sister Jeśthā. It is celebrated on 8th day of month of Bhadra.

Mahālakśmi is commonly referred to as goddess lakśmi also. Some people also do it on the day of dusserā, which is also called vijay daśmi.

On this day, a meal is served which contains 32 varieties of vegetables. In earlier times, they were all prepared and served separately, but now most people make one vegetable of all.

This festival is celebrated by a family of teli caste, rangāran caste and brāhmin caste. Not all families celebrate it during dusserā. Most families celebrate it at the time of Diwali.

In this manner, Ravindra Sharma’s work provides a comprehensive view of the functioning of jajmāni system at a regional level. The primacy he gives to the artist communities is perhaps his novel contribution in the field.

118 3.2 A Study of Kurbā Community in Belgaum Region

The kurba-s are the traditional shepherding community in Karnataka. This study was done in close interaction with the community elder Shri Neelkanth Nagappa Kurbar (78) of Uchagaon near Belgaum (north Karnataka). Mama (meaning grandfather), as he is reverently called by the members of community joined active shepherding at the age of 6. This study on the manifestation of jajmāni system with respect to their community was done as a result of close interaction with Mama for almost 5 years.

The kurba community of the region are classified as semi-nomadic people. Each family has a house in the village, yet they spend most of the year traversing hundreds of kilometers with their herd.

Typically, a kurba family can have somewhere between 200-1000 sheep. Before embarking upon their year long journey, a couple of families come together and decide to walk together for the year. The elderly and the young mothers are typically left behind in the village taking care of the house. A family may have a small piece of land on which agriculture is done, but this is only a supplementary activity to the main work of shepherding.

The rest of the family leaves along with its sheep for a year long journey. This journey begins towards the end of May, before the advent of monsoons. The kurbas walk ahead of the rain.

They are welcomed by the farmers to camp in their fields. A herd provides “door step delivery” of rich manure in the form of sheep droppings to the farmer. The sheep penning on the field too enriches the fertility of the soil. And moreover, the sheep graze through the crop residue in the farm. In this way, a kurba arriving few days ahead of the rains help the farmer prepare his land for sowing.

119 According to a local farmer Yellappa (from Nelaganti village about 50km north of Belgaum) the sheep droppings from the kurba herd is very rich. Once penned for few days, the land becomes sufficiently fertile for next three years. Traditionally, the farmers have depended on the kurba community for their needs of farm manure. More recently, the farmers are switching over to industrial fertilizers, thereby breaking their dependence on the community.

The kurbas in return are given a site for camping, which is very important to them. For a community belonging to ghumantu tradition, the Right of Passage and a site to rest and recuperate is most important. The farmer also provides them with raw grains, vegetables from the fields and cash. Different farmers remunerate them in different forms depending on the individual’s ability.

Typically, a kurba camps not more than few days on a field. Movement every few days and reaching as far deep inside the Deccan Plateau is critical for them. The more they can travel the more diversity of grass their sheep gets to eat. According to Mama, the kurba sheep gets to eat 26 varieties of grass in a year. Mama, has exhaustively documented these grass, carrying a sample of each in his bag. Mama has talked about these 26 grasses and important of nomadic life of kurba in many national and international conferences.

A herd consists of sheep, goats, dogs and horses. Typically, a herd of 200 sheep would have 10- 15 goats in it. The family marks one of these goats whose health is specially taken care of. This goat sets a bench mark for the rest of the herd.

The lambs are fed milk of two mother sheep. In this way, the lambs become sturdy against diseases and become strong to walk long distances. For the kurba the weight of the sheep/goat is less important than their capacity to walk long distances, across forests and mountains.

120 The goats in the herd follow the shepherd’s instructions, and the sheep follow the goats. The dogs are there to protect the herd from wild animals and to keep it together. The horses are used to transport the logistics each time the family moves from one location to another.

In this way the kurbas walk a few hundred kilometers in the region of Karnataka and Maharashtra. They provide door step delivery of rich farm manure to the farmers and in return receive enough for daily sustenance. When there is need for substantive cash, they sell off a sheep in animal markets spread across the region. A sheep typically gets them 8000-10000 rupees. But on a normal day, they do not require much of a cash and are perfectly fine being remunerated through grains. Minimal cash is required to maintain their mobile phones. It was observed that each family carried almost half a dozen phone with them.

When the rain finally catches up with them, they turn back towards their village. The return path is through forests and not farm lands. The farms cannot offer them camping place as they now have fresh crops in them. The forest on the other hand offers them rich grasslands after the rains.

In this way, they travel a distance of 150-300km in one year with their sheep.

In recent times, the change of farm practices with adoption of industrial fertilizers and barricading of commons like forests, grasslands and water bodies and construction of high-speed highways which cuts across their paths have created existential threat to their semi-nomadic life. The government too is encouraging them to abandon the nomadic life style and shift to stationed sheep farms. Such changes will result in disrupting their relations with farmers and force them into monetized economy.

It is interesting to note that while the region has suffered mass suicides by farming community over last two decades, the kurbas have so far not been affected by it (although they depend on the farmer for their survival).

121 The farming community in the region called Maratha and the kurba have together constructed a community temple near village Admapur in Kohlapur district of Maharashtra. This temple is called balu mama temple, named after saint balu mama. He was a shepherd who lived in the early part of 20th century. The temple has 50,000 sheep, spread across the region in number of batches. Volunteers from the two communities take turns to herd the temple’s sheep. These sheep enjoy divine status in the community, and farmers are willing to invite them in their fields even during standing crop.

The various herds of balu mama, move together with a mobile temple. In evening, at the site of camping, the temporary temple is erected and people from nearby villages flock the camp. In the temple, the sheep and the dog are placed as the deities.

As a complimentary effort to this study, a documentary film has been shot on the kurba community. The film is expected to highlight the functioning jajmāni relationship between the shepherds and the farmers in north Karnataka region. The film is expected to be completed by the end of 202082.

3.3 A Study of the Thākar Community in Sawantwadi Region

This study spent a few days with Shri Parshuram Gangavane of village Pingoli near Sawantwadi in South-Western Maharashtra. This region is in Sindhudurg district of Maharasthra, adjacent to north Goa. Shri Gangavane belongs to the thākar community. They were traditionally engaged with performing rām-leelā through puppet shows and scroll paintings. They were in particular known for leather puppet shows, also known as shadow puppeteers.

The thākar family like the kurbars owned a house and small agricultural plot in their village. A part of the family would stay back, while the rest would travel up to south to Karwar, in Karnataka (south of Goa). On the route they would have fixed stops in villages where they would perform

82(link to teaser: https://vimeo.com/245239203 password: sheep)

122 rām-leelā (the story of Ram and Sita) through puppet shows and scroll paintings. Shri Gangavane has built a museum in his house through his personal efforts, where the traditional scroll paintings and musical instruments have been curated.

According to Shri Gangavane, the family would also be consulted for dispute resolution by the local villagers. And the royalty of Sawantwadi would also employ their services for espionage on special occasions. The thākars were expected to be aware of the general mood of the population and gauge reasons of discontent if any. Shri Gangavane shared that they had over the years developed a certain secretive language to communicate within community members.

At present, Shri Gangavane’s family is perhaps the lone family in the region continuing with the traditional occupation. His son Chetan has taken over the mantle and is often given contract by the state government to be part of various awareness programs sponsored by the state. However, during the time of dusserā, the family is still invited in some of their old jajmāni homes to perform rām-leelā.

3.4 Conclusions

The jajmāni system that has been studied by scholars has been predominantly in last one century, a time period when system was already undergoing corruption and disintegration. In such a scenario there is a need to grope in the veil of darkness that covers the basic principles of the system’s functioning. Unconventional sources of knowledge therefore find their relevance in its study.

This chapter has been successful to identify one such valuable unconventional source- Ravindra Sharma, and thereby presented salient learnings from his work. Ravindra Sharma’s close interaction with local communities over a period of two decades has been invaluable to throw fresh light on the jajmāni system. The freshness in his work comes from his non-European outlook and analysis.

123

Ravindra Sharma has attempted to place the numerous artist communities (which constitute the bhikśā vritti) at the center of jajmāni village. Such an attempt is novel and throws fresh light on the jajmāni system. These communities were crucial in developing a rich culture of collective contemplation in the village life, such that each individual could participate in it. Through their innumerable performances the artist communities have not only been responsible for creating a rich culture of contemplation but have also imbibed cultural values in individuals which are crucial for the sustenance of the system. In Ravindra Sharma’s words, these communities were responsible in building certain “social aesthetics” in the jajmāni village, which was crucial for both unity in the village and the rich cultural life. Consequently, dispossession of these artist communities has had an adverse impact on the jajmāni system’s fate.

While such a space became the place where new beliefs are born, the diversity that is achieved is then sustained by the nature of village economy. The caste (jāti) has also played a crucial role in conversing and sustaining the diversity in the society. It is able to do this by virtue of ensuring family-based production. This has allowed for the diversity of family to be congruent to work, thereby resulting in conservation of its diverse ways of living.

Ravindra Sharma (like other scholars) has considered the caste (jāti) to be central to village economy. According to him, the village economy successfully ensured full employment opportunities for all families (āhār-ki-surakśā) and due recognition of their work (kām-kā- gaurav). Individuals in this system participate by virtue of being members of the institution of caste (jāti). The customs of each caste (jāti) enable individuals to participate in the capacity of providers of specific service to all. And in return, individuals earn the right to be receivers of services from others. In this manner, the institution of caste (jāti) is expected to ensure a security of livelihood for all the members of jajmāni system. In other words, the economy inside the village is based on the principles of caste (jāti), which allows for livelihood opportunities for all its members. The caste (jāti) based relationships have continued through generations, which has been crucial to the stability of the system.

124

Again, Ravindra Sharma becomes different from other scholars is when he credits the caste (jāti) not only for economic sustenance for all but also for conserving the cultural diversity in the village. According to him, almost every aspect of life was expected to be different for families belonging to different castes, even though they all belonged to the same village. Ravindra Sharma gives much credit to the nature of technology for this- small scale tool-based technology. Such a technology facilitated highly customized production.

In this way, Ravindra Sharma gives attempts to look at caste (jāti) in a different way. Instead of placing occupation at the center of caste (jāti), he places jāti-purān (text consisting tales of the specific caste, giving moral injunctions and edicts) at its center. In other words, according to him all those who adhere to the same jāti-purān constitute one caste (jāti). According to him, the jāti- purān were crucial in establishing social inter-dependency between different castes.

The case of kurbars and thākars give a specific validation of the working of jajmāni system. Through our direct interaction with members of both these we could see shades of jajmāni system even today. The kurbars even today enjoy a jajmāni -like relation with the local marāthā community (farmers in the region). Their direct interdependency on each other is a much important aspect of their sustenance. The thākar community elders have vivid memories of their jajmāni relations and the community’s role towards enrichment of cultural life. Through their art forms- different kinds of puppet shows, they indulged society’s attention on rich philosophical debates found in Rāmāyana and Mahābhārata.

In earlier chapters we have reviewed the main sources of knowledge- both conventional literature that is available on jajmāni system and also unconventional source of knowledge. In the forthcoming chapter, we shall now discuss the key philosophical ideas that form the basis of jajmāni system. Understanding of these will help us formulate jajmāni system in the right perspective.

125 Chapter 4

Understanding the Key Principles and Characteristics of Jajmāni System

This segment explores the basic philosophical principles that are behind the jajmāni system and its salient characteristics. The analysis is based on the available scholarly literature on jajmāni system, the understanding gained from Ravindra Sharma and others and our own visualization. This understanding will also throw light on the civilizational context in which the system developed.

The name jajmāni comes from the word jajmāna which is the colloquial pronounciation of yajñmāna. A yajñmāna is he, one whose behalf the yajña is performed. In short, the jajmāni system is conceptualized around the ancient vedic concept of yajña, which can be considered a corner-stone of Indic civilization. The concept of yajña considers reality to be inter-connected, with no unit in isolation. And the practice of yajña is designed to facilitate human beings to live a life of ‘inter-connectedness’ where one tends to act for contributing to the larger whole. In this way, the whole life is expected to be lived like a large yajña.

4.1 The Concept of Mokśa (Liberation) in Indic Tradition

As mentioned earlier, the concept of mokśa (liberation) is India’s unique contribution to the world. This concept can have said to be common to all schools of thought that developed in India [Chatterjee and Datta 2007, p.18]83, although in some schools, different names for it like nirvana (Buddhist school) and kaivalya (Jaina school) have also been used.

According to Shankarnarayana who has written on the concept comprehensively, the word mokśa comes from the root mokś, and the word mukti (liberation) comes from the root muc. Both mean “to leave behind”, “to be free”, “to progress” etc. [Shankarnarayana, K. 2016,

83 Chatterjee, Satishchandra and Datta, Dhirendramohan “An Introduction to Indian Philosophy” Rupa Publications India Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi 2007

126 p.166]84. This means, that liberation of man is perceived from the point of view of his freedom from the bondages of the world like attachments, jealousy, fear, anger etc.

Noted writer on this subject and former president of India, S. Radhakrishnan described mokśa as ‘spiritual realization’ and ‘self-emancipation’85. According to him, all activities of life are directed towards mokśa, and the varna-āśrama scheme of social life is intended to assist in this journey. Acquiring knowledge (or wisdom i.e. the ability to discern) is key to this journey.

Although all darśanas (philosophical schools) accept mokśa as the destination of life, however different darśanas (schools) have prescribed different paths to it. The difference in the path is perhaps due to slightly varied imaginations of the state of mokśa being in different schools. However, all schools promote tapa and anāsakti as a necessary quality that one needs to have in this journey. According to Shankarnarayana, the word tapa literally means “to burn (oneself)”. The great Hindu seer Adi Sankaracharya in one of his commentaries explains the word: “to completely dedicate one’s mental-physical existence for a goal is tapas”. Such a tapa results in purification of oneself [Shankarnarayana, K. 2016, p.168].

Referring to the bhagavad-gitā, Shankarnarayanana says that one needs to exercise ‘self-control’ over one’s food-habitat, work-behavior and over sleep and awakened times, in order to move towards liberation.

This insistence that one needs to mold and direct all aspects of living to mokśa, finds different but complementary manifestation in social living. As discussed earlier, the varna-āśrama scheme expects molding of life according to one’s stage in life. And as it will be shown little later, the institution of jāti (caste) expects to mold all aspects of living towards fulfillment of one’s duties on account of being a member of a particular jāti. This particular aspect will be discussed in greater detail later in this segment, when the institution of jāti is discussed.

84 Shankarnarayana, K. “Moksha ke Maarga: Vaidik Parampara ke Anusaar”. Radha Swami Satsang, Beas 2016 85 Radhakrishnan, S. “The Hindu View of Life”. HarperCollins Publishers, Noida 2009

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The other quality, anāsakti is translated as detachment by Shankarnarayana. According to him, different schools adopt different view on detachment as a quality. Some consider it to be detachment from home, family, property and worldly responsibilities. Others talk about detachment not from responsibilities and actions but from the desire of ‘rewards-of-action’, since the consequences of actions are not in one’s control.

This can also be understood in a different way. Philosophically, as the bhagavad-gitā explains, a human being is bound to do action. One cannot but escape action. However, to treat action as part of a contract, where one expects something in return, becomes a cause of bondage. Hence, service in its true form, devoid of any conditionality, is the highest form of action. To serve would mean to act without expecting anything in return.

Such actions which are enriched by tapa and anāsakti form motivation in jajmāni system. As a member of the system, one is expected to mold all aspects of life to achieve perfection in one’s duty, and one is expected to act unconditionally, as a service.

In the functioning of jajmāni system, one important responsibility of the artist communities was the propagation of these ideas (and other philosophical ideas). As mentioned in previous segment, M. N. Srinivas calls it a part of sanskritization process; the role of various artist communities (like those who performed harikathā in his village) to propagate philosophical ideas found in Sanskrit literature86.

The system of course, is meant to ensure the returns of one’s service. For all practical purpose, the families work for each other under a pre-negotiated understanding and tend to follow the customs which are passed on from generations. According to Ravindra Sharma, in Adilabad, the arrangements are open to re-negotiations and there have been instances when related matters

86 Discussed in Ch. 2, p. 54

128 were brought to local council called pancāyat. This study however was not witness to any pancāyat meeting.

4.2 The concept of rina (existential debt)

The other important concept behind jajmāni system is that of rina or debt. As discussed above, Nature is considered to exist in the form of inter-connected web of life. This in turn means that no life forms exist and thrives just by itself and/or for itself. Each life form thrives on contributions from other life forms and each life form contributes to other life forms.

Thus, it will be right to assume that man at the time of birth itself is indebted to the larger Nature and mankind. And his life is a journey towards debt-dissolution. In this way, a state of complete debt-dissolution would be a state of mokśa or liberation (from all debts).

As per vedic tradition, there are five major of debts and correspondingly to fulfill these, there are five major yajñas called the panca-mahāyajña (five great yajñas). The five debts are: rïśi rina (debt of teachers and scholars), pitr rina (debt of parents and ancestors), deva rina (debt of gods and celestial bodies), bhuta rina (debt of material world or Nature at large) and nri rina (debt of larger mankind). Corresponding to them the five major yajñas are: rïśi yajña, pitr yajña, deva yajña, bhuta yajña and manuśya yajña (those performed to repay debts of scholars, ancestors, gods, material world and mankind).

Celebrated Hindi literary figure Vidyaniwas Mishra explains about these. The first debt is of teachers and scholars; those who are responsible for the knowledge one has received. It includes the whole tradition of teachers in the past who have in one way or the other contributed to knowledge production in society. This debt is dissolved through spreading of knowledge and contributing towards further knowledge production. Such a pursuit will be called as rïśi yajña [Mishra, Vidyaniwas 2010, p.83].

129 In the same manner, the second debt is of parents (and ancestors) because of whom one exists in this this world. Their debt dissolution is achieved by contribution towards continuation of human species; in Pattanaik’s description (as mentioned earlier)- ‘child-birth’ and ‘child-rearing’. Such pursuit will be called as pitr yajña.

The third debt is of the gods, and its dissolution is through deva yajña which is to offer offerings to gods. What constitutes the true meaning of god in tradition is a matter of detailed analysis, which this study chooses to skip.

The fourth debt is of the material world (Nature) and its dissolution would be through contribution towards enrichment of Nature. Such efforts would constitute bhuta yajña.

And finally, the fifth debt is of other men who have contributed to one’s well-being. Its dissolution is through contributing back to mankind. Such effort will constitute manuśya yajña [Mishra, Vidyaniwas 2010, p.83].

4.2.1 Debt Dissolution is in Forward Direction

An interesting observation here would be to note that debt dissolution is in forward direction. For example, after being indebted to the teachers who have given knowledge, one is required to further spread knowledge. Another example is that the way to repay the debt of parents is to continue with the tradition of human species- to give birth to next generation and to provide them parenting in best possible manner. Such is the case with all the debts.

Such an imagination of debt dissolution is novel, but essential for a continuation of a tradition of inter-dependency; one exchange leading to another, and one generation taking the baton from where the previous generation. This imagination is different from the imagination of society as a place of contracts.

130 4.2.2 Mokśa (liberation) as Freedom from all Debts

Discussion with Navjyoti Singh and Ravindra Sharma threw a new light on mokśa, which is complementary to the above discussion. According to them, an individual is a priori indebted to mankind and Nature. An individual’s existence in the world is indebted to efforts of unaccounted humans who have directly or indirectly contributed to his existence; not only family members but even strangers and also those who lived and died before him. Similarly, one is also indebted to the whole of Nature; trees, plants, rivers, animals, butterflies, mountains, ants etc. To repay the debts of mankind and Nature becomes the primary motivation to act in the journey of life. And when finally, all debts are dissolved, such a state will be that of liberation or mokśa. Mokśa, according to them, could also be seen as liberation from all debts.

These two ideas of mokśa – a state of liberation from all illusions (that is having full knowledge), and a state of liberation from all debts should be seen congruent to each other. In fact, the pursuit and propagation of Knowledge is seen to be a part of total debt dissolution; the debts of teachers and scholars (one of the five primary debts) is repaid by acquiring, refining and propagating knowledge. Other than the teachers, an individual is also indebted to his parents and ancestors, the larger mankind and also the Nature. Thus, a complete debt dissolution would include reaching the fullness of Knowledge.

It can therefore be said, that the sentiment of debt dissolution is underlying sentiment in functioning of jajmāni system. The artist communities are expected to develop this sentiment in all; where each one feels a sense of gratitude towards the other (including Nature). Development of this sentiment in the cultural life is key to build an environment of mutuality and inter- dependence in the system. This study considers that the stability in the system comes from a sense of obligation towards others. And this is inculcated in each individual. More discussion on this a little later, when the concept of rina or debt is discussed.

131 4.3 The Concept of yajña in Indic Tradition

The word yajña finds mention in the opening verse of ŗg veda [Pattanaik 2015, p.101]87. Rgveda is considered the oldest texts of Indic civilization. This indicates that the action has been known to pre-vedic people and acquired a great deal of importance in their lives.

The opening verse in ŗg veda talks about the sacred fire (in the altar). The sacred fire is considered to be responsible for providing ever increasing wealth (dhana), fame and progeny-line to the jajmāna, he on whose behalf the yajña is being performed. The fire also provides security to all. And whatever prosperity (in the form of wealth, shelter, cattle, progeny) is earned, is returned back to the fire in future acts of yajña.

Shankarnarayana says that in the vedas one finds mention of 400 different yajña-s, each of varying duration; lasting for few moments to days to even several years (and generations). In addition to these, Nature itself is said to be run by ‘natural yajña processes’, which include sunlight, clouds, rains and other natural phenomena [Shankarnaraya K. 2016, p.29].

The concept of yajña can therefore be said to be the corner stone of Indic civilization. Yajña is a formalized action, perhaps the oldest formalized action known to mankind. Much scholarly work has been done to unravel its formulations and its practice since the ancient times.

According to Gyanshruti and Srividyananda, the ŗg veda treats yajña as a concept, the yajur veda treat it as a ritual, and the kalpa sutra-s treat it as (the best) conduct88. They clearly mention that yajña has been considered as means for repaying the three existential debts (some other scholars consider there to be five existential debts). The three existential debts according to them are riśi rina (debts of teachers), pitr rina (debt of parents) and deva rina (debt of gods, meaning everything else). They write:

87 Pattanaik, Devdutt “My Gita”. Published by Rupa Publications India Pvt. Ltd, New Delhi 2015. 88 Gyanshruti S & Srividyananda S Yajna: A Comprehensive Study Yoga Publications Trust, 2006, Munger, Bihar

132 “the śāstras (ancient texts) recommend yajña as means of repaying in reciprocation what one has inherited” [Gyanshruti and Srividyananda 2006, p.73]

As the name suggests, the very foundations of jajmāni system are resting on the concept of yajña. The word jajmāna can literally be understood as “the one on whose behalf yajña is being performed”. In English the word yajña is commonly translated as sacrifice, and Dumont calls the jajmāna as the “sacrifier”. By this he means “he who has a sacrifice performed” [Dumont 2013, p.97]. Dumont writes further that the sacrifier is he, who accrues the benefits of sacrifice.

Thus, one can understand the jajmāni system as a system which facilitates its members to repay one’s debts through yajñas. Each one in a rotational mechanism becomes a jajmāna or a sacrifier89. The jajmāni system is functions on the premise that life itself is an unending yajña. And thus, all actions are devoted for the success of yajña.

In this light, the inter-dependency amongst the members can be seen in a novel way. It can be said that in jajmāni system, the members work towards success of each other’s success of yajña, thereby assisting each other towards debt dissolution and thereby reaching mokśa (liberation).

In English literature, the word sacrifice or oblation are commonly used to describe yajña. As explained by Gyanshruti and Srividyananda in their comprehensive book on yajña, both the English words have a sense of offering to the other; the other being not only a fellow human but also other life forms and even cosmic beings. According to them, the root of the word is yaj and has three usages in language; to worship, to unite/congregate and to give (unconditionally). The English word sacrifice can be understood to mean “to give unconditionally”, and therefore be considered a fit translation (however it should not be confused with animal sacrifice). Such a view will also find support from the earlier discussion on tapa and anāsakti.

89 As mentioned earlier in section 2.4.2 p.87, Wiser has written that each family in turn is a master and a servant.

133 The two authors have also associated the aspect of worship with yajña. There is a sense of divinity attached to the sacrifices made in yajña. This study considers the aspect of divinity that is associated with yajña to be another important stabilizing factor in jajmāni system. To see the jajmāna as an embodiment of divine, is important to ensure that one gives the best of one’s effort to the service that is being provided to him. In other words, the system expects that one’s best efforts is not for one’s own benefit but for the benefit of the jajmāna. Without this, the system will not become stable. This particular aspect of what can be called ‘work ethics’ of jajmāni system was explained to Mahatma Gandhi by a weaver in Chirala (a village in coastal Andhrapradesh). According to the weaver, the best of the sarees manufactured are kept for his jajmāna, and only those which have any defects will be used by his wife90.

One could find reflections of the above idea of yajña in the formulation of economist J.C. Kumarappa, who was an ardent follower of Mahatma Gandhi and who proposed the idea of “Economy of Service” in his quest to formulate a non-violent economic system91. In Kumarappa’s views any economic model which aspires to be truly non-violence needs to be based on the idea of service which is to provide unconditionally. Kumarappa has made non-violence a precondition to sustainability of an economic model.

4.3.1 To See Yajña as a Ritualistic Action

The jajmāni system had been stabilized with the help of several rituals and customs, which would be passed on over generations. For an outsider, perhaps the ritualistic nature of the system would be the most striking feature of it. The actions which constitute the jajmāni relations are extensively ritualized. One can trace the practice of ritualization to the practice of yajña itself. And could locate the philosophical justification of rituals in human realm in the ‘philosophy of yajña’.

90 The story of Gandhi’s encounter with weavers in Chirala was shared by Navjyoti Singh in personal interactions. 91 Kumrappa, J. C. “Economy of Permanence” Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan, Varanasi 1957 (Originally Published in 1945)

134 Shankarnarayana informs that Poorva-mimānsā, the oldest of school in vedic tradition investigates the path to mokśa through rituals (or yajña). It is therefore also known as karma- mimānsā [Shankarnarayana, K. 2016, p.430]. One may understand the word karma to refer to (ritualistic) action here. The word mimānsā means to investigate, and as the name suggests the text forms the oldest investigation into the vedas.

Well known German scholar Fritz Staal whose work on yajña is considered to be one of the foremost scholarly work in western academia on the subject, prefers to use the term “Orthopraxy” to describe yajña rituals in his analysis92. This indicates Staal’s preference to see yajña as action. The Greek term Praxis refers to action; and for Staal, yajña is an ‘autonomous action’, and is not a symbolic action representing some meaning. Staal further writes, that the yajña is also not meant to be used for the purpose of education; for the transmission of cultural and social values to young ones. According to him, any observation regarding transforming values due to yajña are mere side effects of it. Staal writes: “The idea that rites and myths are closely connected is a typically western idea. It is connected with the notion of “orthodoxy”, which stresses the importance of opinions and ideas. To the Indian Ritualist, it is an activity that counts. As a mode of existence, it is perfect in itself and does not stand in need of something else. Unfortunately, anthropological studies have been mainly developed against a western background and continue to be dominated by the search of a connection between rites and myths. Even Levi-Strauss who has many worthwhile things to say on ritual in general, offers, as a kind of definition, that ritual “consists of utterances, gestures, and manipulations of objects which are independent of the interpretations which are proper to these modes of activity and which result not from the ritual itself but from implicit mythology” (1970, 600). Vedic ritual does not support the last clause”. [Staal 2010, p.12]

According to Staal, in yajña, the emphasis is on the mantrās, the sacred hymns and not on physicality of altar. He refers from the śatapatha brāhmaņa (9.1.2.17):

92 Staal, Frits “AGNI: The Vedic Ritual the Fire Altar (Vol. 1)”. Motilal Banarsidas 2010

135 “This fire altar is language, for it is constructed with language… Each of the thousand bricks (used for constructing the altar, one layer in one day, total five layers), is laid after reciting of a mantra. After which 118 pebbles are placed, each after a mantra, as if to say that the mantras were not exhausted by the brick. Hence it is not the brick or the pebble, but the mantras, and the timings of laying which makes the altar”. [Staal 2010, p.18]

He explains the word mantrā as means/tool for contemplation [Staal 2010, p.78]. They need not necessarily be carriers of meaning. Or the meaning need not be decipherable by the jajmāna, on whose behalf the action is being performed. What is important though is that formal features of recitations and chants are maintained. And hence there is an uncompromising emphasis on syllables, meters, insertions and transpositions.

This view finds support from Chatterjee and Datta, who as mentioned earlier wrote an introduction to all Indic philosophical streams. Writing on the conception of duty in the mimāmsā tradition, the authors claim that a yajña is to be seen as a duty which is to be performed for the sake of it. They write: “… the primary object of performing a sacrifice, says an eminent Mimāmsaka, is not worship: it is not to please any deity. Nor is it purification of the soul or moral improvement. A ritual is to be performed just because the vedas command us (emphasis theirs) to perform them… Here the mimāmsā ethics reaches, through ritualism, the highest point of its glory, namely, the conception of duty for duty’s sake” [Chatterjee and Datta 2018, p.312].

The authors clarify here that although a duty needs no external justification of reward, however the mimāmsā tradition believes the nature of universe is such that the reward is inevitable.

The emphasis given by Staal on the ritualistic aspect of yajña, and its corroboration found in mimāmsā tradition, find reflections in the jajmāni system. The functioning of the system is streamlined by innumerable rituals. Each act of economic production and exchange is

136 accompanied by rituals. And this would explain the importance of institution of purohita in the system, who was tasked to oversee that all actions are done as per the prescribed rituals. The purohita who will be discussed later in this segment, who according to Ravindra Sharma designs and modifies rituals and is central to the functioning of jajmāni system.

The ritualistic nature of jajmāni system has been observed by all its investigators. To the modern mind, the incomprehensibility of rituals is perhaps the most challenging aspect to show any interest in the jajmāni system.

4.3.2 Yajña in Bhagavad-Gitā

Yajña also finds mention bhagavat gitā, one of the most popular book amongst the Hindus. Bhaktivedanta S. Prabhupada has explained how yajña can be understood from the point of view of gitā93. According to him, gitā says that all action leads to further bondage in the world, and only that action alone, which is done as a sacrifice (for the gods) will lead to no further bondage. Only the satisfaction of the gods (viśnu) matter. Any action done for one’s sense gratification only results in further bondage. And so, it is through practicing yajña, human beings evolve themselves. “by performance of yajña, the conditioned souls gradually become Krśna conscious and become godly in all respects” [Bhatkivedanta S Prabhupada 1986, p.156].

He further writes, that according to bhagavat gitā, performance of yajña results in purification of the material world. Since everything we consume is supplied to us by the Nature, it becomes one’s duty to re-enrich the Nature further. The way suggested for it is that of yajña, and not doing so (i.e only taking from Nature without giving it back), is considered to be theft in bhagavat gitā. He writes: “In charge of the various necessities of life, the demigods, being satisfied by the performance of yajña, will supply all necessities to you. But he who enjoys such gift

93 Bhatkivedanta S Prabhupada “Bhagvad-Gita: As It Is”. The Bhagwat Vedanta Book Trust 1986.

137 without offering them to demigods in return is certainly a thief” [Bhatkivedanta S Prabhupada 1986, p.158].

It can be understood to mean that all actions which are performed with the intention of giving back to Nature (including mankind) can be considered worthy of being a yajña. This unwavering intention of giving, is what Bhatkivedanta S Prabhupada calls as “Kriśna Consciousness”, which is a necessity of the “conditioned souls” to attain liberation [Bhatkivedanta S Prabhupada 1986, p.163].

According to a well-known Hindi literary figure Vidyaniwas Mishr, who also wrote on the bhagavat gitā, yajña has constituted a social institution. According to him, it is through yajña that all aspects of a society gets incorporated94. This view is supported by Gyanshruti and Srividyananda as well, who write that the bhagavad-gitā considers yajña to be an enabler of social life; to build relationships and to fulfill them. Commenting on this aspect, they write: All living beings spring forth from anna (food), which is a product of rain. Rain is caused by yajña, which in turn takes place due to karma (action). Karma-s manifest out of knowledge, which is the essence of parabrahma or the Supreme Self. On account of this, that supreme immortal parabrahma is forever enshrined in yajña [Gyanshruti S. & Srividyananda S., 2006].

Hence, all of existence is considered to be a yajña; the world of living organisms and all kinds of economic activities constitute yajña [Mishra, Vidyaniwas 2010]. The practitioners of yajña may therefore be considered to be aware of the inter-connectedness of all life forms, including all men.

Such a view when propagated is likely to develop a culture where mutuality and inter- dependence is not only seen with other human beings, but also with other non-human life forms (and non-life forms in Nature).

94 Mishra, Vidyaniwas “Hindu Dharma: Jeevan Mein Sanatana ki Khoj”. Vagdevi Prakashan, Bikaner 2010

138

The act of yajña is repetitive; daily, weekly, monthly, yearly etc. This study proposes that in jajmāni system, all ‘repetitive-and-collective’ actions like sowing of seeds, harvesting of crop, manufacturing of earthen pots etc. are performed with the dedication of service to the divine (as propounded by karma-yoga) and therefore should be considered as a form of yajña. The jajmāna can said to be an embodiment of the divinity, hence the best of one’s effort is offered to him.

4.3.3 Yajña as Exchange

Another author who has written on bhagavat gitā is Devdutt Pattanaik, with one whole chapter explaining yajña [Pattanaik 2015]95. He associates yajña with the unique human ability to exchange. According to him it is unique to humans, since only humans are able to empathize with the other. Since only humans can empathize, therefore only humans tend to feed the stranger. And only humans tend to return favor. This according to him dissolves the boundary between the family and the stranger, consequently giving rise to the idea that the whole world is a family (the famous Sanskrit saying vasudhaiva kutumbkam). This inherent tendency in humans to empathize and motivation to move towards world family, according to Pattanaik, creates the possibility of a system of exchange. Calling yajña a special kind of exchange, he writes: “yajña is a very special form of exchange, where we can give and hope to receive. It is give and get, and not give and take” [Pattanaik 2015, p.100]

According to Pattanaik, it is the system of exchange which is evidence of Man evolving out of the animal world. The system involves ideas like mutuality, reciprocity, expectation, obligation, debts and repayment; all of which shape the human culture. Pattanaik considers yajña to embody all these ideas.

Giving a more general purpose to yajña, a larger role than mere economic exchange, Pattanaik expounds that human hunger is not limited to mere food and physical comfort but is also for

95 Pattanaik, Devdutt “My Gita” Rupa Publications Pvt. Ltd. New Delhi 2015

139 emotional and intellectual fulfillment. And therefore, he sees yajña as means to fulfill all aspects of human need. He writes: “We seek meaning, validation, significance, value, purpose, power and understanding. We seek ideas about wealth, power, relationships and existence. We seek entertainment. We seek food to liberate us from the fear of the predator, security to liberate us from the fear of the prey and meaning to liberate us from the fear of invalidation. This transforms every meeting into an exchange. Lovemaking is yajña, child-bearing is yajña, child-rearing is yajña. Feeding is yajña. Teaching is yajña. Service is yajña. War is also yajña” [Pattanaik 2015, p.106].

Such interpretation of yajña supports the sentiment that the whole life is to be lived as one. And it clearly seems to provide the philosophical basis of a social system. As discussed earlier, the jajmāni system is built on the premise that all forms of human exchanges are manifestations of yajña, and hence every exchange done is for a jajmāna.

In conclusion, it can be said that yajña should be considered a ‘repetitive-collective-action’ whose purpose is to enable a certain inter-connectedness amongst men and between mankind and Nature. A social system designed on it would therefore cater to the fulfilment of men and Nature. The association of divinity with the action of yajña serves the purpose of keeping the system stable, as each one then tends to give one’s best effort for the larger need. The whole of life lived like a yajña, enables one to move towards the goal of liberation.

4.4 Key Parameters of Jajmāni System, Particularly Emerging from Ravindra Sharma’s Work

The discussion in the following segment is primarily based on the understanding developed through long interactions with Ravindra Sharma. Insights drawn from his observations and conclusions regarding the functioning of the system in Adilabad region, form the basis of discussion here. Validation of his observations in Adilabad region will be sought from the observations made by Wiser in north Indian village. Some important differences between Sharma

140 and Wiser would also be indicated here. As mentioned in previous section, this study considers him to be an (unconventional) source of knowledge in this matter.

4.4.1 The Institution of Jāti (Caste): Harnesser of Diversity

According to Ravindra Sharma, a jāti can be understood to be ‘born’ from a jātipurān or historical- mythical tales which are specific to each jāti. According to him, if one needs to understand something about a jāti, then one must refer to its jātipurān.

Ravindra Sharma explains that each jāti has its own jātipurān, which informs its members about their origin, their history and their relations (obligations and rights) with other jāti members. In other words, people are members of the same jāti, if they draw their sense of past and motivation of work from the same text i.e. their jātipurān. By keeping jātipurān at the core of definition of caste, Ravindra Sharma indeed opens a new scope for discussion.

Ravindra Sharma considered jāti or caste, to be a local institution, limited to a small region. He also did not map the different category of varna onto jāti, which according to him was an effort undertaken to standardize the numerous castes. This finds support from Nicholas Dirks, who shows in his book that the caste as we know it today is actually a modern phenomenon, a direct result of the colonial effort to understand and mold it96. One important effort undertaken as part of this project was to form a false equivalence between varna and caste. According to Dirks: “The idea that varna- the classification of all castes into four hierarchical orders with the Brahman on top- could conceivably organize the social identities and relations of all Indians across the civilizational expanse of the subcontinent was only developed under peculiar circumstances of British colonial rule” [Dirks 2006, p.14]

Ravindra Sharma explained a jāti from its jātipurāns. The jātipurāns were conserved, maintained and narrated by different artist communities. Each jāti had a number of jātipurān communities

96 Dirks, Nicholas B. “Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India”. Permanent Black, Delhi 2006

141 serving it. For example, in Adilabad region, the golla/yadava community (including the shepherds) are served by 11 different artist communities. These communities present to the golla/yadava, their jātipurān through diverse forms of performances. For example, the oggulu community sings Oggu kathā (kathā means story). Similarly, the balkani varu (also known as terachirala) community sings binaki kathā (with the help of scroll paintings called patacitra).

Each of the artist community had its own form of narration and normally carried their own unique musical instrument. For example, the oggus carry a small, hand held drum called oggu dolu to perform. Remnants of these can still be seen in parts of Telangana, including in Adilabad.

Prof. J. Thirumal Rao, former director of Andhrapradesh archival office, called them as dependent castes, and compiled a list of 72 of such castes along with their form of narration and the musical instruments they use97. This list was obtained from his through personal interaction. The term dependent caste was deemed appropriate by him, since these artist communities are patronized by the other communities. They belong to the tradition of bhikśā vritti, where they live on the alms given to them by their patrons. A detailed discussion on the three vrittis is listed next.

As mentioned above, the jātipurān informs and instructs a jāti about its rules of living and conduct. According to Ravindra Sharma, the purpose of these dictums is to ensure quality in the service that a jāti is expected to provide in the village economy. For example, the rules of conduct of a potter is expected to mold him into a good potter. And so, is the case with a leather worker, a blacksmith, a weaver etc. In this manner, a jāti molds all aspects of life- food habits (āhāra), design of habitat (vihāra), way to wrap dhoti/saree (a single piece of unstitched cloth that is used for covering body), manners of behaving with other men and one’s daily routine (both are part of one’s vyavahāra), festivities and customs that are observed (tyohāra), treatment of diseases (upacāra), gods/goddesses that are worshipped (deva puja) etc. in order to achieve excellence in one’s occupation.

97 The compiled list is given in appendix ii.

142 According to Ravindra Sharma, as he observed in Adilabad, the food habits differed for different jātis. The ingredients in food varied as according to the nature of labor that one’s occupation demands. Similarly, did the number of meals eaten in a day and the time of meals was different in families of different jātis.

The design of one’s house varied for different jātis. This was so, because the home also acted as a workshop and store house. This study observed that in Adilabad region (chennur), the home of the weavers was designed to incorporate the loom inside the house. The house had a pit inside, on which a loom was fixed. Similar construction of weavers’ home was seen in far war Chirala (coastal Andhra Pradesh) Chittoor (Rayalseema region in Andhrapradesh). Similarly, it was observed that a potter’s house included a storage space for pots and the potter colony (that section of the village where the potters lived) had space for making furnace (for baking pots). According to Ravindra Sharma, the potters would always be located at the edge of the village, so as to ensure that the fire from the furnace does not accidently cause any danger to the village.

Moreover, inside the home the design of certain utensils too would vary for different jātis. For example, this study found long flat and shallow earthen pots filled with water in homes of the lohār community (iron smith). These pots are used to dip long iron rods in water, when they are taken out from their furnace. According to Ravindra Sharma, the design of furnace too varied to meet the specific needs of each jāti.

Another interesting example often used by Ravindra Sharma is that of the wooden dehleej98. According to him, the dehleej of the front door was carved with a distinct design for different homes of different jātis. The carvings included different gods/goddesses on it. The village carpenter was expected to be aware of this distinct aesthetic demand, when manufacturing the doorframe for a house.

98 The wooden frame which holds the front door of the house. It is considered to be a transitioning boundary which connects the inside of the house with the outside world.

143 Another interesting example given by Ravindra Sharma was casting of different bells for cattle (and other domestic animals) of different jātis. The casting of bell depended on the nature of work that is to be taken from animals by different jāti. For example, the bell casted for a farmer’s cattle (which would plough the field) would be different from that casted for the oil presser (his bull is expected to move in circle around the oil press), was different for trading communities which moved in convoys of bullock carts over long distances and was different for those communities which reared cows on grazing lands.

So was the case with style of clothing for different jāti. Ravindra Sharma could tell by looking at the way the dhoti or saree was wrapped, which jāti the person belonged to99. According to him, those who work in the fields, would tie (dhoti and saree) in a way that it did not fall under knee length. These people would wear a dhoti/saree like shorts. On the other hand, those whose work demanded long hours of sitting at one place, like the goldsmith (sunār), or utensil makers (khasār), or weaver (bunkar), or purohita etc. wear the dhoti in a way that it covered them fully.

Ravindra Sharma also noticed that those who worked in a manner that their backs were bent, like the farmers, iron smith, potter etc. would not wear the janeyu thread100 as it would interfere in their work. On the other hand, those who were required to sit with back straight at work like the goldsmith (sunār) and utensil makers (khasār) etc., preferred to wear the janeyu thread, as it would be a reminder to them each time they bent forward.

Even more interesting is the variations in medical treatments. Ravindra Sharma observed that treatments to diseases and bruises also varied for different jātis. According to him, the traditional medical doctor known as Vaidya, would always keep the patient’s jāti in mind before prescribing the quantity of medicine and length of treatment. There would also be slight variations in the content of medicines.

99 They are single piece of unstitched cloth that is wrapped around the body by men (dhoti) and women (saree). 100 A cotton thread worn around one’s shoulders.

144 In this way, the jāti formed the primary institute of diversity conservation in the Indian village. People belonging to different jāti could be seen living diverse lives, although they all resided in the same village. Conversely, in the modern situation when the jāti has withered away and/or have taken the form of mega castes, the diversity has suffered, and the standardized lifestyle has taken over.

Such a description of jāti (caste) is very different from how Wiser has described the workings of it in his book101 or for that matter even by other scholars. This is because observations by Wiser and others are focused on largely the economic aspect of the system. They do not concern themselves much with the cultural and aesthetic life in the village.

Interestingly, as described by Ravindra Sharma, while on one hand the jāti is critical to preservation and promotion of diversity in the Indian village, it also is critical to ensuring the integration of the village community. Such an assertion by Ravindra Sharma would not find much agreement by other scholarly work. And as mentioned earlier, scholars like Srinivas and Dumont have even questioned the idea of village being a community and exercising any real integration. However, scholars like Wiser (and early British administrators) did observe a unity in the Indian village.

According to Wiser, the strength of the system lies in ensuring a unity of the village community, what he calls as its “psychical integration” [Wiser 1988, p.117]. How this integration has been achieved is not very clear to him. Wiser writes: “contentment and peace are attainable goals for a rural community… In a contended and peaceful community, the individual must subordinate his wishes to those of a group. We find in Karimpur that the individuals are ready to co-operate for the common good” [Wiser 1988, p.119]

101 Wiser, W. H. “The Hindu Jajmani System: A Socio-Economic System Interrelating Members of a Hindu Village Community in Services” Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. 1988

145 Being critical of individualism of the West and someone who cherished the idea of “common good”, Wiser writes that West can learn something from the Indian village organization. He writes: “as there is an increasing recognition of the values to society of group allegiance, as over against strict individualism one might learn something in this field from studying the social organization of villages in India… absolute individualism cannot lead to social and economic satisfaction and stability… Each must work for the common good.” [Wiser 1988, p.128].

The “psychical integration” which Wiser talks about and concern for “common good”, gets explained better by Ravindra Sharma’s view on jāti (caste), who kept the jātipurān at its center. Ravindra Sharma credited the integration of village community to a ‘collective interest in dharma’ in the village. According to him, the numerous jātipurān played a critical role in creating a collective interest in issues of dharma-adharma. And so, according to Ravindra Sharma more than any other factor, the numerous artist communities were key to the integration of the village.

This study considers the culture of collective contemplation as the central aspect of human society. And so, from that stand point, any activity which encourages such a phenomenon, is helpful towards integration in society. Ravindra Sharma places the concern of dharma at the center of collective contemplation, thereby providing a common objective to the “collective” of village. Anybody familiar with the intellectual traditions of Indic civilization would know about its concerns with dharma, and the amount of intellectual labor has gone into its formulation and conceptualization. Ravindra Sharma would consider the concern for dharma and active pondering over it through centuries as the integrating factor of the civilization.

Wiser and other scholars who recognized the integration of village community, tried to explain it through economic integration. And rightly, they saw the caste (jāti), critical to the economic integration. Ravindra Sharma too explains the role of jāti in ensuring economic inter-dependence in the Indian village (in addition to its role in conserving diversity).

146

According to Ravindra Sharma the institution of jāti was also responsible for a family’s employment. Each jāti provided a source of livelihood; the skills to provide a service and a dedicated clientele (or jajmāni) to serve to. When a child is born, he is not only born in a family but also a jāti. And by virtue of being a member of both a family and a jāti, he inherits both the skills of the profession and the clientele for it. In this manner, like other scholars, Ravindra Sharma too saw a close tie up between jāti and profession.

If one was to look at it from a linguistic point of view, one would observe that names of most jāti are linked to the professions they practice. For example, from Wiser’s study we can identify that the word sunār related to sonā (gold). Similarly, lohār related to lohā (iron), charmakār or camāra relates to chamdā (leather) and teli relates to tel (oil). Similar observation is made by Ravindra Sharma in Adilabad region. In addition to these examples, Ravindra Sharma gives other examples of communities in his region, which are missing in Wiser’s account. For example, as the name suggests, the community of basod is related to bamboo (calls bāns). In the later segment, this study gives a list of communities mentioned about by Ravindra Sharma in Adilabad region.

It must however be noted, that not all communities’ names find linguistic relation with the professions they practice.

The description of jāti by Ravindra Sharma can be compared with how Dumont has characterized the caste. According to Dumont, there are three markers which differentiate one caste from the other. He writes: “(caste is) distinguished from one another and connected together by three characteristics: separation in matters of marriage and contact; division of labor, each group having, in theory of by tradition, a profession from which their members can depart only within certain limits; and finally, hierarchy, which ranks the groups superior or inferior to one another” [Dumont 2013, p.21]102.

102 Dumont, Louis “Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and Its Implications” Oxford University Press 2013.

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The three characteristics of caste given by Dumont, needs to be commented upon on the basis of Ravindra Sharma’s description of jāti. The practice of endogamy is explained by him as a necessity in a society where the work (production) is a family matter; something that happens inside a home. According to him, in the jajmāni system, both the man and woman in the family are engaged in production (and sometimes each one provides a specialized input to production). In such a situation, it is almost a necessity for one to marry within the same caste. For example, one can only imagine the confusion and chaos that would occur if a lohār (iron smith) boy was to marry a sunār (goldsmith) girl. One works with heavy hammers, giving heavy blows to the iron, while the other works in small toy-like hammers giving kiss like blows to gold. Moreover, since other aspects of living like food habits are closely linked to one’s caste (as explained earlier), therefore it is but natural for one to marry within it.

The second aspect which Dumont calls it “division of labor” where the members of the caste cannot deviate much from their traditional occupation is actually linked to the practice of ‘fixed clientele’ according to Ravindra Sharma. The fixed clientele enabled each family to enjoy a dedicated opportunity of work, and therefore protected from unemployment. This aspect will be explained a little later in greater detail.

Regarding the third observation by Dumont, Ravindra Sharma’s description is closer to how Wiser understood it i.e. hierarchy to be contextual and being rotated amongst different families of different castes. In contrast Dumont’s view considers hierarchy to be fixed and standardized across India.

Once, while giving a discourse on jātipurān, Ravindra Sharma explained about a very interesting mythical debate in it. According to him, every jātipurān deals with the question, which jāti is the greatest? And every jātipurān, describes the respective jāti to be greatest, for otherwise the world will stop functioning. In this manner, according to Ravindra Sharma, no jāti felt inferior to

148 other, and rather took great pride in their profession, for otherwise without their contribution the whole will collapse.

Dumont has credited the caste to provide “recourse to livelihood”, though within limits [Dumont 2013, p.93]. Ravindra Sharma saw withering away of the institution to the problem of unemployment in modern India. This aspect will be elaborated upon later when the discussion on village market takes place.

4.4.2 The category of vritti

Traditionally there have been hundreds if not thousands of castes or jātis in India. This is due to the fact that every jāti had a local presence and not a pan national imprint. Although, one could find similarities between jātis across regions, but one could also find dissimilarities between them. The British used the similarity in profession to club numerous jātis together, in order to reduce the total number of jāti they had to deal with administratively.

Such an attempt has been made by scholars too. Dumont thought that all the castes can be clubbed in two categories; one who hold land and others who do not [Dumont 2013, p.106]. This categorization is close to Srinivas’ view on ‘dominant castes’ (those who have power due to control over land and other factors), and other castes.

In this regard, the traditional categorization of vritti would provide a novel outlook to categorize the numerous castes, although it is a traditional idea. This conception of categorization of castes was understood through discussions with both Navjyoti Singh and Ravindra Sharma. Although the word vritti is not new, however such categorization is not found in scholarly work that was explored under this study.

149 As a result of interactions with both these experts, this study could devise the vritti categorization of castes (jāti). All the castes (jāti) can be organized into three vritti groups; karma vritti, vaiśya vritti (also known as vārtā vritti) and bhikśā vritti.

Karma vritti is composed of all artisanal professions like weavers, leather workers, iron smith, gold smith, carpenter etc. These people are characterized by ‘effort-on-inanimate’. They put their efforts on inanimate materials like wood, metal, leather, fabric etc. And so, they are able to manufacture artifacts like chairs, tools, slippers, cloth etc.

Vaiśya vritti (also called vārtā vritti) is composed of farmers, shepherds, cattle-herders and traders. This finds support from Prof. Aiyenger’s discourse on ancient economic thought, when he explains that vārtā has been defined as the subject that deals with agriculture, commerce and cattle-breeding and money-lending [Aiyenger 1965, pp.12-13]103. Those who belong to vaiśya vritti are characterized by ‘effort-on-animate’. They concentrate their efforts on labor of the animate like animals, plants and human labor. For example, the shepherd’s effort is on the labor of sheep, the farmer’s effort is on labor of plants, the trader’s effort is on labor of fellow humans etc. In this way, this category of people were thought to be responsible in providing stuff like milk, wool, grains and objects that are not produced locally. In other words, their effort is on exchanging stuff that is produced/manufactured by others, hence the name vārtā vritti is also used for them by both Singh and Sharma. In Ravindra Sharma’s words, people of this category were engaged in multiplication of life forms. The shepherd multiplied sheep, the cow herder multiplied cattle, the farmer multiplied seeds and the trader multiplied human capital.

The third category is of bhikśā vritti. The artist communities, medicine men and those were engaged with knowledge production belonged to this category. Unlike the previous two, people of this category dealt with intangible stuff like aesthetic values, moral dictums and knowledge. And for this reason, they thrived on bhikśā or voluntary contributions. This is because the inanimate stuff cannot be appropriately measured, hence it was not thought proper to consider

103 Rangaswamy Aiyenger K V Aspect of Ancient Indian Economic Thought BHU, Varanasi 1965.

150 it a commodity, an object of negotiation. And so, unlike the previous two, the bhikśā vritti people did not/were not expected to engage in any kind of negotiation for their contribution.

The bhikśā vritti has be credited for developing a culture of spiritualism in Indian society, where in the people did not take refuge in material indulgence, but actively engaged with issues of ethics and moral dilemmas. Prof Aiyenger in his lecture to students of BHU on “Ancient Indian Economic Thought” said: “Undoubtedly, the interdependence of Economics and Ethics has been fundamental assumption in all Indian thought. It is also true that in periods of intellectual or moral reactions, the ineffectiveness of mere material goods for securing the primary ends of existence has been proclaimed…the general attitude has always been to regard wealth not as an end in itself, but as a means to ends, and even as an important means to the higher ends” [Aiyenger 1965, p.20].

Again, one would find validation of this from Srinivas’s observation, where he describes their role in spreading awareness about concepts that are not part of materialistic world-view. Srinivas however has seen this as a process of sanskritization; a process to making the masses familiar with and adherent to concepts in Sanskrit literature.

Ravindra Sharma’s conclusion were diametrically opposite to that of Srinivas, although they observed similar actions in their respective regions, more or less around the same time. According to him, the Karma vritti and vaiśya vritti were responsible for material prosperity in the village community. And the bhikśā vritti was responsible for fulfilling the greater need of man; the aesthetic, intellectual and spiritual quests. People who belonged to bhikśā vritti created opportunities of collective contemplation in the village, through various aesthetically rich art forms. According to him, together, the three vrittis were responsible for fulfillment of material necessities of all and creation of contemplative culture in the village.

151 This study proposes that the institution of jāti should always be looked together with the categorization of vritti. This allows for one to understand the basic motive behind each of them, as conceived and propagated through respective jātipurān.

A common mistake regarding jāti in modern India has been to confuse it with another form of categorization called the varna. This study would like to emphatically point out that a varna is not a jāti. While there are numerous jātis in India, there are only four varnas. It is a mistake to attempt fitting the jātis in the four varnas. One simple reason is that while a profession is tied to a jāti, a varna on the other hand is not a source of livelihood.

Wiser too has done this mistake of clubbing jātis into varna. In his study, he has clubbed 41 families of seven different castes into one varna category of brāhmin. However, he also acknowledges that the various brāhmin families are engaged with agriculture in the village and some even engage with cattle rearing for supplementary income. And one family even maintains a shop which sells tobacco, spices and grains [Wiser 1988, p.5].

4.4.3 The Institution of Purohita

After discussions on institution of jāti and the categorization of vritti, this study now focuses on the jāti of purohita (commonly translated as the priest). Ravindra Sharma considered the purohita to be the fulcrum of the jajmāni system. He explains this from a linguistic point of view, the word purohita asserts collective benefit; pura means large collective and hita means benefit. Thus, purohita is he who is responsible towards the benefit of the collective.

When seen from the point of yajña, the purohita is the one who designs and executes a particular yajña. It is important to keep in mind here, that while the yajña is being performed on behalf of the jajmāna, its executioner is the purohita. It is he, who instructs the jajmāna to make material arrangements for the yajña. And it is on his instructions that the jajmāna recites sacred hymns and make offerings to the sacred fire.

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As discussed earlier, the jajmāni system is conceived on the idea that all activities of life are to be considered as a yajña. And therefore, as Ravindra Sharma explains, it was the purohita’s responsibility to design and execute all the common activities in village (all seen as a form of yajña) in a way that all families get to be seated on the seat of jajmāna in some rotational mechanism through the year. The purohita was responsible to ensure that enough occasions of exchange (in Pattanaik’s description of yajña) are organized in a year, so that each family gets appropriate employment opportunities. Moreover, all occasions of exchange (remunerations in them) were ritualized to ensure that each family is publically honored for its contribution to the society. According to Ravindra Sharma, every family in Adilabad enjoyed “12 occasions of māna (public acknowledgement) in one year, and each occasion ensured livelihood opportunity for a minimal of 5 different jātis”.

In other words, it was the purohita’s responsibility to ensure employment security and honor for each family (of each profession) in the village, through a series of yajña performances through the year. According to Ravindra Sharma, the economic self-sufficiency of the village was not simply a matter of ample production alone, but more importantly a result of the purohita’s efforts and foresightedness. He was tasked to ensure that every family enjoys a security of livelihood simply by being a member of a village, and no family feels the need to migrate out of it.

4.4.4 The Principles of Village Economy

The economic self-sufficiency of the jajmāni village can be credited to the principles of what Ravindra Sharma called the ‘village market’. Although there is no presence of a market in a village, as it is understood in conventional terms. However, the term ‘village market’ is used by Ravindra Sharma to describe the economic system within the village, under which all the exchanges take place. As discussed above, he credits the purohita to the smooth functioning of the ‘village market’, resulting in livelihood opportunities of all families.

153 In Ravindra Sharma’s words, the ‘village market’ was tasked to provide “āhār-ki-surakśā” (security of livelihood) for all families. This was ensured by ensuring a fixed clientele to all families as part of their jajmāni rights (or as Wiser called it their jajmāni haqq). So, for example, every potter family in this system enjoyed a fixed number of jajmāna families whose pottery related needs were catered by this potter family alone. No other potter family was to be allowed to encroach upon this clientele. Such will be the case with every family of every caste in the village.

According to Ravindra Sharma, it was the responsibility of the purohita, to ensure this arrangement is followed in strictest terms. An encroachment of other’s clientele would invite the most severe punishment; of being out-casted. The success of this arrangement ensured that every family enjoyed full employment opportunity. One must note here, that the problem of unemployment and/or under employment is actually a modern problem in India, and Ravindra Sharma credited this to the dispossession of the institution of jāti.

Any re-distribution of the clientele in the traditional system, needed to be done under the purview of the caste council (jāti pancāyata)104. For example, the potters’ council could collectively decide to re-arrange the village clientele amongst its members, whenever the need for so felt. The general principle behind this arrangement would be that the work load and economic opportunity gets equitably divided between all the families of caste. This finds support from Wiser’s observation about Karimpur.

Wiser observed in his study that each family enjoys a definite clientele “which has been established through custom, and which continues from generation to generation”. Giving the example of the carpenter in Karimpur, Wiser writes: “Each carpenter has his own clientele, which has become established through custom, and which continues from generation to generation… This relationship once established cannot be broken except by the carpenter himself who may choose to sell his rights to another carpenter” [Wiser 1988, p. xix].

104 The discussion on the institution of pancāyata is listed later in this segment.

154

One must note here that the clientele may be limited to the boundaries of a village or it may extend to neighboring villages, depending on the size of village and the demands in it (and in neighboring villages). Wiser notes that the individual family or the head of family whom one serves is called jajmāna, while the entire clientele is called jajmāni. And the service rights in the clientele are called jajmāni haqq.

According to Ravindra Sharma, the distribution of clientele was such that there is near equal economic opportunity and near equal work-load for all. This was ensured by both the purohita and the relevant caste councils. Wiser too observed this concern towards equitable distribution of livelihood opportunities. He explains that while at first glance one sees an unequal distribution of clientele, however if one considers the economic capacity of each of the family to patronize, one would notice an equitable distribution. He writes with respect to the purohiti haqq (the clientele of the purohita families): “the unequal division of patrons shown above is counter-balanced by economic factors. The 27 families represent largely the rich, the 37 families the middle class and the 73 families the poor. The rich make more calls than do the poor. In this manner each priest has very nearly equal number of calls made upon in time” [Wiser 1988, p.3].

The above observation is made particularly in reference to the purohita, but it holds true for all professions; the distribution of jajmāni is such that each family enjoyed near equal economic opportunity and near equal work load. Wiser makes a similar observation is made for the Bhat: “the rights of two bhat families are divided roughly between the east and the west side and are equally valuable” [Wiser 1988, p.9].

In this way, both Wiser and Ravindra Sharma would agree that not only a jajmāni village was self- sufficient for its economic needs, but also provided shelter to all through dedicated employment opportunities. To validate this further, Wiser refers one Dr. W. H. Wilson, who wrote in the publication of American Sociological Society:

155 “in the normal Indian village there are no beggars, no paupers, and there is no need of institutions for blind or deaf… The village unit is a subsistence unit into which the people can retreat when want or scarcity I felt, and within which the social bonds, drawn even tighter, bind up in obligations and secure against want each member of the village community” [Wiser 1988, p.98].

The credit for this is given by Wilson to the institution of caste (jāti), which in his words gives “shelter” to those in needs. This validates, Ravindra Sharma’s assertion that by being a member of a jāti, one enjoyed security of livelihood; in his words “āhār-ki-surakśā”.

Ravindra Sharma would also talk about a supplementary economic opportunity, that was in addition to the fixed clientele. Occasionally, the village (or the local region) hosted melās (fair), which Ravindra Sharma described as ‘open markets’. The fairs were meant to supplement one’s material needs and economic opportunities and were not meant as a replaced of fixed clientele. In the fairs, anyone was free to sell to and buy from anyone.

Wiser also described the presence of supplementary economic opportunities. According to him, the “service-relationships” (as he calls it) between different castes are of two kinds- fixed relationship and casual relationship. The fixed relationship did not allow one to “buy” or “sell” from/to anyone other than one’s jajmāna. And in addition to this, the casual relationship allowed limited occasions where no such restrictions apply. Such occasions would typically be during the time of village fairs, where special artifacts are for sale to anyone.

Wiser does a thorough job in noting that the remuneration in return of a service is of multiple kinds- cash, kind, return service and concessions. The form of remunerations is not standardized. He notes that these “returns” are made on daily, monthly, bi-yearly, per piece of work, and on special occasions.

156 One can now imagine that when a child is born, he inherits the clientele and the skills of the family’s profession. This study, once through interaction with a member of the goud community (toddy tappers), learnt that it is a common practice in the community to plant 5 toddy plants at the time of a child’s birth. As the child grows, so to the toddy trees. And then both have matured, the child takes responsibility of the 5 trees. According to the community member, 5 trees provided enough income to support one family.

In this way, according to Ravindra Sharma the ‘village market’ ensured full employment in the village. Linguistically, it is interesting to note that the origin of the Hindi word garib which means the poor, is linked to another word gurbat which originally referred to anyone who is far away from his village. In the light of above discussion, one can now appreciate the relationship between economic self-sufficiency and being a member of a village.

4.4.5 The problem of Changing Jāti

In light of the above discussion on jāti and the ‘village market’, one is now in a position to appreciate the difficult proposition of changing professions or switching over from one jāti to another.

Such a switch would require two criteria to be met, both being equally important. Firstly, the individual (or the family) which wishes to switch its caste, would be required to not only achieve perfection in the new skills, but also would be expected to adopt to all aspects of life that is expected from the new caste. For example, if a potter wishes to be a weaver, he would need to acquire the necessary skills and also adopt all the practices and customs of weavers.

In addition to that, the decision to switch would need the approval from the larger community. This is because any switch would require the clientele to be re-adjusted. Taking the same example as above, decision to switch caste, would need approval from both the potter community and

157 the weaver community in the village. The potters would need to redistribute the clientele with one less potter family. And the weavers would need to accommodate one new weaver family.

Theoretically, when the above conditions are met, a switch from one caste to another becomes possible.

4.4.6 Family Based Production

Another important characteristic of the jajmāni system is that a family acts as a production unit here. It is for this reason, that all aspects of family living need to be synchronized with the profession. This has been discussed earlier too.

As it is evident in India’s case, the family based decentralized model of production is in no way inferior to centralized mass production methods. It is now well documented by many scholars that the contribution of India was one-fourth in world’s total industrial production in eighteenth century. Such massive industrial production took place in a decentralized manner, where the family acted as a production unit. It is interesting to note that there were no centralized factories present in India in pre-British era.

This finds support from works of Schumacher and Gandhi who were proponents of small scale, decentralized mode of production. Both considered this essential to prevent exploitation of both humans and the environment. Philosophically too, madhyastha darshan gives credence to family- based production system when it considers family to be the basic unit of society105.

From the standpoint of diversity, it has already been discussed that the centralized factory model of production creates a separation of private realm from public realm in a manner that work is

105 Nagaraj Sharma, A. “Avartansheela Arthashastra: Astitva-moolak Manav Kendrit Chintan” Jeevan Vidya Prakashan, Amarkantak 2001

158 taken out of family. As a result, the diversity in modern society has greatly suffered, since the family desperately tries to align itself to the standardized realm of production.

Jajmāni system in this respect becomes an interesting case of sustaining diversity in a decentralized family-based production system, without compromising on the quantity, or the quality of production.

4.4.7 Tool Based Technology

The most critical element of decentralized family mode of production is the nature of technology that is being employed. According to Ravindra Sharma, in jajmāni system the nature of technology is simple, small and tool-based. Such a technology is conducive for decentralized mode of production. On the other hand, large and automated form of technology is viable for mass production only.

Using a simple example of a weaver, Ravindra Sharma would explain that the modern power loom is capable of producing thousands of sarees in one year, but all of the same kind. The weaver, on the other hand, who works of a handloom can make each saree distinct from the other (although not more than a few elaborate sarees would be manufactured in one year).

Ravindra Sharma, saw strength in small scale, tool-based technology. According to him, such a technology was simple and cheap. And most importantly, it was economically viable to produce even a single unit of something106.

Mahatma Gandhi was known to be a proponent of such technology. According to him, India needed “production by masses and not mass production”. He was critical of large scale, automated form of technology, and saw in it seeds of mass unemployment in the country.

106 Satya, Harsh “The Seed Collector: Ravindra Sharma” in Smriti Jagaran Ke Harkare SIDH Publications 2012

159 Moreover, according to Ravindra Sharma the small-scale technology had the strength of producing one of a kind product. For example, the handloom of a weaver can make each saree with distinct design. Or the potter’s wheel can fabricate each pot of different design. Such grade of customization is not possible in large technological set up which needs to produce a certain minimum number of units in order to be economically viable.

The high level of customization is suited for the Jajmāni system, which with its diversity requires diversification of objects. The design of pot in a farmer’s house is different from that in a purohita’s house and so on. The pot required on different occasions are needed to be of different shape, size and aesthetic imprints. The village potter using his wheel had the capacity to producing highly customized pots. Or the village weaver using his handloom had the capacity to produce saree-s of different aesthetic design for different families.

Lastly, the small and simple nature of technology makes it cheap and easy to maintain. It can be produced locally and be maintained locally. A technology of this kind is conducive to local employment generation, as it is conducive to decentralized mode of production. Its economic viability allows an ordinary person to have its ownership.

Schumacher’s Justification for Tool-based Technology

Celebrated economist E. F. Schumacher has proposed ‘Buddhist Economics’ as an alternative to the contemporary economic paradigm. He explains amongst other things, some interesting aspects of tool-based technology107. What he describes as ‘Buddhist Economics’, is a model which seems very close to the principles of Jajmāni system in India (his inspiration comes from what he observed in Myanmar, which one can assume to be similar to the system in India).

According to Schumacher, for a Buddhist the concern for ‘right to livelihood’ goes in tandem with another equally important concern- ‘right livelihood’. He insists that the two much go together.

107 Schumacher, E. F. “Small is Beautiful: A Study of Economics as if People Mattered” Vintage Books, London 1993

160 The crisis which modern economy finds its in is a result of ignoring the concern for ‘right livelihood’. Schumacher explains more about this fundamental mistake by modern economic thought.

According to Schumacher, the modern economist considers work (or labor) to be no more than a necessary evil. It is necessary since no production can happen without it. However, it is like an evil, since the worker considers it to be a sacrifice of his leisure and comfort. This attitude to work according to him gives rise to a philosophical view of technology, which is intended to replace work as much as possible. The result of this view one can see today in increased automation of production activities. The modern man’s dream would be to reduce work to switch on-off the machine, while the machine is expected to all work.

Contrary to this according to him is the ‘Buddhist view’, which takes a threefold view of work. Elaborating this, Schumacher writes: “(work is) to give man a chance to utilize and develop his faculties; to enable him to overcome his egocentredness by joining with other people in a common task; and to bring forth the goods and services needed for a becoming existence” [Schumacher 1993, p.39].

The result of the ‘Buddhist view’ to work is development of small scale technology, or what Ananda Coomaraswamy called “tool-based technology”. According to Schumacher, such a technology is fundamentally different from the modern automation driven technology, as it does not intend to replace human effort but only facilitate it (and culture it, as Ravindra Sharma would add to it).

According to him, use of Technology not only fabricates a product, but it also sculpts the user. The tool-based technology is not designed to replace human effort but to supplement it. Hence, the user’s sense organs and motor organs get sculpted as he uses the technology.

161 This aspect is clearly visible in an artisan’s life. An artisan is like an artist with sensory sensitivity towards the raw material, the climate and the social atmosphere he is working in. His training of mind and body is way more sophisticated than an operator of a machine. Such a dual effect of technology- to fabricate an object and to sculpt the user’s sensory being is the unique capability of tool-based technology. Gandhi saw in charkha (spinning wheel), not only an answer to economic woes of India, but also a means for spiritual training of mind.

Schumacher’s view on ‘work’ should be considered as fundamental a contribution as Arendt’s view on ‘action’. And the jajmāni village is a place of tool-based, small scale and simple (easy to maintain) technology-based production.

4.5 Multiple Currencies for Exchange

The family-based production, which was supported by tool-based technology was an essential factor in supporting the diversity in the Indian village. Another equally important factor was what Ravindra Sharma described as presence of multiple forms of currencies in a village to facilitate exchange. According to him, traditional society considered six currencies as valid medium of exchange; money, cloth, grains, cattle (including horse, sheep, goat), waste and promise of return service.

In addition to this, Ravindra Sharma explained that the remuneration was not always expected to be immediate in return of a service consumed. For example, a potter who has provided for a pot now, maybe remunerated for it at a later occasion. Navjyoti Singh explained this a system of “time-deferred” remuneration. Time deference along with multiple currency forms allowed the jajmāni system to not be shackled by the limitations of a barter system, which could not allow exchange unless the two parties have complementary needs at the same time.

Wiser too observed the presence of multiple forms of remuneration- cash, kind, return service and concessions. And also, the occasions as distribution of remuneration across the year. They

162 are made on daily, monthly, bi-yearly, per piece of work, and on special occasions. He analyzed these exchanges in great details.

According to Wiser, in Karimpur the barber, grain parcher, potter and washerman exchange services directly. They expect no supplementary payments from each other. He considered this exchange to be symmetrical, although there was no method of equalizing them. However, as he mentions further, there was also asymmetrical exchange of service existing. As he explains, one carpenter family in Karimpur, does ordinary carpentry work for two bard families and one faqir family free of charge. Occasionally these people may bring gifts for the carpenter.

Wiser further describes, that the fixed payments can be on daily, monthly, bi-yearly, piece-rate and special occasion payments in fixed cash and kind. The payment can be a combination of cash and kind e.g the carpenter in Karimpur receives 8 annas (ānās)108 and two meals a day when they work at the jajmāna’s house. According to Wiser, these payments by themselves were not representative of the value of work done, but together with the concessions ensured a secure livelihood for the service provider. Wiser considered the concessions given in the system to be its strength.

Wiser explains, that the Bi-yearly payment happens at the time of crop harvest in autumn and spring. He writes, the “kam-walas” were given a pre-allotted share of the crop at the time of harvest [Wiser 1988, p.9]. This form of remuneration is actually in the form of their share of the produce, given in return of the services they have provided in the previous months.

In addition to the “fixed” economic relations with the jajmānas which involved pre-negotiated work, Wiser describes about “casual” economic exchanges, where one is free to buy from and sell to anyone as the demand is made at that instance of time. This also included the jajmāna when they demanded something special, which was not part of the pre-negotiated exchange.

108 One ānā is equivalent to 1/16th of a rupee.

163 Wiser described the mode of remuneration in such cases to be different from the mode in case of “fixed” jajmāni. According to him, the payments were made in cash and kind for “per piece of work”. For example, 2 pice per tola (175gms) for solid ornaments of silver, 2 pice per tola for filigree ornaments of silver, 6 annas (ānās) per tola for solid gold ornaments and 2 rupees 8 anna (ānās) for per tola of filigree gold ornaments. Further, the vegetable grower received market price for vegetable, melons and tobacco. The carpenter made small wooden platters, bread boards, spud & sickles costing 2 annas (ānās) to 6 annas (ānās), and ox-cart costing 20 rupees to 85 rupees. So is the case with other castes [Wiser 1988, pp.51-52]. Wiser has given much analytical description of the multiple modes of exchange.

Wiser also noted that special occasions like marriage or other festivities require contributions that are not pre-negotiated. For such times, special remunerations are made for the services rendered. There are many such occasions in a year in Karimpur, each being a source of extra income for “kam-walas” [Wiser 1988, pp.53-78].

As mentioned earlier, Wiser notes that other than the various forms of remuneration given in return of the services, the residents also enjoy certain concessions. According to the Wiser, the concessions are the backbone of the system. He formulated a list of 17 concessions which he noted in Karimpur. These are as follows:

i. Free residence site ii. Free food for family iii. Free clothing iv. Free food for animals v. Free timber vi. Free dung vii. Rent-free land viii. Credit facilities ix. Opportunities for supplementary employment

164 x. Free use of tools, implements and draft animals xi. Free use of raw materials* xii. Free hides xiii. Free funeral pyre plot xiv. Casual leave xv. Aid in litigation xvi. Variety in diet xvii. Healthful location

According to Wiser, these concessions are critical to the economic stability of the system. He writes: “the strength of the system depends, however, not on actual payments made but, on the concessions, granted to the different occupational groups” [Wiser 1988, p.26].

The value of these concessions is quite high, and Wiser believes they are the primary reason for one to desist from breaking the jajmāni relationships and shifting to the city, where the possibilities of higher income is greater. He writes- “the concessions made available to them in living in Karimpur offset for them any advantage that would appear to be their if they were to be employed in a city environment at reasonable fixed wages” [Wiser 1988, p.54].

4.6 Festivals are Economic Opportunities

Ravindra Sharma saw the numerous festivals in as economic opportunities for the families in the village. According to him, the Indian festival is a great mix of aesthetic, economic and religious dimensions of life. In fact, according to him, all aspects of traditional village life were an inter- twining of these dimensions.

Ravindra Sharma explained this by taking a few examples. The festival of holi has been a major economic opportunity for the community which manufacture colors. Similarly, diwali is a big

165 economic opportunity for the potters and oil-presser (teli) in the village. In Adilabad region, a few days after diwali, the festival of kārthik-purnimā is celebrated, which also involves lightning of all the earthen lamps. According to Ravindra Sharma, this festival proved to be a supplementary festival to diwali, when one would consume all the left over earthen lamps that were not used in diwali.

In this manner, hundreds of festivals that are celebrated, are meant to cater to provide economic opportunities to some community or the other. Of course, in modern situation, such opportunities are taken over by modern factories, leaving the artisan orphaned.

4.7 The Institution of Pancāyata

The institution of pancāyata just like the purohita has been considered critical to stability of jajmāni system by Ravindra Sharma. The pancāyata is a local decision-making body. Amongst scholars who have studied the Indian village, there are two conflicting opinions on the term pancāyata. Some believe it represents a self-governing village body which manages administrative issues of village functioning. The early British administrators equated the pancāyata to ‘village republics’, as discussed in earlier section. However, the other view sees pancāyata as a dispute resolution body, both civil and criminal.

According to Dharampal who studied the records and reports from the time of early British administration, almost in all of India the villages (and even towns) had an “organized institutional framework which looked after the civic, administrative and political needs of the community, and was endowed with necessary powers and resources to perform various tasks” [Dharampal 2007, p.101]109. However, Dharampal points out that it may be quite possible that the term pancāyata is not used for these bodies and in different parts of the country they may be addressed the institution may be addressed by different names. Dharampal considers it a possibility that the

109 Dharampal “Panchayat Raj and India’s Polity”. Other India Press, Goa 2007

166 term pancāyata was made popular by the British administrators to describe all such administrative bodies at village level.

The institution which one sees today in Indian villages by the same name is merely a product of British administration, continued in independent India. According to Dharampal, the contemporary pancāyata is not an inheritor of India’s long past and is therefore fundamentally different in its structure and functioning.

Dharampal marks three attempts by British administrators to examine and reorganize the traditional body; in 1880, 1907 and 1946. According to him, each of these reorganizations resulted in further departure of the institution from its original conception (which was carried for hundreds of years). He writes: “The structures established each time were different in their composition, their institutional relationship to the people of their respective areas, their functions and to a lesser extent in their income and expenditure pattern. In each of these three attempts, however, the institution started with relative freedom; and, in course of time, were hedged in and restricted, ending in an impasse” [Dharampal 2007, p.102].

The pancāyata in contemporary India is no more than an agent of the state, tasked with implementing government schemes at village level. It does not have any power to devise its own policies. Nor does it have power to be economic autonomous by generating its own funds. Dharampal gives an account of a pancāyata in Madurai (in 1961) whose members resigned from their posts in protest against the governments inaction on their petition to stop illegal distillation and gambling in the village [Dharampal 2007, p.138]. Recorded instances of such kind are testimony of the dispossession and disempowerment of the traditional pancāyata.

The traditional pancāyata on the other hand was considered to be an empowered body, responsible for economic and political autonomy of the village.

167 Therefore, the reader should not be confused by the functioning of pancāyata as conceived originally in jajmāni system, with what one sees today. To indicate the functioning of the traditional pancāyata, its salient features are discussed below. They were identified over lengthy discussions with Ravindra Sharma, on what he had observed in Adilabad region. The region being under the control of Nizam had largely remained untouched by direct impact of British policies. In independent India too, it took a few decades before the modern state could influence its traditional ways. Thus, as Ravindra Sharma claims, much of the traditional pancāyata remained conserved in its functioning and in memories of people till after a few decades of independence. His observation of the pancāyata in the period of 1960s and his reconstruction of it from memories of community elders has enabled us to identify its salient features. They are discussed in following section.

Salient Features of the Traditional Pancāyata

As understood from discussions with Ravindra Sharma, this study has identified some salient characteristics of the traditional pancāyata. As each of it would be discussed, it would become apparent how fundamentally different the institution was, from it is seen today to be.

First, the pancāyata was not a permanent body, with a permanent office or staff maintained through the year. The pancāyata was raised at a time of a dispute and is dissolved once the dispute has been resolved. Most importantly, no one would draw any kind of remuneration for being a member of a pancāyata. To be a pancā (jury member) was not anybody’s profession; it is not a jāti.

To appreciate this point, one must refer to Gandhi’s objection to profession of lawyers (and doctors). He called both the professions to be a sin110. According to Gandhi, to make a profession of resolving disputes would result in an inherent conflict. The purpose of such an institution is to achieve peace in society. However, if one’s livelihood depended on resolving disputes, then as

110 Gandhi, M. K. “Hind Swaraj: Indian Home Rule”. Navjivan Trust, Ahmedabad 2007

168 the society moves closer to greater and longer peace, the source of livelihood dries. Gandhi warned, that in modern times when the primary motive is profit maximization, one would be tempted to complicate and prolog disputes in order to earn maximum out of each one. He warned of a similar fate with regard to make health treatment as a profession too.

It is precisely the above concern, that dispute resolution was kept independent of remunerative gain. To be a panca (jury member), was not a profession.

Secondly, the pancāyata (or the jury) is raised at a time of dispute. The members who were chosen to compose the jury, were required to enjoy the confidence of both the disputing parties. If any party was not assured about the sense of judgement or impartiality of a member, then he/she was not fit to be part of the jury.

While theoretically the above characteristic would appear to work for everyone, but for all practical considerations, a few people in a village would with time acquire such a stature. And therefore, in all or most cases, the same people would be invited to compose the jury.

What was also observed in the Indian village, that for different disputes, different pancāyata would be raised. For matters that are within the caste, say for example a dispute regarding encroachment of clientele, a caste pancāyata would be raised. If the matter concerns the entire village, then a village level pancāyata would be raised. And similarly, if the matter concerns a cluster of village, say a decision to be taken regarding building a large reservoir, then a larger pancāyata would be raised.

One good example of such a large pancāyata is the jal sansad raised by people of Alwar (Rajasthan) to manage the catchment area of river arvari.

169 Third important characteristic of pancāyata was that a decision was reached through consensus, and not majority vote. This institution was probably necessary to maintain a political unity in the village.

When interacting with the thākar community (community of puppeteers who wandered from one village to another and performed puppet shows on rām-leelā) of southern Maharashtra, this study learnt that often they (and other artist communities who were wandering types) were called upon to help resolve a particular dispute in a village, which the village pancāyata was failing to do so. When asked, why they were deemed fit to intervene by the local pancāyata, the answer given was “because we traveled across many villages, and so we knew about many disputes and their resolutions”. A more detailed discussion on the thākar community is listed for later segment.

4.8 Jajmāni System in Harmonious Relation with Nature

The jajmāni system’s sustainability apart from other economic and political factors is also closely linked to the nature of its engagement with Nature. This is true for all economic systems; relationship with Nature being a key factor in sustainability. Therefore, it is relevant for us to have a brief discussion on certain principles adopted in jajmāni system from the point of view of sustainability. In this regard, Ravindra Sharma throws light on two crucial aspects of jajmāni system- the non-dependency on fossil fuel and its management of waste.

Firstly, as explained by Ravindra Sharma the jajmāni system did not depend on “single source” of energy. As we have already discussed earlier that the nature technologies in the system are tool- based. Such a technology works on energy harnessed by human labor, animal labor and other natural phenomenon like water flow. This study has not explored in greater details of this aspect.

Secondly, equally important is to understand the attitude adopted towards waste in jajmāni system. According to Ravindra Sharma, an important and integral aspect of jajmāni relations is

170 the interdependency between communities for waste disposal and access to raw material. The system is deliberately designed in a way that the waste of one community becomes a raw material for the other community and circle gets completed.

Ravindra Sharma explained this with the example of jajmāni relation between the teli (oil presser) and the farmer. In Adilabad, the oil presser as part of his remuneration kept the waste of crushed oil seeds to himself. This waste (if we can use the word), was then provided to the farmers which became an important part of the cattle feed. And in return the farmer remunerated the oil presser with grains. In this manner, the waste disposal of oil pressing was done.

This study observed the same principle in its field interactions with the kurbā (shepherd) community of north Karnataka. The jajmāni relations between the kurbā and the marāthā community is such that the waste of one is a raw material for the other and vice versa. After the crop is harvested, the farmer is left to deal with the crop residue. He invites the shepherd herd to camp on his field for a few nights. The sheep graze over the crop residue and the sheep droppings (and sheep penning) enriches the soil. In this way, the waste of the shepherd i.e. the sheep droppings act as an important input to the local farming. And the farmers do not worry about disposing the crop residue.

It is interesting to note here, that in areas around Delhi (north India) where this traditional jajmāni relations between the shepherd and farmer now stands broken, one is witnessing an environmental breakdown. The farmers of north India burn the crop residue after every harvest, resulting in massive air pollution and choking of Delhi. Moreover, they are excessively dependent on chemical fertilizers to renew soil fertility every season, thereby poisoning the soil.

According to Ravindra Sharma, this basic principle of waste management is seen in all aspects of jajmāni system. No community produced a waste which could not be digested. Thus, according to Ravindra Sharma one did not see presence of waste bins in the traditional villages, since waste

171 was digested and not disposed of. For students of environment and sustainability, this aspect of jajmāni system would be a relevant exploration.

4.9 Visualization of Jajmāni System

After a discussion on philosophical principles and parameters behind jajmāni system, its description becomes necessary.

Dumont famously called the system, as a system of “prestations and counter prestations” (benefits and counter benefits). Wiser has described it as a system of “inter-dependence”. Gould called it a system of “economic particularism”. As this study describes the system below, one may keep all these nomenclature in mind. And one may also keep the earlier discussion on principles and parameters in mind.

In a village community, different families are engaged with different occupations. The first thing one should note about the jajmāni system, is that it involves family-based production and exchange. The family is an economic unit, and not an individual. According to Ravindra Sharma, the family enjoys the jajmāni right (remuneration given) and the family is accountable for the jajmāni duty. All production is done by the family together. Both the man and the woman have specific duties in the production process, and also shared tasks. For example, this study observed that a gond family which was involved in farming, the tilling of soil was done by men, and the seed sowing was done by women. Also, the seed preservation (the best of the seeds is kept for the next sowing season) was also done by women in the house.

The other important point to note about jajmāni system is that, it is an “expenditure-centric” system (as phrased by both Ravindra Sharma and Navjyoti Singh). This means, the “giving” aspect is under scrutiny, and not the “taking” aspect; what is to be given, when to be given, how much to be given and in what (ritualized) manner to be given. According to Ravindra Sharma, the task of the purohita is to ensure that everyone “gives” as per proper customs. The system, enjoys

172 stability, when no one faults in “giving”. It can be safely assumed, that when everyone gives, everyone in turn also gets.

So, for example, at the time of harvest, the farmer is required to “give away” the harvest to his jajmāns like the potter, leather worker, iron smith etc. Each one has a pre-determined share in the crop. This process is known as “mātrā katnā” (division of share). Once all the shares are “given away”, and the share of the community also parted with, the remainder of the produce is taken by the farmer. Similar is the case with others; the potter makes pots to give to his jajmāns.

In other words, everyone in this system is supposed to work for fulfillment of the needs of their jajmāns. The remainder of time and effort, is utilized to produce for one’s own consumption. One can even say, that the first right over one’s labor is that of the jajmān. It is only in this sense, that the spirit of yajña gets fulfilled.

As a result of this arrangement, everyone is required to put only a finite amount of labor, since the number of jajmāns are fixed, and their needs are pre-determined and more or less fixed. For example, a potter knows how many jajmān families he serves, and how many pots for each family in one year he is expected to manufacture (keeping in mind some buffer for accidents or emergency needs). In this way, he knows for example that he needs to make 100 pots in one year to serve 10 jajmān families. In lieu of this finite work, the potter is assured of his necessities.

In a jajmāni system one is not producing for an anonymous consumer. Nor is one tempted to or needed to produce endlessly in order to meet sustenance. For example, as discussed in the above case, if the potter chooses to make more than 100 pots, it will not add anything to his remuneration. The extra pots at best would be his practice of pot making and aesthetic satisfaction. According to Ravindra Sharma, this cap in production allowed families to engage in social and cultural activities. It allowed the scope of artist communities to perform and engage with villagers.

173 Moreover, since one is producing specifically for the needs of respective jajmāns, the system needs high level of customization. For example, each of the 10 jajmān families would need 10 different kinds of pots; each family’s aesthetic imprint is needed on their pots. Even more, not all 10 pots would be same; pots for different purpose and occasion would be different. For example, the pot used for storing water would be different from the earthen Wessel used for cooking on flame or storing cooked food. Similarly, earthen Wessel needed for domestic use would be different than those needed for non-domestic (professional use). In this way, the potter is manufacturing different kinds of pots, and not the same kind.

According to Ravindra Sharma, the small-scale tool-based technology allowed for customized production. The nature of technology is the key to ensure that diverse needs of each family are met. While the example of a potter is still simple, one can appreciate this aspect much more when one considers the example of a weaver. A weaver is expected to make different kinds of sarees for different jajmān families (and for different occasions). The traditional loom had the capacity to make each saree different from each other.

For the services that are produced inside the village (or in the local region), there is no requirement of a shop kind of institution. This is because the exchange is direct between families. For example, the potter will directly supply the pots to his jajmān families when called upon. However, there is a presence of shops in the village. These shops provide exquisite stuff which comes from distant lands. They also become facilitators of sending stuff to distant lands. According to Ravindra Sharma, the panseri, kept with him all that which was not locally grown or locally available e.g camphor, mercury, hingol (stone used for pregnant women), medicinal herbs that were not found locally and more. This study has not explored much into the functioning of shops. However, what is clear is that they played a crucial role in making economic relations with distant (and foreign) villages and markets.

174 In this way, the material necessities of families in the village was met. Almost everything was locally produced and locally exchange. What could not be locally made, was sought from distant villages.

In addition to these, the village also saw visitations from various artist communities. They would be drama people, puppeteers, magicians, story tellers, singers, gymnasts etc. The village would also see visitations from genealogy communities, people who maintained family trees, various medicine men including epidemiology communities. These wandering communities (known as ghumantu) formed an integral part of the village jajmāni system, although they may not be residents of the village. In the later segment, this study elaborates on two such wandering communities- the shepherds and puppeteers and shows their contribution to village economy and cultural life.

4.10 Conclusion

A few important conclusions can be drawn from the above discussion. An understanding of key philosophical principles is necessary to appreciate the jajmāni system.

The Indian society has considered mokśa (liberation) to be the purpose of individual life. And therefore, the jajmāni system, as conceived originally, was intended to facilitate an individual’s journey to the point of mokśa (liberation). One cannot ignore this central premise behind the system’s functioning for it to be appreciated properly. Related to mokśa (liberation) is the concept of rina (existential debt), as complete debt dissolution can be considered the considered for liberation. Philosophically an individual is considered to be under five existential debts- of parents, teachers, mankind, Nature and gods (concepts and everything else that remains). The third civilizational concept of yajña (sacrifice) is visualized to provide means of debt dissolution. Corresponding to five existential debts are five major yajñas, called the panca-mahāyajña. According to the principle of yajña, the reality is inter-connected and inter-dependent. And therefore, only when individuals live with a sense of inter-connectedness and act in order to

175 provide to the larger whole, that their debts begin to dissolve. Thus, in this way, the jajmāni system is expected to facilitate life to be lived like a large yajña, where individuals facilitate each other’s debt dissolution and thereby helping each other towards the final point of liberation.

Foremost in the functioning of the jajmāni system is the institution of caste (jāti). The caste is expected to mold all aspects of family life in order to serve the other (i.e. the jajmāna). The system therefore expects each family to play a dual role- that of the jajmāna and also the service provider. The caste relationships in this way build a direct inter-dependency between all the families in jajmāni village setup.

While there are numerous castes present, all of them can be categorized under three vrittis. Two of them i.e. karma-vritti and vaiśya-vritti are expected to ensure material prosperity in the village since they are involved with production and exchange of material goods and services. The third vritti - bhikśā vritti is expected to facilitate rich culture of collective contemplation in village life. They are expected to provide a meaning and direction to the material wealth in the village.

The institution of purohita is crucial in the functioning of jajmāni system. He is expected to design rituals and customs and enforce them so as to ensure full employment opportunities and due recognition of their work for all families in the village. As the name suggests, the purohita is expected to always carry the larger picture in mind so as to ensure the benefit of the whole. The purohita is key to ensure smooth functioning of village economy.

The village economy functions of family-based production system, which is ably supported by tool-based technology. Such a system is conducive of protecting and nurturing the cultural diversity in the village. Moreover, the nature of technology and the economic relations between different families is such that it tends to generate minimal waste out of the system. And whatever waste does get generated is bio-degradable. In this way the system also maintains its sustainability parameters vis-à-vis local environment.

176 The institution of pancāyata becomes crucial for resolving disputes and for taking coordinated decisions amongst various members. The institution functions on the basis of customs and traditions of the jajmāni system.

Next, we will explore the classical Indic conception of public space. For this we will investigate into the relationship between art and society as described in the nāttyaśātra- the treatise on drama. This exploration will be key to appreciate the role of bhikśā-vritti (artist) communities in the jajmāni system.

177 Chapter 5

Role of Nāttya (drama & other art forms) to Promote Contemplative Spaces in Jajmāni System

5.1 Introduction

In the last chapter we have discussed the key philosophical principles behind the jajmāni system. We have also discussed its salient features. An important characteristic of the jajmāni system has been the patronage provided to the bhikśā vritti (artist) communities like drama performers, puppeteers, singers, story-tellers (jāti purān singers) etc. These communities can be credited for development of various art forms and for creating a rich cultural heritage in India. It seems that a significant portion of the population constituted this category. Earlier scholars have noted the presence of numerous artist communities and the patronage they have enjoyed in jajmāni system. For example, one finds the mention of tawaif (dancing girl) and faqir (muslim seer) in Wiser’s account, but he fails to appreciate their contribution to the village111. This is perhaps because Wiser’s study is in 1920s India, in times when the bhikśā vritti communities have already witnessed their decline (primarily due to colonial policies, something that will be discussed in subsequent chapter).

The bhikśā vritti communities have been part of the wandering tradition (ghumantu), and they have usually enjoyed patronage from not one but many villages. An example of this is shown by Prof J. Thirumal Rao’s compilation of dependent castes in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana region (given in appendix ii). Each of these communities has been performing a few specific tales with the help of their own unique artistic techniques.

In order to appreciate the role of such artist communities in jajmāni system, it is relevant to understand the relation between art and society. Such an understanding is perhaps necessary to

111 Wiser, William H. “The Hindu Jajmani System: A Socio-Economic System Interrelating Members of a Hindu Village Community in Services” Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Delhi, 1988

178 appreciate jajmāni system better; the system’s preference towards patronizing numerous artist communities.

In this context, the classical Indic treatise on Drama- nāttyaśāstra becomes relevant for this study. In the introduction of nāttyaśāstra, the word samājik finds a mention. As mention earlier, the word samāj translates to society. And the word samājik is commonly understood to mean ‘social’. According to Archana Aggarwal, who has written a commentary on nāttyaśāstra, the gathering of spectators has been described as samājik in this classical text [Aggarwal 2007]112. This view is also supported by Manmohan Ghosh, whose translation of nāttyaśāstra into English has been well acknowledged by scholars. This study considers the use of the term samājik in nāttyaśāstra – as a gathering of spectators, to be the original usage. This study attempts to explain the functioning of jajmāni system from the perspective of samājik-ta or spectatorship.

To appreciate this point better, we must refer back to our discussion on Arendt’s formulation of polis and her special praise for the political space in human realm. According to her, the public realm of polis is a realm of appearances, judgements and contemplation. And this realm concerns itself with issues that are at play on periphery of life like death, immortality, human purpose etc. The conception of samājik in nāttyaśāstra can be considered to be similar to that of political in Arendt’s thought. The gathering of spectators, concern themselves with the actions that are at play in the drama. Both the spaces- polis and samāj are spaces of collective contemplation, where the actions in human world are subject to scrutiny by the spectators of drama. Such an understanding of samāj, finds support from the use of the word in Hindi Literature. As we have discussed it earlier the word samāj is often used to mean “gathering of wise men” [Monier- Williams 2005]113.

112 Agrawal Archana Nāttyaśāstrya Abhinaya Siddhanta evam Prayoga Sampurnanad Sanskrit University, Varanasi 2007 113 Monier Monier-Williams A Sanskrit-English Dictionary: Etymolologically and Philosophically Arranged with special reference to Cognate Indo-European Languages Asian Educational Services New Delhi 2005

179 This chapter will attempt to look at jajmāni system from the point of its ability to create such spaces in society. This approach is therefore a novel approach towards appreciating the system since no previous studies are known to have taken this. All the previous studies on jajmāni system have overlooked this aspect of it.

The justification for exploring into jajmāni system’s ability to create spaces of collective contemplation comes from ‘dual’ presence of human beings in private realm and public realm. As has been discussed earlier, discussion on Navjyoti Singh’s work gives justification of ‘dual’ nature of man (public and private agent) and discussion on Arendt’s work gives justification on ‘dual’ spaces in human realm (private space of household and public space of polis).

It is important to remind the reader that Arendt credits action with initiative; and action belongs to the public realm. And so, the realm of action i.e. the polis should be understood as a space where new initiatives are born. In other words, diversity in human realm finds its origin in Arendt’s polis. This important conclusion is important for us to continue the discussion further on jajmāni system. This study will attempt to place birth of diversity in the conception of samāj in Indian civilization. In other words, jajmāni system’s ability to facilitate diversity in Indian society is directly linked to its ability to facilitate creation of samāj- a space where new initiatives are born.

In this chapter, we attempt to understand the nature of samājik as visualized in nāttyaśāstra and also understand its relationship with drama (& other art forms) on one hand and society on the other hand. In other words, this study attempts to explore the relation between art and society and situate this in the context of jajmāni system’s functioning.

5.2 Brief Introduction of Nāttyaśāstra

The treatise nāttyaśāstra is attributed to the sage Bharata Muni, and its compilation in the current form is around 2CE. The authorship however remains in doubt, and according to Ghosh

180 the name bharata is simply ascribed to the original author [Ghosh 1959, p.lxxi]114. The text includes 6000 poetic verses divided into 36 chapters; on subjects including dramatic composition, structure of a play, genres of acting, body movements, make up, costume etc.

Parasnath Dwivedi, a scholar on this subject, explains that the text has been the source of all discussions on aesthetics and drama in Indic tradition. It is not only considered a treatise for drama alone, but for all art forms developed in Indian tradition; poetry, drama, acting, dance, singing, musical instruments, architecture, sculpting, painting, scripting etc. [Dwivedi 2004, p.3]115. Dwivedi further adds by explaining that the word nāttya (drama) is used as a union of nritya, gïta and vādya (dance, singing and music) by those who have been engaged in compilation of the treatise [Dwivedi 2004].

Manmohan Ghosh whose translation of the text is considered an authority, supports this claim. He defines the word nāttya as: “A mimicry of the exploits of gods, the Asuras, kings as well as of householders in this world, is called drama” [Ghosh 1959, p.xliii]

The introduction in nāttyaśāstra addresses the question of ‘origin of drama’; the first drama that was played. The introduction of the text explains the purpose of drama; of what it tries to achieve for the mankind. This is followed by what can be called as ‘origin of playhouse’, the kreedāsthala. It places the purpose of playhouse; what it is meant to achieve. It places the necessary prerequisites before a drama performance can begin and is completed successfully. This study will attempt to draw a parallel between the purpose of drama (as given in nāttyaśāstra) and Arendt’s conception of polis. And between the purpose of kreedāsthala (the playhouse of drama) and the village that is formed in jajmāni system.

114 Ghosh Manmohan The Nāttyaśāstra: A Treatise on Hindu Dramaturgy and Histrionics. Ascribed to Bharat Muni. Vol 1 The Asiatic Royal Society of Bengal, Calcutta 1959 115 Dwivedi Parasnath Nāttyaśāstra ka Itihaasa Chaukhamba Subharti Prakashan 2004

181 By doing this exercise, we attempt to show that jajmāni system is geared towards constructing rich culture of collective contemplation. This is done in two steps. First, by empowering individuals to afford spectatorship by ensuring a sense of security towards material fulfillment. And second, by patronizing artist communities whose responsibility is to present rich art performances of various kinds, all encouraging contemplation on issues like dharma, maryādā, neeti etc. A good example is the dramatic performances of two great epics- rāmāyana and mahābhārata that is commonly played in all villages for hundreds of years.

5.3 The Purpose of Drama as Given in Nāttyaśāstra

This study has used the translation of nāttyaśāstra done by Manmohan Ghosh in order to explore the text. The nāttyaśāstra begins with a mythological story, which is about the first drama that was played in the world. The story is mythical in its form, and it tries to present to the reader the purpose of drama, as it was seen by the ancient Indians. A modern reader must be careful to not get lost in the ancient form of narration; use of myths to present and develop concrete concepts. The reader should instead try to grasp the ideas, which the story is trying to unravel here.

Before the story of origin of drama is discussed in detail, a very brief summary is presented in few lines. The text presents the drama to fulfill a definite purpose, i.e. to reinvigorate interest in humans towards dharma (it can be understood as fundamental laws governing reality and the righteous human behavior that is expected). The means chosen for reinvigoration of human interest in dharma was thought to be development of a medium which will be appealing to the senses of human body. Thus, art was born, which by its very nature attract human interest. And drama was considered to be the most inclusive form of art. It is expected that through repeated performances of drama in the villages, several of them played at regular intervals, a desired culture would get created where ordinary people could develop interest in issues raised by the drama.

182 At this point one must appreciate the point that the original conception of drama (and all other art forms) as described in nāttyaśāstra has been to facilitate human interest in contemplation over issues of dharma. Art was never meant to be a mere tool for entertainment or to provide an escape into a dreamland. To make art entertaining is simply to attract one’s attention to issues which otherwise would seem disinteresting to engage with. In other words, the purpose of drama (and other art forms) was to place dharma in ordinary human’s contemplation. For example, epic of rāmāyana which has been played across villages for thousands of years has been successful to make maryādā (rights and duties in various human relations) a topic of conversation in ordinary social gatherings. Perhaps without the play of rāmāyana, the issue of maryādā would have been limited to the interest of only a few scholars. One can say that every Indian today holds a view on lakśman rekhā or the red-lines in human relationships that one must not cross. In this way, the numerous mythical stories called kathā-s that have been played regularly as part of Indian social life, have enabled creation of rich contemplative spaces for ordinary people in society.

In this manner, the contribution of bhikśā vritti communities in creating a rich culture of contemplation in ordinary social life should be seen. These communities have used various art forms to cultivate such spaces over thousands of years.

The First Drama

The story on the origin of drama is written in the introduction of the text. According to it, a need was felt by the gods to compose a fifth veda (book for knowledge), since the original four were proving to be outside the reach of all human beings. This was perhaps due to their abstract form. The nāttyaśāstra is therefore also called fifth veda, whose form is such that it is of interest to all the four varnas of people [Ghosh 1959] [Dwivedi 2004]. The success of drama is due to the fact that it does not require any prior training for one to witness it, which is in contrast to the original four vedas. Nāttya or drama is accessible to all, hence is of interest to all.

183 As Ghosh explains, the nāttya is meant for all, for if that was not to be then the spectatorship (and corresponding endeavors) would be limited to a few. It is responsible to generate an interest in all towards dharma, that is, duties, responsibilities, understanding of relationships, understanding of the Self etc. The nāttyaśāstra lays down the characteristics of nāttya as- “This (the nāttya) teaches duty to those bent on doing their duty, love to those who are eager for its fulfillment, and it chastises those who are ill-behaved or unruly, promotes self-restraint in those who are disciplined, gives courage to cowards, energy to heroic persons, enlighten men of poor intellect and gives wisdom to the learned. This gives diversion to kings, firmness [of mind] to person afflicted with sorrow, and [hints of acquiring] wealth to those who are for earning it, and it brings composure to persons agitated in mind. The drama as I have devised, is a mimicry of actions and conducts of people, which is rich in various emotions and which depicts different situations. This will relate to actions of men good, bad, and indifferent, and will give courage, amusement and happiness as well as counsel to them all” [Ghosh 1959, p.xlvi]

The mythical story begins by the gods noticing a fundamental problem in human behavior; humans have begun to show their disinterest in dharma. Noticing this new phenomenon on Earth, a delegation of gods led by Indra (the king of gods) approached the court of Brahmā (the Creator) and complained about the humans getting indulgent in pleasure and losing their interest in dharma. Translating from the text, Ghosh writes: “ .. (men) have become addicted to sensual pleasure, are under the sway of desire and greed, (have) become infatuated with jealousy and anger and (thus) find their happiness mixed with sorrow” [Ghosh 1959, p.2].

As the story moves on, the gods asked Brahmā for a solution to this problem, so that mankind would get re-oriented on the path of dharma. Ghosh translates: “…we want an object of diversion, which must be audible and visible. As the Vedas are not to be listened by those born as sudras, be pleased create another Veda which will belong to all the colour-groups (varnas)” [Ghosh 1959, p.3].

184

Brahmā, the creator sees knowledge to be the solution to this problem; for only through knowledge could human beings strengthen dharma. Although, knowledge was already available in the four books (vedas), but it was in a form that made it accessible to only a few; the people of the fourth varna, the sudras were unable to access it. And therefore, a need of a fifth book, the nāttyaśāstra was conceived, which would have summary of the original four but whose form would be such that it would be accessible to all. Bharata called nāttyaśāstra as “sarvavārnik pancamaveda” or the fifth veda for all the varnas [Aggarwal 2007, p.12]. Perhaps one can say this was the first imagination of democratization of knowledge.

Referring from the text, Dwivedi writes that Brahmā, from his memory of the four vedas, composed the fifth Veda; the rgveda sourced pāthya (recitations), sāmaveda sourced the songs, yajurveda sourced “Histrionic representations” and atharvaveda sourced the rasa (translated as sentiments by Ghosh). The nātyaveda so named, had teachings of the śāstras (scriptures). It was in the form of itihāsa (semi-historical tales), it was conducive to dharma (duty), artha (wealth) and fame. It sought to give guidance to people and also give a review to arts and crafts (śilpa) [Dwivedi 2004, pp.4-5].

5.4 State of Sadhāranikaran and Obstacles to it

As discussed, the drama (and all art forms) is intended to reinvigorate interest in men on issues of dharma-adharma (or in other words develop a sense of pure judgement). The success of drama is determined by a culture of contemplation on issues like purpose of life, problem of birth-rebirth, actions and consequences (or problem of karma), liberation/freedom (mokśa) etc. As Ghosh has explained, the drama in Indic tradition with time has acquired the characteristic of giving moral edification, aesthetic enjoyment and sometimes to honor the deity. However, it never became an “ordinary amusement of everyday life” [Ghosh, p.LV], unlike perhaps as it has become in contemporary times. Thus, it should be looked as a contemplative space in the society.

185 According to scholars on nāttyaśāstra, success of drama is dependent on achieving a state of sadhāranikaran, without which the drama would fail in its objective. Manmohan Ghosh has explained this state as a “state of immersion”. Other scholars including Nirmala Adhikary have explained it in terms of “simplification of communication” and “commonness” between the source and the recipient of information [Adhikary 2008]116. Sadhāranikaran is considered necessary for communication to take place in drama. And the purpose of communication is not limited to mere transformation of information, but as Adhikary notes is concerned with spiritual growth and “attainment of mokśa”.

Thus, in other words, it can be said that the success of drama depends both on “communication” and “immersion”. And for the purpose of our interest, we can take both the meanings together. In this regard, the introduction of nāttyaśāstra talks about various obstacles called as vighnas which can prevent or break the immersion/communication, and thereby causing disruption of drama and thus its failure to achieve its objective.

The vighnas or the obstacles (that were created by the anti-gods, as mentioned in the story) would either prevent the state of sadhāranikaran or break it. The obstacles like stage fear or forgetting dialogues or breaking of string (of an instrument) in drama can break the state of immersion (as Manmohan Ghosh explains) and/or breaks the communication with the spectators (as Adhikary would explain the term). The training of actors and other players in drama is to ensure that such obstacles are kept away from disturbing the drama performance. However, it is interesting to note that some of the obstacles mentioned in nāttyaśāstra cannot be expected to be taken care by training of actors. These obstacles include “fear of death”, “fear of political unrest”, “fear of enemy state”, “fear of drought” etc. [Ghosh 1959, p.22-26]. One can appreciate that training in a particular art form will not be able to cater to these fears in spectators.

116 Adhikary, Nirmala M. “The Sadharanikaran Model and Aristotle’s Model of Communication: A Comparative Study” in Bodhi: An Interdisciplinary Journal Vol.2, No.1, Serial No.2, 2008. Department of Languages and Mass Communication, Kathmandu.

186 As the story moves further, Bharata approached Brahmā to find a solution to the problem of vighnas (obstacles). Brahmā then called upon the god of engineering- viśwakarma to construct a playhouse which would keep the obstacles away from the drama. Nāttyaśāstra then talks about the construction of playhouse, called as kreedāsthala. It is here that attention must be given, after all it is not immediately apparent to the reader how a playhouse can be expected to keep the obstacles away.

The present study attempts to draw a parallel between the playhouse as conceptualized in nāttyaśāstra and the concept of village. In other words, this study attempts to show that a village is intended to facilitate spectatorship of drama (and by extension a culture of collective contemplation) amongst its inhabitants. How this is done, will be discussed further. This would be the meaning of being samājik, or political as Hannah Arendt would describe.

In this way, the affordability of spectatorship should be seen as the central concern of jajmāni system. This would require the system to fulfill two conditions- to provide assurance for fulfillment of necessities to all families in the village, and to provide patronage to dramatic spaces (or space for contemplation).

The salient features of jajmāni system were discussed earlier. As it is clear that a village functioning under this system is expected to fulfill the necessities of all the inhabitants living in it. The jajmāni system, as we now know was successful in providing full employment opportunities. A child born in a family inherited the necessary clientele as part of his jajmāni haqq (as Wiser would call it) and acquired skills in a natural and easy manner from the family.

We also know that a significant portion of the population which belonged to bhikśā vritti were engaged in artistic pursuits. These people were responsible for creating rich contemplative environment in the village through various artistic performance and demonstrations. The rich cultural heritage of India is primarily due to the bhikśā vritti tradition.

187 5.5 Construction of a Playhouse to Protect Drama from Obstacles

As discussed above, the performance of drama (and other art forms) would fail to meet its purpose when the state of “immersion” or “communication” is broken. Various obstacles like stage fear or loss of memory or breakdown of instruments can cause this to happen. These would be result of inadequate training on part of the artist, inadequate maintenance of musical instruments etc. Any of these obstacles thus caused, can break the “state of immersion” or “process of communication”, thereby failing the dramatic performance.

To protect his drama from the obstacles, as the story says, Bharata approached Brahma. who then instructed viśwakarma, the god of Engineering to construct a playhouse. All the gods promised their commitment to protect the playhouse, each taking responsibility of a part of it, e.g., niyati (fate) and yama (death) became its gate-keepers. In this way, the playhouse came into existence, whose purpose was to protect the play from any obstacles (vighnas) [Ghosh 1959].

It is written in the text, the playhouse that is constructed should have good acoustic quality so that the voice of various performers and sound of various musical instruments is distinctly audible. There is also a mention of how the seating arena should be constructed; successive seats should be one cubit higher than the previous row, so that every spectator can enjoy a good view of the stage. And so, in this way a playhouse is expected to facilitate the performance of drama by protecting it from obstacles like ambient noise or unfavorable weather etc.

This study has attempted to classify the obstacles in two distinct categories; obstacles that are ‘internal’ to drama and obstacles that are ‘external’ to drama. The nāttyaśāstra however, does not give any such classification of these obstacles (vighnas). First are the obstacles which can be called ‘internal to drama’, like stage freight, forgetful memory, malfunctioning of musical instruments, bad acting skills etc. Any of these obstacles can disturb or altogether stop the performance of drama and thereby result in breaking of sadhāranikaran (immersion). The second category of obstacles can be called ‘external to drama’, like rainfall, dust storm, ambient noise

188 etc. The playhouse is meant to protect the performance of drama from such ‘external’ obstacles. One can appreciate this aspect as we know these ‘external obstacles’ can also interrupt and/stop the performance altogether, even if the drama is being performed well by the artists.

Interestingly, nāttyaśāstra does mention about some of these ‘external obstacles’ like fear of famine, fear of death, fear of political unrest etc. And ritualistic remedies are suggested for them [Ghosh 1959, pp.22-26]. One must wonder if and how a playhouse is expected to protect the drama from conditions of drought or fear of enemy state etc. Such an expectation from a playhouse is certainly an over reach.

It is here, that Ghosh’s translation of sadhāranikaran as a state of immersion appears to be more apt. One can appreciate that a spectator who is fearful of impending drought conditions in the village or political unrest in the village will find it very difficult to get immersed in the drama. One needs to be assured about the future; livelihood opportunities, safety from natural calamities or political instability etc. in order to afford immersion in drama. It is in this light, that one can appreciate why the author(s) of nāttyaśāstra concerned themselves with such ‘external obstacles’.

It is here, that this study sees a similarity between a jajmāni village, and the expectations that are sought from a playhouse in nāttyaśāstra. As discussed earlier, the jajmāni village is expected to provide full employment opportunities to all families in the village, ensure common storage facilities for future eventualities due to failure of rainfall, and also provide warriors to the king at times of war. In addition to these, the jajmāni village is also expected to provide patronage to numerous artist communities to facilitate development of various art forms and provide occasions of their performances in the village.

Moreover, while some art performances do require a proper playhouse (often the village temple providing such a space), however many performances are not restricted to the physical space of a playhouse. Performances like harikatha (also referred by Srinivas) or budubudugokkulu

189 (referred by Ravindra Sharma) are held in streets of villages or homes of individual patrons. One can and should therefore see the whole village playing host to art performances, including the physical space of playhouse.

In this manner, a jajmāni village can actually be seen to fulfill the expectations of a playhouse. A village is designed to provide assurance to its inhabitants against fears of protection and fulfillment of necessities, so that each one can afford to be a spectator to drama. As Ravindra Sharma explained, the two vritti-s namely of karma vritti and vaiśya vritti provide a sense of assurance towards material fulfillment, while the bhikśā vritti provides dramatic spaces for spectatorship.

Such a view of the jajmāni village is novel in its approach, as it places contemplative spaces created through drama (and other art forms) at the central of village life. In this view, all material accomplishments achieved in a village are with the purpose of providing an affordance to its inhabitants towards spectatorship. After all, in a condition of penury, one cannot be expected to be immersed in stories played out in a drama.

5.6 ‘External Obstacles’ Mentioned in Nāttyaśāstra

Nāttyaśāstra mentions about certain ‘external obstacles’ such a fear of drought or political unrest which are expected to be catered to during the construction of playhouse. It gives ritualistic solution to keep these obstacles away like maintenance of measuring thread or proper installation of four pillars on stage etc. It is of course clear that one cannot establish a causal relation between such ritualistic remedies and removal of obstacles. However, what is of interest to us is that the writers of nāttyaśāstra concerned themselves with ‘external obstacles’. It is clearly mentioned that unless the problem of drought or political unrest is not catered to, a drama cannot be expected to be successful.

190 This study gives a glimpse into the various ‘external obstacles’ that are mentioned in the nāttyaśāstra.

The Measuring String

The nāttyaśāstra talks about preparing the plot on which the drama stage is to be constructed. The measuring string (made of cotton or wool or munjā grass) is required to accurately mark the dimensions of construction site, as per the dimensions given for the stage in the text [Ghosh 1959, p.17]. While marking the dimensions, the measuring string ought not to break.

It is here that nāttyaśāstra talks about the need of protection from “death of patron, political disorder, death of master artist, some other loss” [Ghosh 1959, p.22]. Again, one cannot establish a causal relation between breaking of measuring string with such eventualities, however one cannot also ignore that nāttyaśāstra concerns itself about them. As discussed earlier, such eventualities would fall under ‘external obstacles’, capable of preventing “immersion” of the spectators in the performance of drama. Without this, the drama cannot be expected to meet its purpose.

Raising the Pillars

As mentioned in nāttyaśāstra, four pillars are first raised which constitute the primary structure. As their names suggest, they are symbolic of contribution of the four varnas and/or welcoming people of all the varnas. The brāhmin pillar to be erected with white articles purified by ghee and mustard seeds. Pāyasa to be offered to brāhmins. For kśatriya pillar, cloth garlands and red colored unguent are used. Rice with molasses is offered to the twice-born castes. For the vaiśya pillar, yellow articles should be used and brāhmins should be given rice with ghee. For śudra pillar, the articles are blue in color and twice-born are fed with kśara.

191 Further gold, copper, silver and iron are to be kept at the foot of the four pillars respectively; brāhmin, kśatriya, vaiśya and śudra. For other, supporting pillars gold should be kept. Garlands of mango tree leaves are placed before erecting the pillar [Ghosh 1959, p.25].

Various articles like jewels, cow and cloth are to be gifted to ascetics. The pillars need to be steady; not move, not shake and not turn around.

Again, nāttyaśāstra links the raising of the pillars with ‘external obstacles’ like drought, death and aggression from enemy state. It is written: if pillar moves, drought will come, if it turns around [there is] fear of death, and if it is shaking there is fear of enemy state. Hence one should raise a pillar free from these eventualities [Ghosh 1959, p.26] Further, At the time of raising of brāhmin pillar a cow is given as fee to the builder. For rest of the pillars a feast is given. The master’s feast should include kśara and salt [Ghosh 1959, p.26].

Like before, one cannot show a causal relation between the pillar raising and such calamities, but one can see that nāttyaśāstra concerns itself with these ‘external obstacles’.

In this way, one can see that nāttyaśāstra not only concerns itself with various ‘external obstacles’ like drought, political unrest etc., but also actively encourages collective participation of various communities in the village. In practice, in a jajmāni village, one can see collective participation towards organizing various art performances and festivities. As discussed earlier in this study, Srinivas has given a detailed account of festivities of bhadrakali in his village, which saw a collective participation of village community. And Fuller has characterized is as collective ritual intended to build “organic solidarity” in the village.

192 5.7 Construction of Playhouse is Considered to be a Yajña

The construction of a playhouse has been described as a yajña in nāttyaśāstra. As mentioned at the end of first chapter, Brahmā the Creator of nāttya instructs to the gods that a yajña is to be performed each time at the playhouse before the drama begins. Ghosh translates it as: “The Brahman said to all gods ‘perform duly in the playhouse a ceremony (yajana) with offerings, Homa, Mantras, (sacred) plants, Japa: and the offerings in it should consist of eatables hard as well as soft (bhojya and bhakshya) … Hence [the producers of a play] should first of all offer by all means, Puja to the [presiding] deity of the stage, which is similar to the [Vedic] sacrifice” [Ghosh 1959, pp.16-17].

Moreover, the situating of the gods on the stage is also compared to be a yajña. Again, Ghosh translates it as: offering worship to the gods of the stage is as meritorious as a (vedic) sacrifice. No dramatic performance should be made without first worshipping the deities presiding over the stage [Ghosh 1959, p.43]

As discussed earlier, a yajña in the jajmāni village serves as a socio-economic activity providing employment opportunities to members of the village community. Therefore, in this light organizing a drama is not only creation of a contemplative space, but also economic opportunity for those involved in construction of the playhouse.

Unless a village community is able to afford a yajña, or an occasion to sacrifice material wealth (offerings to gods), it is not supposed to organize a drama. A drama played amidst poverty, or insufficiency will lose its very purpose and would appear to be vulgar to the local community.

A village should be prosperous enough to remunerate handsomely the drama troupe, for them to enrich their dramatic skills further.

193 A certain affordance of spectatorship is needed, for a drama to find relevance. The construction of a playhouse is culminated by the yajña. It is a symbol of available spectatorship. “He who will offer this Puja according to the rules and the observed practice, will attain auspicious wealth and will [in the end] go to heavens” [Ghosh 1959, p.17].

The construction of the playhouse is linked to earning auspicious wealth and finding a place in the heavens. Drama it seems is a ‘luxury’ which only prosperous communities are instructed to afford.

It is important to note here, that the “pre-drama” yajña and the various rituals involved in construction of playhouse ensure a certain auspiciousness about the whole organization. Such a divine attribution is perhaps intended to ensure that only that wealth which is considered auspicious (earned in rightful ways) can be employed in construction of playhouse.

For other reasons apart, this certainly can be considered one reason to attribute divinity to yajña; it encourages rightful means of earning wealth and dis allows use of wrongfully earned wealth.

5.8 Conclusion

A few conclusions can be drawn from the above discussion.

The purpose of nāttya or drama is to create an interest in human beings towards dharma. For the purpose, a dramatic space is constructed where people can participate as spectators and a story is enacted in with the purpose of creating interest in spectators towards dharma.

Such a dramatic space is congruent with the idea of public space i.e. a space of collective contemplation. And the fundamental object of contemplation is dharma and other fundamental issues of human living and life.

194 Moving on, critical to contemplation is the quality of immersion that can be achieved; its depth and its longevity. No or very poor contemplation is possible in situations where immersion doesn’t happen or is constantly interrupted by various distractions called as obstacles. Thus, in other words, to ensure immersion is a requirement for success of drama (or other art performances).

The idea of a playhouse in nāttyaśātra is primarily to facilitate immersion in the spectators. This is done by keeping away all the obstacles which are ‘external to drama’ like ambient noise, weather disturbances etc. The obstacles that are ‘internal to drama’ like incompetent acting skills or music skills etc. are removed by rehearsals and training of the performers.

The jajmāni village should be seen as an extension of the playhouse. Just like a playhouse, a village is designed to function in a way that its inhabitants are assured against various apprehensions of future; ill health, employment, security etc. All such apprehensions one may have towards material necessities can be considered to be part of obstacles ‘external to drama’. They have the capacity to obstruct the immersive state in a person who is sitting on the seat of a spectator. In other words, only when an individual is assured about his tomorrow, will he be able to afford to be a spectator.

The jajmāni village is also responsible for creating rich contemplative spaces through organization of various dramas (and art displays). The richness of these spaces is signified by their ability to engage with various facets of dharma and to create deep immersion in the spectators.

Only this can explain the existence of large number of artist communities in jajmāni system, who survive on bhikśā. The importance given to nāttya explains the patronage given by the village to a significant portion of population who is engaged with artistic pursuits.

In this way one can understand the central place occupied by bhikśā vritti (or artist) communities in jajmāni system. The system is designed to encourage rich artistic endeavors and enable

195 spectatorship to all its members. In this way the jajmāni system’s central concern becomes reinvigoration of dharma in society. The true appreciation needs to be in this light.

The common pursuit of dharma becomes the uniting force in the system. And the pursuit of dharma is through collective contemplation amongst the members of village on various facets that are enacted in rich plays.

Such collective contemplation is many times in a year and is repeated year after year and generations after generations. One can say, that in a jajmāni village, people have been collectively contemplating on issues of maryādā through the play of rāmāyana for hundreds of years.

It has already been concluded that collective contemplation is the basic activity of society. The word sāmājik is used in nāttyaśātra to denote the spectators. From this, one can see that the classical conception of society in India was in sense of spectatorship. In other words, when people gather to witness an event and get collectively immersed in it, such a gathering is called society.

Next, we shall explore the reasons behind the collapse of jajmāni system under the colonial administration. For this we shall look into policies that were taken up over last century which resulted in extreme poverty on one hand and on the other hand destroying the patronage of various bhikśā vritti (or artist) communities. The twin loss of prosperity and cultural space proved to be the reason behind the collapse of jajmāni system.

196 Chapter 6

Jajmāni System’s Encounter with Modernity in the Colonial Era and Factors for its Decay

6.1 Introduction

So far, the essential elements of jajmāni system and details of its functioning have been discussed. This study has attempted to place the jajmāni system in the larger context of ‘birth of society’. We have attempted to answer the fundamental question- why individuals come together? And as an answer to that, we have concluded that classical India believed mokśa (liberation) to be the shared purpose of all human gatherings. In this context, we have attempted to establish the prominence of space-for-collective-contemplation in society formation. Thus, our exploration has appreciated the contribution of bhikśā vritti communities (artist communities) in functioning of jajmāni system, by indicating that they were responsible for creating a rich culture of contemplation in the traditional Indic society.

Following this, it now becomes important to look at the various factors that led to the decay of jajmāni system. The encounter with modernity in colonial times can said to be a critical period in this regard.

It is important to keep in mind that modern values and outlook were brought to India as part of the colonial project. One can see in works of both Dirks and Dharampal that European sociology was used as a tool to define Indian social life, and as claimed, with the intent of maintaining colonial order and justifying the colonial conquest of India. The reconfiguration of Indian social may as well have been an inadvertent result of using familiar (European) sociological categories to understand, define and organize an alien society is open to interpretation. The image of India thus created, and the ideals of progress set, continue to shape our imagination in post-1947 India.

197 In Dharampal’s view, what damaged the Indian society most was the erosion of dignity of both individuals and communities, from which India is yet to recover [Dharampal 2003, p.38]117.

Nicholas Dirks has also written about the impact of applying European sociological categories to understand India. According to him, such an exercise has resulted in producing a false binary of tradition-modernity. Post-colonial Indian self-image has been constructed around this binary relation. A range of complex and often contesting rituals, practices have been categorized together in one all-encompassing term called tradition. Dirks has called this as the “special perversity” of colonial modernity, where “the traditional was produced precisely within the historical relationship between the colonizer and the colonized” [Dirks 2006, p.10]118.

One fall out of this binary was that the worst of practices were termed traditional and made symbols of Indic civilization. And the promises of modernity were presented as alternative, and thus used to legitimize the colonizer’s rule. According to Dirks, as the Indian social collapsed and got corrupted under the colonial rule, the “modernists” moved away from their cultural heritage or everything that constituted tradition. And as a reaction to this, the “nationalists” took the baton of the over-simplified tradition and started talking about a “golden age”, which presented a sanitized and singular idea of cultural heritage. In this way, both the “modernists” and “nationalists” ascribed to the same colonial construct of tradition-modernity binary.

The institution of caste is perhaps the best case to exemplify this phenomenon. We know from writings of both Dirks and Dharampal that caste was reconfigured under the colonial administration; from being a political institution it became a religious one and was accorded central position in Indian social life. Dirks writes: “colonialism in India set out to reconstitute caste as a necessary complement to social order and government authority, and to formulate as a new kind of civil society for the colonial state” [Dirks 2006, p.51].

117 Dharampal “Rediscovering India: Collection of Essays and Speeches (1956-1998)” SIDH, Mussoorie 2003. 118 Dirks, Nicholas B. “Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India” Permanent Black, Delhi 2006 (first published in 2002).

198

As the caste got corrupted and crumbled, it became an object of either repugnance or a sanitized singular construct of the so called golden era. A more detailed discussion on reconfiguration of caste is done later in section 6.3.3.

According to Dharampal, the use of anthropology- a discipline developed in Europe, to organize society was not something the British were doing for the first time. They had organized their own society in a similar manner- “the same pattern of hierarchy, the same division of society into high and low orders, the same theorizations … the only difference was that the primary purpose of the new conquests and subjugation was the exportation of wealth from subjugated areas to the conquerors’ homelands” [Dharampal 2003, pp.32-33].

Dirks writes that the shift from history to anthropology as a tool to understand Indian society is seen after 1857 rebellion119. The British had encountered numerous albeit smaller revolts throughout the period preceding to 1857, but nothing matching the scale that was seen in the revolt of 1857. According to Dharampal, the hundred-year period between 1750-1850 was “a period of great unrest in most parts of India” [Dharampal 2003, p.29]. Post 1857, the British concern shifted from revenue collection to maintaining order and control over Indian society. To maintain control, the British felt they needed to know a lot more about Indian society and not just about its political economy. Dirks writes: “In the new rhetorical economy of colonial rule, political loyalty replaced land status, and the form of knowledge and argument that seemed most appropriate to assess matters of loyalty rather than revenue was, of course, knowledge of peoples and cultures” [Dirks 2006, p.45].

Systematic studies were done to develop an understanding of Indian social character, and policies were adopted to reconfigure it such that to suit the colonial concerns. These are indications to suggest that the breakdown of jajmāni system would have been a result of changes in the

119 The British called it “sepoy mutiny”.

199 character of Indian society under the colonial rule, as a direct consequence of colonial policies; fiscal and political decisions.

Dharampal quite aptly summarizes the colonial project to reconfigure Indian socio-political landscape into four major developments- (i) centralization of political authority and revenue collection, (ii) atomization of Indian society and breaking of the spirit of community, (iii) imposition of higher taxes and lowering of wages which resulted in minimum needs and consumption amongst people and (iv) impositions of newer concepts of laws and property rights to support the above impositions, and to invent and discover suitable precedents in Indian history and scriptures so that these changes appear less alien and appear more acceptable [Dharampal 2003, p.33].

Independence from the British rule did not change much with respect to revival of jajmāni system, since independent India aspired to be a modern nation with modern values. It will be an interesting study to explore the fate of modernity in India, had it not been introduced as part of colonial project; had modernity not been pitted against tradition; and had tradition not been made a singular category to present a vast gamut of civilizational thought. Is this the biggest impediment facing the fate of jajmāni system in modern India?

6.2 Extent of Industrial Production in Pre-British India and its Eventual Collapse

As discussed in earlier chapters, this study considers the condition of economic prosperity as a prerequisite for one to participate in collective-contemplation (on concerns of dharma). After all, one cannot expect a family which is stuck in penury to contemplate on issues which would not have any relevance for the next meal. In other words, poverty is an important obstacle which prevents the spectators to be immersed in issues raised in drama (and other art forms).

200 The villages in India before the advent of colonization were economically self-sufficient units and home to various industrial activities. Indian products had occupied a reputation of quality and aesthetics in global bazaars.

Indicating the strength of India’s economy, Dharampal cites from the early British records as he writes about the agricultural productivity in India to be “several times higher than in Britain”, and “the wages of Indian agricultural labor in real terms were substantially higher than his counterpart in Britain”, at a time (1800) when Indian economy is recognized to be in decline (one can imagine the situation to be better earlier) [Dharampal 2003, p.7]. With the advent of colonial rule, the economy faced a systemic dispossession and as a result the Indian villages in a short time fell into extreme poverty. Even today the poverty in the villages is clearly visible and poverty elimination has been the primary concern of India post-1947.

To give a glimpse into the extremity of poverty that Indian villages got subjected to, Dharampal (again referring from British records) gives an account on the Bengal famine, which was an extreme but direct result of colonial policies. Such was the impact of famine that “in Bengal in 1769 to the extent of one-third of its population perished, and every few years after that in substantial portions in large parts of India- as a result of fiscal and economic policies…” [Dharampal 2003, p.33].

As the Indian villages fell into conditions of such poverty, where substantial portion of residents either died or were forced to migrate or were reduced to marginal living, the inhabitants would have expectedly become disinterested in drama (and art forms). Slowly over the time, engagement with arts must have become a luxury which only a miniscule few could afford. Moreover, the luxury of engaging with art may even have appeared to be vulgar amidst the surrounding poverty. As a result, the patronage which the various artist communities enjoyed in

201 the village must have got collapsed. After all, a village which itself is facing such economic hardships cannot be expected to patronize bhikśā vritti (artist) communities120.

In this context, it becomes relevant to get a glimpse of the extent of industrial production in traditional Indian society, which provided ample prosperity to village communities for the village could afford patronizing numerous bhikśā vritti communities. And then to understand the reasons responsible for the collapse of Indian industries which resulted in poverty in villages and therefore rendering these communities orphaned; and as a result, complete decimation of cultural landscape of Indian villages.

Extent of Indigenous Industries in Pre-British India

It is well acknowledged that the economic condition of India prior to colonial subjugation was that of a prosperous nation. Various estimates credit India’s contribution to world’s industrial production to be around 1/4th towards the end of 18th century. From the works of Dharampal we now know that India was known for its technological prowess [Dharampal 2007]121. His work gives a detailed account of the sophisticated development in the shipping industry- the Madras Mortar being the best material used in naval ships, the manufacturing of paper, ice and rust-free iron called wootz which was acknowledged to be of superior grade than what was being manufactured in Britain that time.

Similarly, compilation by R. C. Dutt gives the reader a glimpse into the extent of Indian industries that time [Dutt 2006, p.178-191]122. He has cited from the evidences gathered by various committees in British parliament during the early part of nineteenth century. Many testimonies were recorded by parliamentary committees to get an accurate picture of the state of industries in India that time.

120 As the name suggests these communities thrived on alms. Most of these communities were engaged with some artistic vocation. Appendix-III gives a list of 74 such communities in Andhra-Telangana region. 121 Dharampal “Science and Technology in Eighteenth Century”. Other India Press 2007 122 Dutt, R. C. “The Economic History of India Vol- One” Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India.

202

Giving a brief overview from the reports of these committees, Dutt writes about the fabled cotton industry in western India, the silk industry in Bengal, the indigo industry in Bengal and Bihar, sugar industry in Deccan region and tobacco industry in Bombay, Gujarat and Madras regions. In addition to these were the famous Indian dye, coffee and tea. Dutt further briefly talks about gold, iron, copper, coal, timber, opium and salt manufacturing in nineteenth century India. Here one must be keep in mind that all this industrial production happened in home-based-workshops in villages, ably supported by tool-based technology (as has been discussed earlier). The indigenous industrial production was not based on the centralized model of factories.

The overall picture that emerges from Dutt’s writing is of an India which is industrious; agriculture being one of the many activities people were occupied with. He writes in his account on the economic history of India: “…large portions of the Indian population were engaged in various industries down to the first decade of nineteenth century. Weaving was still the national industry of the people… and dyeing, tanning, and working in metals also gave employment to millions” [Dutt 2006, p.168].

The Indian textile had gained immense popularity in Europe and Arab world. So much so the textile manufacturers in England were alarmed by the popularity of Indian fabric in their country and saw it as a threat to their own business [Sundarlal 2000]123. Sundarlal writes, that till end of 18th century the weavers and other artisans in England were no match for their counterparts in India in “aesthetics, durability, and cheap pricing”. In that era all English traders who came to India, including The East India company, came with the purpose of importing Indian goods to England.

Dutt gives a similar account, when he cites from Thomas Munro’s testimony recorded in the house of commons (British parliament). Dutt writes,

123 Sundarlal “Bharat Mein Angrezi Raaj Vol. II” Publication Division (Ministry of I&B) 2000.

203 “Munro was quite appreciative of the quality of Indian products. He mentions to house of commons about a shawl he has been using for 7 years, which more or less continues to be same as it was new. And on the other hand, he cannot remember using a European shawl at all” [Dutt 2006, p.171].

Pandit Sundarlal has also given a similar picture of the economic position of India in the world. Citing from Dr. Robertson’s piece in A Historical Disquisition Concerning India in 1817, which is concerned about a certain asymmetry in the trade between India and England, Sundarlal writes: “In all ages, gold and silver particularly the latter, have been the commodities exported with the greatest profit to India. In no part of the Earth do the natives depend so little upon foreign countries, either for the necessaties or luxuries of life. The blessings of a favorable climate and a fertile soil, augmented by their own ingenuity, afford them whatever they desire. In consequence of this, trade with them has always been carried on in one uniform manner, and the precious metals have been given in exchange for their peculiar production, whether of nature or art” [Sundarlal 2000, p.45].

The scale and sophistication of industrial production made India a prosperous place. The decentralized mode of production ensured that prosperity percolated at the village level, into the hands of artisan community called kārigar-s and wealth was not concentrated in the hands of a few. The reader would appreciate here that the decentralized mode of production naturally tends to encourage distribution of wealth in society, in contrast to the centralized mode of production. And it must be kept in mind that the nature of decentralization in Indian society has been in the form of family-based production.

It is also important to note that decentralized mode of production in India achieved the best of quality in the world. The small and simple tool-based technology of the humble village kārigar

204 was capable to manufacture high quality products. The quality of the Indian goods has been well established by Dharampal in his other well appreciated book on the subject124.

One can refer to the debates of early nineteenth century in British house of commons, where British officers who had experience of serving in India were invited to give their testimonies on the subject. R.C. Dutt writes that most British officers who testified said that high quality of Indian produce together with their low cost made them far superior to European goods which were low in quality and much expensive to Indian consumer [Dutt 2006, pp.169-177].

Collapse of Indian Industries

A systemic collapse of Indian industries in the colonial era led to the collapse of village kārigari (artisan work), thereby leaving behind a trail of poverty in the society. Pandit Sundarlal gives a detailed account of such collapse, and the policies adopted by the British administration which could be directly held responsible for it. He draws a direct parallel between the decimation of Indian industries and the rise of industries in England under the colonial rule. “In 19th century under three governor generals- Wellesley, Hastings and Dalhousie the roots of British empire in India gained strength. Under them traditional industrial production in India got decimated and through the wealth and resources of India, English industries prospered” [Sundarlal 2000, p.44].

A similar account is also given by R.C. Dutt. Referring from a report presented in house of commons on 4th May 1813, he writes: “The result of this was export of silk and cotton goods declined drastically and instead import from England increased by manifold” [Dutt 2006, p.168].

124 Dharampal “Science and Technology in Eighteenth Century” Other India Press, Goa 2007

205 The collapse of indigenous industries was brutal and sudden. Dutt has tabulated the increase in volume of cotton-silk products imported from England between 1794 and 1813. In only a 16-year period, the value of British cotton and silk imported to India increased from 156 pounds to 108,824 pounds annually.

6.2.1 Economic Assault in Bengal

The region of Bengal was the hub of industrial activity in pre-colonial India. After the victory in battle of Plassey in 1757, the British (then through East India Company) established its foothold in Bengal. The economic plunder of Bengal which took place hence forth was of mammoth proportion. According to Sundarlal, an estimated 1 thousand million pounds of pure “loot” was delivered to England between the period of 1757 to 1815 [Sundarlal 2000, p.46]. Sundarlal gives credit to this “loot” for the industrial revolution witnessed in England in that period simultaneously.

Such a plunder was a direct result of policies and laws made by the British administration. A monopoly of the East India Company was established in Bengal, through which it could interfere and control the lives of weavers in the region. For example, in 1793 a law was passed in Bengal according to which any person who was in any form trading with East India company or anyone who owed any amount to the Company was bound to work for the Company for ever. Any such person would not be allowed to provide service to anybody else (and not even produce for his own needs) [Sundarlal 2000, p.48-49].

Such an imposition appears to be a direct assault on the jajmāni system, since the weavers would now be made to produce only for the Company and not their respective jajmāns.

Dharampal also has made similar conclusions about condition of weavers in southern India. Citing from a letter of Thomas Munro in 1793:

206 “from the state of self-employment, through various fiscal and other devices they (weavers) were reduced to an employee status, or the status of contractual labor… (as a result) their earning capacities got much reduced and in time all this had a deteriorating impact on their know-how, tools and technologies” [Dharampal 2003, p.36].

According to Sundarlal, forcefully advance was given to weavers to bring them in a “debt-trap”. There are recorded instances of Company agents throwing coins in a weaver’s house and registering it as advance given for cloth. The agents would use any passerby to certify the advance by registering him as a witness in the Company’s register. In this way, even those weavers who initially did not work for the Company were forced to come under its obligation. And then, if anyone fails to live up to his supposed promise, he would be jailed and his raw material and finished products would be impounded [Sundarlal 2000].

Similar account is given by Dutt in his Economic History of India, where he writes about the same process [Dutt 2006]. Commenting on the decline of weaving and weavers in India, Dutt writes: “Manufactures do not flourish when manufacturers are held under any sort of thralldom” [Dutt 2006, p.174].

These practices not only destroyed the Indian industries but also created a psychological dent on the minds of the Indians. The “Englishman” began invoking fear and servility in the minds of Indians.

Dharampal sees a connection between the decline of India’s industries with the decline in the sense of community amongst artisan groups. According to him, as a result of the decline faced by indigenous industries, the camaraderie amongst members of artisan community got reduced to mere ritualistic practices and lost its potent strength which came from their know-how and ability to produce fine industrial products [Dharampal 2003].

207 Dutt writes about such psychological effects on the minds of the Indians. Dutt quotes from the words of Warren Hastings: “The Englishman, is quite a different character in India; the name of an Englishman in both his protection and a sanction for offences which he would not dare to commit at home” [Dutt 2006, p.175].

Dutt writes that such was the extent of violence done by European traders and indigo planters in early nineteenth century that “the Government was compelled to issue circulars to magistrates on the subject” to take notice of these atrocities [Dutt 2006, p.175]. For example, the circular dated 13th July 1810 directed the magistrates to categorize all offences committed by European traders on native cultivators in four broad categories. Another circular dated 20th July 1810 “directed magistrates to report cases in which indigo planters compelled cultivators to receive advances”.

Trading Policy Adopted in 1813 by the Parliament in England

Certain policy decisions were taken in London, to discourage Indian cloth from English markets and to establish a monopoly over weavers of Bengal. One can find records of numerous debates in English parliament regarding the impact of such policies both on native Indians and also on English traders and industries.

The popularity of Indian cloth in English markets and its cheap cost of production posed an alarming threat to the English manufacturers. The manner in which the “threat” from the Indian cloth was countered by agents of Company, one Mr. Tierney while giving testimony in the House of Commons in 1813, called the East India company an enemy of India- “The general principal was to be that England was to force all her manufacturers upon India, and not to take a single manufacture of India in return. It is true that they will allow cotton to be brought; but then, having then found out that they could weave, by means of machinery, cheaper than the people of India, they (English merchants) would say –

208 ‘leave off weaving; supply us with the raw material, and we will weave for you’. This might be a very natural principal for the merchants and manufacturers to go upon, but it was rather too much to talk of the philosophy of it, or to rank the supports of it as in a peculiar degree the friend of India. If instead of calling themselves the friends of India, they had professed themselves as its enemies, what more could they do than advise the destruction of all Indian manufactures”? [Sundarlal 2000, p.54]

The only contestation Sundarlal has with Mr. Tierney’s testimony, is that he disagreed with the claim of English manufacturers- “to be able to produce cheaper cloth than the weavers in India”. Sundarlal claims that it was proven later the English were not capable of weaving cheap cloth using machines as compared to Indian weavers.

Condition of Silk Artisans

Similar or worse conditions were faced by artisans of silk in Bengal. Citing from the testimony of one Mr. Henry Gouger who had lived in Bengal for his own business, Sundarlal writes: “The system pursued by both parties was thus: advances of money before each bund or crop were made to two classes of persons- first, to the cultivators who reared the cocoons; next, to the large class of winders who formed the mass of the population of the surrounding villages. By the first the raw material was secured; by the last the labor for working it… A case of everyday occurrence- a native wishing to sell me the cocoons he produces for the season takes my advance of money; a village of winders does the same. After this contract is made, two of the resident’s servants are dispatched to the village, the one bearing a bag of rupees, the other a book in which to register the names of recipients. In vain does the man to whom the money is offered protest that he has entered into a prior engagement with me. If he refuses to accept it, a rupee is thrown into his house, his name is written before the witness who carries the bag and that is enough. Under this iniquitous proceeding the resident, by authority committed to him, forcibly seizes my property and my laborers even at my door” [Sundarlal 2000, pp.49-50].

209

From the time of Siraj-ud-Daula, the East India Company was making all possible efforts to monopolize all of India’s cloth trade. To ensure this various method were employed- fines, imprisonments, floggings and forcing bonds on the weavers imposed. Sundarlal writes that a conscious effort was made on daily basis for Indians to be “deprived in the most ignominious manner of what they esteem most valuable, their castes…” [Sundarlal 2000, p.51].

This over time resulted in decline in the number of weavers in the country. In Siraj-ud-Daula’s time “above 700 families of weavers, in the districts around Jungalbarry, at once abandoned their country and their professions on account of oppressions of this nature”. Sundarlal further writes that “the winders of raw silk, … have been treated also with such injustice, that instances have been known of them cutting off their thumbs to prevent being forced to wind silk” [Sundarlal 2000, pp.51-52].

In this way the Indian markets were shut for Indian cloth and a way was made for English cloth. The fixed clientele (jajmāni relation) of the weavers which was the strength of the local economy, was broken, leaving them economically orphaned.

Moreover, various coercive methods were employed, to learn the secrets of Indian manufacturing like washing of raw cloth, its coloring methodology etc. And this knowledge was passed onto English manufacturers through organization of several exhibitions.

The farmers in the region are too said to be facing an equally hard time. There have been recorded instances of farmer families forced to sell their children in order to come out of debt trap [Sundarlal 2000, p.53].

One can imagine the economic and social instability caused in a village if suddenly the weavers or the farmers or other castes would abandon en masse their profession and migrate out of the region.

210

6.2.2 Methods Employed to Destroy Indigenous Industries

A committee was formed to devise methods to implement a policy which would create market for British goods in India. This committee invited testimonies of many British agents who had served time in India previously. The unanimous view was that Indians do not need any product from the English factories and therefore it was not going to be easy to create a market of these goods in India. Based on these testimonies some important measures taken to promote English goods and destroy Indian manufacturing. These measures included imposition of taxation in a manner that it became easier to send raw cotton to England and difficult for Indian traders and weavers to have access to it.

Sundarlal writes that the import duty on English cloth was reduced to zero or 2.5%, whereas the duty on Indian cloth in English market was of the order of 68-72%. When even such a high duty did not deter English people from buying fine Indian cloth, a fine was levied on anyone found wearing Indian cloth in public. The policy was implemented with such vigor that English merchants were forced to dispose of their stocks of Indian goods.

Apart from cotton, woolen and silk cloth other artifacts too were subject to extreme taxation. They included Walking Sticks which had a touch of gold and silver on it, Utensils of Chinese clay, Leather and Wooden artifacts, Alcohol, Arak, Warnish work, Coconut Oil, Seeng, Ropes, Tea, Ararot, Mats, Sugar, Soap, Paper etc. Taxes from 100% to 600% to even 3000% on some items were levied.

In short, on one hand all English goods in Indian market were taxed zero to 2.5% and on the other hand different Indian goods in English markets were taxed from 27.5% to 68%, 72%, 100%, 600% and even 3000% [Sundarlal 2000, p.56-58].

211 In 1830-32, a parliamentary committee was constituted to investigate into the success of this policy in India.

Sundarlal cites from writings of historian Wilson in Mills’ History of British India- “had India been independent, she would have retaliated, would have imposed preventive duties upon British goods, and thus would have preserved her own productive industry from annihilation. This act of self-defense was not permitted to her; she was at the mercy of the stranger” [Sundarlal 2000, p.59].

What Wilson’s words indicate is a decline in India’s polity, for she could not resist such imposition on herself. We will briefly touch upon the collapse of India’s polity in section 6.3.

6.2.3 Change in Fiscal System and Method of Taxation and the Collapse of India’s Trading

The colonial rule brought about a sudden change in the system of taxation in India, which otherwise had seen a certain continuity through millennia. According to Dharampal, one of the early steps and probably the most significant one taken by the British was the dismantling of the traditional fiscal system and then imposing new fiscal policies with the intent of colonizing India. As a result, not only was the amount of taxation increased many fold, but the method of tax collection too was abruptly changed. Such changes dealt death blow to the economic condition of the country, and India whose wealth had been a matter of envy to the world was reduced to extreme conditions of poverty within a century.

It is important to understand the nature of fiscal system that flourished in pre-colonial times, something that did not undergo any structural change under Mughal rule but changed altogether as a result of colonial conquest. A glimpse into the traditional fiscal system will also provide the reader a glimpse into how the jajmāni system was nourished by the Indian state (kings) through its fiscal policies.

212 Dharampal in his writings have explained the nature of traditional fiscal system. He writes: “… (It) had followed a decentralized pattern whereby most of the revenue was assigned at the level of the revenue-paying sources themselves for a variety of purposes including administrative and economic services, the maintenance of police and local militias, and a more complex and extensive infrastructure which in broad terms can be classified as religious and cultural” [Dharampal 2003, p. 33-34].

This means, that instead of first collecting all the revenue in the state treasury and then disbursing it to through grants and other means to villages and local institutions, instead a major part of revenue got marked to the local institutions at the source of collection itself. In other words, a village instead of paying all the tax to the king, spent its produce directly on the local institutions; which included scholars, teachers, various practitioners and other men who were deemed to be deserving. Only a small portion of the tax actually went up to the state treasury. The state considered this a legitimate way of tax payment. In this way, the village kept most of its tax and had a direct responsibility of maintaining local institutions.

Giving a detailed description of the traditional fiscal system, Dharampal in his other writing has cited the example of tax collection in Chengulpettu district (Tamil Nadu) in 1770. Here, he gives a table to show the details of revenue allocation for local temples and other institutions and therefore gives a glimpse of how the revenue was utilized at the source of collection itself [Dharampal 2000, p.18-26]125.

The colonial rule saw a change in this system. The new fiscal system saw doubling or tripling of taxes and more significantly, the tax collection became in the form of rupees. Additionally, the new system saw cancellation of revenue allocation to local institutions, since all the revenue was first collected at central level and then disbursed to local institutions; only as much and when the colonial masters saw necessary to maintain order in society. To explain this, Dharampal cites from fifth report of 1812 in House of Common papers (Vol. VII):

125 Dharampal “Essays on Tradition, Recovery and Freedom” Other India Press, Goa 2000.

213 “what earlier used to be 1/12th to 1/3rd part of gross produce as tax to state, was raised and fixed to 50 per cent of gross produce after being converted into money” [Dharampal 2003, p.34].

The increase in taxation manifold and more importantly change in its form from actual produce to money had a devastating impact on village economy. The direct fall out of which was that local institutions of knowledge, education and culture lost their patronage and became orphaned.

Such a drastic change would naturally have provoked resistance from people. According to Dharampal it was not easy for the colonial administration to bring about such structural change in fiscal system, let alone increase the tax manifold. The new system was forcibly implemented by creation of what Dharampal has called “system of landlordism”, which is known popularly as zamindari or ryotwari. It is important to note here that the system of zamindari was a colonial gift to India and not an Indian system of governance, as may be popularly assumed today.

Before discussing the change of India’s polity, let us conclude the discussion on impact of colonial rule on India’s fiscal system. The new fiscal system while on one hand resulted in destitution of villages and local institutions, on the other hand also adversely impacted the internal trading, thereby further enabling the collapse of industrial activity. Based on Sundarlal’s work, one can compare the system of tax collection as it prevailed under the Mughal rule with the new methods adopted by the British administrators. This comparison would provide an insightful glimpse into the impact it would have had on the Indian society.

Sundarlal writes that at the time of Mughals for every 40, 50 or 60 miles there was a tax office. Any merchant passing through the tax office was required to pay tax on the material being transported. The tax was such that a fixed amount was fixed for every cattle carrying the material. For every donkey it was a little more, on every camel a little more, and on a bullock cart a little more than that. The value of material carried had no relation with the tax collected.

214 Moreover, the tax was so light that no one wished to take trouble of avoiding the tax office. Nor would any tax official inspect the material being transported. Nor was any pass or permit needed. No trader would be troubled. A trader carrying his goods for long distances would be needed to pay the tax on every 50-60 miles.

The new system of taxation introduced by the British was different on two accounts. Firstly, the tax was on the value of goods transported. Thus, a system of inspecting the goods was established by constructing numerous check-posts in addition to the already existing tax centers. The authorities were now empowered to open the bags and check the nature and value of goods being transported.

Second, permits or passes were issued on the value of goods being transported. These permits lapsed every 12 months and had to be renewed, even if the trader was unable to sell his produce. Moreover, after each sale the trader would be required to obtain a fresh permit from a tax office nearby, since the value of goods he is now carrying had changed (as he has sold a part of the total goods).

The quantity of taxation became such that traders traveling short distances were paying the same amount at those traveling long distances. As a result, the internal trading in the country became very expensive [Sundarlal 2000, p.59-60].

R. C. Dutt has also given a similar account. The new system of check-posts allowed the officer of the lowest rank to stop and check the goods being transported and verify the permit present with the trader, which if not matched, the officer was empowered by law to impound all the goods at the check-post.

Dutt writes: “The transit duties became more oppressive under the British rule than they had been under the Nawabs. For the Company’s power was more far-reaching, absolute, and

215 undisputed, and each low-paid officer, at each chowki or toll-house, had the means of exercising greater oppression. The evil grew without cessation for sixty years” [Dutt 2006, p.200]

The network of such posts and the practice of checking and impounding resulted in a ridiculous situation where a trader before embarking on a journey would be needed to first visit a tax office and obtain a permit. He would need to inform the tax official about the value of the goods he intends to purchase or sell in the market so as to obtain the right permit, even before he has started his journey. As a result, many traders who would visit the local markets (mandis) regularly, found themselves in impossible situations, for there was no way to accurately predict in advance the values of goods they will purchase or sell.

Moreover, as Sundarlal explains, the empowerment of check post employees meant a lot of trouble for the traders to be under constant scrutiny of their goods by any employee, their dependence of his capability to correctly identify the goods being carried, to make an accurate estimate of its value and then tally it with the details on permit. All this resulted in a climate of extreme harassment and bribery. As a result, the internal trading in the country completely collapsed [Sundarlal 2000, p.60].

The English goods and the English agents were free from all this.

6.2.4 Collapse of Indian Industries

As a result of colonial policies, the industrial production in India completely collapsed. Many industries suffered irreversible damage and abject poverty set in the villages.

216 Decline in cloth industry

Sundarlal refers to a report written in 1834 by Sir Charles Travelian. According to this report, in 1816 the value of cloth exported out of Bengal was 1,65,94,380 rupees which by 1832 got reduced to 8,22,891 rupees. In contrast the English cloth in India in 1814 was of value of 45,000 rupees and it got increased to 3,17,602 rupees by 1816 and 79,96,383 rupees by 1828. He writes that by 1833, trade was worth 1 crore per annum for exports and approximately 80 lakhs for internal market in Bengal was snatched away from the hands of weavers of Bengal [Sundarlal 2000].

Simultaneous with the demise of Indian cloth industry, was the rise of their counterparts in England. Every testimony given in front of parliamentary committee of 1830-32 stated that “in last 15 years unprecedented and almost magical rise is seen in the consumption of cloth produced in the mills of Lancashire” [Sundarlal 2000, pp.64-65].

Destruction of Indian shipping

Sundarlal refers to a report by W. S. Lindsay, which says that in 1789 the combined fleet of major European countries was equivalent of fleet of Indians who lived in English territories in India. In addition, almost all trade in Asia happened in Indian manufactured ships. The owners of these ships were Indians. These ships covered naval routes from China to India to Iran and to the Red Sea. By 1796 this system was completely destroyed [Sundarlal 2000, p.66]

Destruction of iron industry

Sundarlal refers to Sir George Watt’s book titled Commercial Products of India in 1908. The book says- “there is no doubt that metal casting has been mastered since the time of ancient India. Which now has been destroyed” [Sundarlal 2000, p.66]. Also referring from writings of Syed Ali Bilgrami, Sundarlal writes that in Damascus of medieval times, the swords and daggers were

217 manufactured of faulad in Hyderabad. And referring from Valentine Ball’s book Jungle Life in India, Sundarlal writes- “many villages had iron smelting furnaces. They were earlier present is nearly every village, but now this industry is destroyed. Contracts have been given to English companies. Forcibly lakhs of Iron Smithers and koles’126 livelihood have been destroyed” [Sundarlal 2000, p.67].

Destruction of paper industry

According to Sundarlal, till the reign of The East India Company paper industrial units were present in many places. Referring from writings of Sir George watt, he writes- “the raw material for paper manufacturing was sone. Before 1840 large amount of paper in India came from China. But from that time a national feeling of producing paper indigenously developed and large number of Hindus and Muslims got engaged with manufacturing paper with hands. The need of the country was fulfilled by these production units. But when Charles Wood became a minister in India, an order was passed that any paper which will be purchased by the government should be made in England. This decree had an adverse impact on the rising paper industry in India” [Sundarlal 2000, p.67].

Sugar industry

The sugar Industry too met with the same fate. It was destroyed through the new system of taxation [Sundarlal 2000].

To sum up, from a period of 1757 (after the Battle of Plassey) to 1853, there was a phenomenal collapse of indigenous industries of all kinds. And the Indian village plunged into a state of extreme penury.

126 He is probably referring to kolām community. According to Ravindra Sharma, in Adilabad region the kolām gave up iron smelting and switched their profession to making of bamboo products. For this, the kolām and basod communities reached an understanding between themselves. See Appendix-II.

218 One can make two broad conclusions from this- firstly, the Indian society enjoyed a sophisticated industrial tradition which was capable of manufacturing high quality industrious goods like cloth, sugar, paper, iron etc. The mode of production was decentralized in artisanal workshops and not in a centralized factory model. However, this did not prevent India to produce at a mass scale, which not only met its domestic needs, but its products acquired much popularity in foreign lands.

Secondly, it can also be concluded that during the colonial times a systemic destruction of indigenous industries was undertaken. This directly resulted in Indian villages getting engulfed in poverty. Such an extent of poverty was perhaps never seen earlier. The atmosphere of poverty apart from other things, must have resulted in decline of bhikśā vritti (artist) communities as they lost their traditional patronage in Indian villages.

6.3 Re-constitution of Caste and Collapse of Indian Polity Under Colonial Rule

The impact of colonial rule is India was not limited to the destruction of India’s economy. The colonial era saw a reconfiguration of Indian social landscape and collapse of India’s polity.

Probably the most important of these changes and that which relates directly to the collapse of jajmāni system is the re-configuration of caste under colonial rule. According to Nicholas Dirks, the caste under colonial administration became an emblem of Indian social and it began defining the core of Indian tradition. Almost anyone who has written about India since colonial times, has considered caste to be the defining identifier of Indian social landscape.

However, caste was never the only social identifier in India. Dirks writes, that caste was never “a designation to exhaust Indian social forms, let alone describe their essence” [Dirks 2006, p.13]. To define Indian social life around caste alone is a colonial discourse, which seems to have been carried in post-1947 India.

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We had already mentioned earlier that analysis by Dirks has shown, that caste in pre-colonial India did not enjoy being the primary social identifier but was one amongst the many. Further, the caste was re-configured purposefully to take an altogether new form which was quite distinct from the way it functioned pre-colonial time. The colonial project made caste to be “far more pervasive, far more totalizing, and far more uniform- than it had ever been before” [Dirks 2006, p.13]. The British saw political utility in reconfiguring caste. Referring to a report prepared by H. H. Risley in 1909, the census commissioner in 1901 (and whose work also influenced the census of 1911), Dirks writes: “(Risley writes that) the problem of the future is not to destroy caste, but to modify it, to preserve its distinctive conceptions and to gradually place them upon a social instead of supernatural basis” [Dirks 2006, p.51].

Dharampal also seems to support this view. According to him, caste (as it functioned in pre- colonial times) was probably the greatest challenge the colonizers were facing to break community bonhomie amongst Indians, a necessary impediment to atomize the society which any colonial rule will desire [Dharampal 2003, p.12].

The purpose was to weaken the sense of community amongst Indians. The pre-colonial functioning of caste was an impediment to be removed. Instead of obliterating caste, the British reconstituted it, with the purpose of breaking the sense of community life in Indian village. And this was done by using the Indian scriptural texts in a rather devious manner.

According to Dirks, the colonial project in India began to “read and organize social difference and deference- pervasive features of Indian society- solely in terms of caste”, for which reading of manu smriti and other stories of vedic origin which provided a “transregional and metahistorical” understanding of Indian society appealed to the colonial attitudes and interests. The result of this reading was, the idea of varna got superimposed, where all the castes were classified in a neat

220 four-fold hierarchical orders with Brahmin on the top. Dirks calls this development to have taken place “under the peculiar circumstances of British colonial rule” [Dirks 2006, p.14].

Ethnographic studies in general and the exercise of census in particular played crucial role in re- ordering Indian social. According to Dirks, the work of Reverend M. A. Sherring which started in 1872 and published in three volumes titled Hindu Tribes and Castes and other words which followed, slotted all the castes in the four varnas, where the hierarchy appeared to be neat and simple. This promoted the theory that the caste promoted a fixed, trans-national hierarchy and all this was nothing but a grand Brahmin conspiracy to maintain supremacy, who otherwise would not find any purposeful existence in Indian society [Dirks 2006, p.47].

In this way, the caste acquired a religious identity and Indian society was classified in a grand religious hierarchy, which appeared to be neat (fixed) and standardized. As we have mentioned earlier, Wiser described the hierarchy in village to be of rotational kind. Similar views have been expressed by Ravindra Sharma about society in Adilabad. From what Dirks has written, it becomes clear that the pan Indian hierarchy that is claimed and the mapping of varna over caste, is a direct consequence of colonial application. One must keep in mind that while on one hand there are only four varna-s, there are thousands of castes. To classify all of them into four-fold hierarchy would have created a massive social re-organization. This study has already attempted to show distinction between caste and varna.

One can see in Dharampal’s writings a similar view. On being asked about his view on India’s caste system, Dharampal says that historically castes have existed “side by side” and have interacted amongst themselves (and even fought with each other) [Dharampal 2003, p.12]. It is not further specified what he meant by the term “side by side”, but it would be fair to assume that he is contesting a fixed hierarchy amongst castes in pre-colonial India.

The colonial re-organization of Indian social landscape can be summarized by formation of Dirks has called “ethnographic state”- which has defined and organized Indian social life using

221 European sociological categories. The subject of history lost out to the subject of anthropology which became and probably continues to be the primary tool of understanding India, defining it and ordering it. In this exercise, caste has been treated as primary social identity, both in census exercises and policy formulations- as an all-encompassing social category of neat hierarchical order, and it continues to be so even today.

One can understand the formation of modern Indian state by understanding the process of anthropologisation of Indian society. According to Dirks, “the decennial census played the most important institutional role not only in providing the “facts” but also in installing caste as the fundamental unit of India’s social structure” [Dirks 2006, p.49]. The use of quotes around facts is by Dirks, probably to indicate the colonial intentionality behind the supplied data.

There was unanimity amongst the census administrators on considering caste as the basic organizer of population, but what would constitute a caste was not clear at all. For example, should a caste with count less than 100000 be included in census as a caste; in 1891 more than 2300000 names were recorded under the category caste name. There were also debates on whether caste can be listed on the basis of “social precedence”, and when it was done in census of 1901 many petitions were written to contest the official hierarchy. Never the less, the caste hierarchy was standardized (pan India scale) and fixed in the early part of twentieth century, which gradually became a characteristic of Indian social.

This effort to singularly define caste and to homogenize the hierarchy however ran into many problems. The more they went on to refine caste categories to allow enumeration of entire population in census survey, the more unstable, overlapping and contested these categories became.

Thus, by late nineteenth century, according to Dirks the Indian state became “the ethnographic state”; the colonial sociology reconfigured caste as we know it today and made this new caste as the sole identity of Indian social, thus standardizing social structures and behaviors. According to

222 Dirks, in pre-colonial India social identification involved multiple “referents” which were not only heterogeneous but also determined by context; and their relation, with each other were part of a complex and dynamic political milieu. Caste was one of the many referents, and not even the most important one [Dirks 2006, p.13].

The new social situation was distinctly different from the early days of pre-colonial era. Dirks suggests, pre-colonial castes themselves were involved in political action, and “was shaped by political struggles and processes” [Dirks 2006, p.13]. The caste played active role in reformation of Indian polity and in the process were also getting reformed. Dirks compares the pre-colonial caste with the civil societies in Europe, that came into being from eighteenth century onwards. According to him, like these civil societies, the traditional form of castes in India too represented the autonomous interests, which were independent and/or contrary to the state (kings) and yet was protected by the state [Dirks 2006, p.13].

For such a fundamental change to happen in India’s social life (and in economic conditions as mentioned in previous sections), it must have been accompanied by an equally devastating change in India’s polity. Dirks writes: “The point here is to suggest that the death of Kings cleared the way for the transformation of caste under colonial rule. Caste was refigured as a distinctly religious system, and the transformation had immense implications for everyday social life. The confinement of caste to the realm of religion enabled colonial procedures of rule through the characterization of India as essentially a place of spiritual harmony and liberation; when the state existed in India, and so the argument went, it was despotic and epiphenomenal, extractive but fundamentally irrelevant” [Dirks 2006, p.12].

According to Dirks, the British not only stripped the kings of their political authority but more importantly maintained princely states as artifacts of museum, showcasing the worst behavior of state- indifferent and exploitative to public welfare at the same time indulging in glamorous rituals which made no sense what so ever. The corruption and collapse of Indian state (the kings)

223 resulting their de-legitimization in eyes of common people, would have been a necessary requirement for the colonial conquest to succeed.

Dharampal’s writings support this view. He has thrown light upon how the Indian polity was corrupted under the colonial rule, which eventually resulted in loss of its credibility. The British showcased the Indian kings to be the worst example of state.

According to Dharampal, the Indian kings in pre-colonial times were known to live an austere life, which the British found quite uncomforting. Dharampal writes: “In fact, one constant grievance which the British had against the Hindu rulers was that they lived rather simple lives and most of their revenue went towards the support and maintenance of temples, chhatrams, agraharams, and a whole variety of other institutions shaped and constituted to serve what was considered primary according to generally accepted Indian priorities” [Dharampal 2003, p.32].

When asked in an interview that why and how did the image of Indian King of being a tyrant gained currency, Dharampal responds: “Maybe the behavior of our princes during the British rule created such an impression. I think it is (the image of tyranny of kings) more because of lack of sufficient knowledge about our history and culture” [Dharampal 2003, p.11].

To support this claim, Dharampal cites from reports in India Office Records: “to make the Maharaja (of Udaipur) subservient to British purposes one of the steps which the British took was to increase his allowance to Rs. 1000 per day (from Rs. 1000 per month)” [Dharampal 2003, p.32].

A similar approach is seen in Mysore. Dharampal refers rom the Wellesley Papers (on the Mysore Commission, 1799), that the Governor General Wellesley decided to increase the allowance of sons of Tipu Sultan to five times.

224 According to Dharampal, such a differential in income between the king and his subjects was new to India. Citing from the journal of F. Pelsaert, a European traveler in early seventeenth century (and not an admirer of India), Dharampal writes “the emperor (Jahangir), like the peasants and laborers etc., ate khichri (a common Indian delicacy)”, and from the writings of James Stuart on life in Hyderabad (present in National Library of Scotland), Dharampal writes that the only visible distinctive feature available to an outsider between the ruled and the ruler was that the clothes of former seemed “less washed”.

Dharampal’s analysis seem to support the conclusions which Dirks reached, that the British maintained princely states in a way to showcase the worst behavior of Indian state, thereby building a justification of colonial rule.

The collapse of Indian state, which Dirks calls “death of kings”, must have been crucial to the changes brought about in Indian social and economic condition. The death of kings can be seen in Dharampal’s analysis as well. According to him, the Indian kings after having been defeated and stripped of their political authority were made landlords and were expected to pay the British- the chief landlord and the new state, 9/10th of their collection as per the enhanced rate of assessment. And to facilitate the collection of such enhanced taxes, the landlord was empowered to disposes the cultivator from his land and even seize all his property including his kitchen pots and pans to recover the payment.

In such a scenario, one can imagine that the reincarnation of kings as the landlords in this new system and their state promoted lavish living and senseless ceremonial rituals amidst the extreme economic hardships of common Indian would have completely de-legitimized their political authority. Dirks has called this as “death of kings” and considers it to clear the way for the colonial masters to reconfigure the Indian social landscape a new way altogether [Dirks 2006, p. 12].

When asked to comment on feudal nature of Indian society, Dharampal responds-

225 “I don’t know if we had feudalism. I say this because behind these labels there are hidden several assumptions about the nature of social organization… I think all historians are convinced that even during reign of Aurangzeb the maximum exchequer receipts never exceeded 20 percent of claimed revenue of the empire… My surmise is that the overwhelming proportion of revenue was left at the local level itself, to be spent on activities, prescribed by age-old customs, such as running of choultries or chatrams, patashalas or schools, maintenance of tanks etc., grants to temples and other religious activities, honorarium to scholars, poets, medical-men, astrologers, magicians etc. … But when the British came they step by step started collecting 50 percent to 60 percent of the gross produce as revenue from all sources and one can imagine the consequences. It took away all the surplus that our villagers had, and as a result they could no longer maintain chatrams or temples, tanks or schools” [Dharampal 2006, pp.5-6]

According to Dharampal, the Indian society was anything but feudal in its functioning.

6.4 The 1833 Charter Act- Introduction of Indian Penal Code

The rise of colonial rule of law was also assisted by rise colonial institutions of judiciary. One can say that with the implementation of Indian Penal Code, a parallel mechanism of dispute resolution took its roots in India which did not care much about the jajmāni traditions and ethos. This mechanism enjoyed the patronage of the powerful colonial administration.

As already discussed, the British parliament would pass a law every 20 year in order to help the East India Company maintain its control over India. Earlier in 1813 an act was passed which resulted in near complete destruction of Indian manufacturing industry and trading practices and which saw a simultaneous industrial growth in England. The wealth generation which English society witnessed in a period of 20 years was unprecedented. There was opulence in society and as a result people started demanding certain rights. As a result, in 1832 the British parliament

226 passed “reform act” in order to cater to the new demands of the British people. And in 1833 parliament passed a charter act [Sundarlal 2000].

According to this charter of 1833, a new member was added to the council of governor general of India, called the law member. His responsibility was to make laws for the subjects in British India. The law member was handsomely remunerated for his work in India. Lord Macaulay was appointed the first law member and sent to India in 1833. Introduction of Indian penal code and promotion of English education in India is credited to him.

His policy to introduce English education in India was intended to turn the Indian population morally subservient to modern values and alienate themselves from those at the foundation of civilization. Such a phenomenon resulted in loyal and skilled Indian Bureaucracy which was needed for better administration in the country. One may say that such a change was never reversed post-1947 India.

Sundarlal refers from writings of Burke to draw a parallel between the Indian Penal Code and the Irish Penal Code, both designed and deployed by the British colonial masters. He writes, “the intention of this code was to impoverish Indians, corrupt their characters, and make them habituated to deceit and fighting never ending court cases… The main characteristic of this law system is to show doors of freedom to criminals and trap innocent people, to strengthen the state and weaken the masses” [Sundarlal 2000, pp.167-168].

Burke has made similar observation about Irish Penal Code- “well digested and well-disposed in all its parts; a machine of wise and elaborate contrivance, and as well fitted for oppression, impoverishment and degradation of people, and debasement in them of human nature itself, as ever proceeded from the perverted ingenuity of man… One can say similar things about Macaulay’s Indian Penal Code” [Sundarlal 2000, p.167].

227 One can deduct from above discussion, that while on one hand the destruction of industries and trade in India brought abject poverty in the villages, rendering people incapable of participation in collective contemplation on dharma (including issues relating to morals, duties and purpose in life), on the other hand the enforcement of Indian Penal Code systematically eroded the moral fiber in the society. Further, the reconfiguration of Indian social life made contemplation on issues of dharma to be a private matter. Such an assault on the culture of contemplation should be seen critical the disintegration of jajmāni system. This study has maintained that the quality of contemplative space is critical to the unifying force in the system.

Sundarlal writes that a committee called “India Reform Society” was constituted in 1853 to look into the effect of 1833 Charter Act on India. It had to evaluate the condition on few pre- determined parameters. On condition of peace in society, it noted- “from 1834 in last 19 yeas, 15 yeas have been spent in war. These wars were not necessary for Indians and their progress has only further declined but was a simple result of policies adopted in 1833”. On the condition of public infrastructure, it noted- “The English Government in India is under constant debt. The Govt. spends 2.25 % of its annual income on maintenance of roads, bridges, canals etc. Out of this a brute majority is spent on maintaining the English army”. On the condition of common people, it noted- “The condition of farmers in Bengal, Madras and Bombay has much worsened. The class of people with continuous lineage has almost vanished… moreover moral degradation in people is also a natural outcome of extreme poverty”. On law and justice, it noted “Complex and expensive justice system… the judges are a blot to English people”. On policing, it noted- “We quote directly from the 1252 English and other Christian residents in Bengal that the police have not only failed to prevent crime, arrest criminals and protect property and life

228 but has become a tool of oppression and is directly responsible for moral degradation in people”. On condition of education, it noted- “We know every village in India had schools. We not only destroyed the village pancāyats but also their educational systems and replaced it with nothing. Out of a population of 2cr 20 lakhs, the Indian government gives education to 160 students. Whereas, the director of company has spent 53,000 pounds of tax collected only on parties”. On public satisfaction, it noted- “People of Madras complain that their social systems have been turned upside down, because of which they have become impoverished and helpless. They complain about the monopolistic control over salt by company. They complain that not only every shop has to pay tax, but they have to pay tax even on their tools. They have written to the parliament that the tax paid on a knife is 6 times its original value. They complain about government forcefully encouraging people to take up alcohol consumption in order to earn tax on alcohol. Both Hindu and Muslim religious texts do not approve of alcohol consumption. That is why on the parameter of public satisfaction the 1833 charter has fully failed”. On protection of country, it noted- “After 1833 charter the foreign ruler of the country has worked even more vigorously to bring princely states under their control”.

It is clear from the proceedings of the committee, that by 1853 not only did India find itself stuck in extreme poverty, but overall quality of life experienced a downfall. The moral corruption in the population, the faltering situation of law and order has been directly credited to institutions and policies of the British administration.

Interestingly the committee mentions about the collapse of traditional educational institutions and local decision-making bodies called pancāyats. The collapse of these institutions will be discussed in little detail in the next section.

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6.5 Indigenous System of Education and its Subsequent Collapse

Another important factor in jajmāni system’s disintegration is the collapse of educational institutions in India and simultaneous rise of English education.

Dharampal’s better known work has thrown light on the education system and its wide infrastructure in that existed in pre-colonial India [Dharampal 2007]127. Dharampal was inspired to investigate the condition of pre-colonial education in India from the writings of Mahatma Gandhi, who had claimed much earlier in 1931 stated that the indigenous education system was like a beautiful tree, whose roots were dug by the British and the tree was left to perish [Gandhi 1931]128. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi’s words, Dharampal investigated into records and writings of early colonial administrators on the subject and published his findings in 1967. He appropriately decided to title his book The Beautiful Tree, a phrase used by Mahatma Gandhi to characterize the Indian education system. Dharampal in his book reproduces numerous records and writings by early British administrators. These records have provided evidences of widespread network of educational institutions, sophistication of curriculum, and attendance of large proportion of children from lower castes (including significant presence of Muslim girls in these schools).

The mention of 100,000 schools in Bengal by William Adams’s report on state of education in Bengal in 1835 acquired the status of a fable. Earlier Thomas Munro in 1812-13 had given a similar account in the context of Madras presidency when he reported “every village had a school”. And a similar description was given by in the report of a senior British official from Bombay G. L. Prendergast where he writes “there is hardly any village, small or big, throughout the territory in

127 Dharampal The Beautiful Tree: Indigenous Indian Education in the Eighteenth Century Other India Press 2007 128 Gandhi, M. K. “Collected Works of Gandhi” Vol. 54 13 October 1931 – 8 February 1932 p.61(https://www.gandhiashramsevagram.org/gandhi-literature/mahatma-gandhi-collected-works-volume- 54.pdf).

230 which there is not at least one school, and in larger villages more”. Later in 1882 Dr. G.W. Leitner gave a similar account of education in Punjab [Dharampal 2007, p.18].

Pandit Sundarlal on the same subject cites from Keir Hardie, a well-known British parliamentarian who has written on India- “Max-Muller, on the strength of official documents and a missionary report concerning education in Bengal prior to British occupation, asserts that there were then 80,000 native schools in Bengal, or 1 for every 400 of population. Ludlow, in his History of British India says that in every Hindoo (Hindu) village which has retained its old form I am assured that the children generally are able to read, write, and cipher, but where we have swept away the village system as in Bengal there the village school has also disappeared” [Sundarlal 2000, p.169].

Moreover, the content of study and method of teaching in these schools was reported to be superior to that being taught in England, and the duration of schooling was much longer [Dharampal 2007, p.20]. The duration of study was said to be between 5 to 15 years, with the age of enrollment in school beginning from as low as 3 years and as high as 8 years. The duration of school day was also long, beginning with Sunrise and lasting till evening time, with two breaks in between. While some British officials did not think much of the Indian education, some officers on the other hand were quite impressed. The collector of Madras observed- “it is generally admitted that before they (i.e. the students) attain their 13th year of age, their acquirements in the various branches of learning are uncommonly great” [Dharampal 2007, p.30].

Sundarlal writes from a letter written in 1814 to the Governor-General in Council of Bengal which is much appreciative of the methodology of education seen in India and sees the need for its adoption by schools in England. The letter says- “the mode of instruction that from time immemorial has been practiced under these masters has received the highest tribute of praise by its adoption in this country (England),

231 under the direction of the Reverend Dr. Bell, formerly chaplain in Madras, and it has now become the mode by which education is conducted in our national establishment, from a conviction of the facility if affords in the acquisition of language by simplifying the process of instruction. This venerable and benevolent institution of the Hindoos (Hindus) is represented to have withstood the shock of (Sultanate) revolutions [Sundarlal 2000, p.170].

According to Sundarlal, the model of education called “mutual tuition” in Europe has been adopted from India.

There were primarily 4 ways of propagation of education in India- (i) millions of brāhmin teachers schooled students at their homes, (ii) all major urban centers had universities of Sanskrit, (iii) for Urdu and Farsi education, there were maqtab and madarsa present all over in which both Hindu and Muslim students studied and (iv) in every village there was at least one school. The village pancāyat was responsible for maintaining these schools and the destruction of pancāyat-s led to simultaneous destructions of village schools.

Dharampal gives a list of 42 books that were in use in village schools in Rajamundry district. And a similar account is given of the books used in institutions of higher learning. A separate section is written on the availability of private home tuitions and another on the education of girl students [Dharampal 2007, pp.33-46].

It is important to note here that the above description is that of schools meant for all children. In addition to these, a child being at home also picked up the skills and technological know-how of the family’s craft. Such education remains specific to the respective child of a particular caste, and not generally available to all children. For example, a child of a potter would learn all that is needed to be learnt about pottery being at home. In the same manner, the child of a weaver, carpenter, iron-smith etc. would acquire the respective skill sets from family itself. Dharampal

232 reproduces a list of 80 such crafts compiled in early 19th century records of Madras presidency [Dharampal 2007, p.59].

Such wide network of schooling and higher education which was catering to children of all backgrounds (it is estimated by Dharampal that 70% school going children belonged to the so called lower castes, as against the popular belief) and the quality of education imparted in them, must have enjoyed a sophisticated and structured arrangement of financial support to these institutions of education. Dharampal emphasizes the need to understand the features of such fiscal arrangement, and the causes that led to its disintegration. “Through these fiscal measures, substantial portions of revenue had long been assigned for the performance of a multiplicity of public purposes. These seemed to have stayed more or less intact through all the previous political turmoil and made such education possible. The collapse of this arrangement through a total centralization revenue, as well as politics led to decay in the economy, social life, education etc.” [Dharampal 2007, p.21].

6.5.1 The Traditional Structure of Support for the Education System

The early British administrators have acknowledged the political and economic autonomy of Indian villages; Metcalf had famously used the phrase “village republics”. The village to a large extent had a semblance of a state; it had control over its revenue and exercised authority within its sphere. The institution of village pancāyat was an empowered body.

Dharampal writes that the Indian society and its polity was always organized in “non-centralist” manner. On account of journals of many travelers to India, he points out that during the reign of emperor Jehangir, “the annual exchequer receipts did not amount to more than 5% of the computed revenue of his empire, and that of Aurangzed (with all his zeal for maximization of such receipts), did not ever exceed 20%” [Dharampal 2007, p.74]. Such decentralized organization of Indian polity allowed for the village with ample funds to manage its own affairs, including that of maintaining educational institutions in it.

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Dharampal writes that education and medical care enjoyed a certain primacy on the village funds [Dharampal 2007, p.75].

Dharampal after looking at the data regarding revenue collection (in Bihar-Bengal) in the period of 1770s and 1780s, tells us that revenue was divided into various categories. These various categories, which amounted to 80% of the total revenue “seem to have been allocated or assigned the major proportion of the revenue sources”. Two of these were termed chakeran zemin and bazee zemin; former referred to recipients of revenue who were engaged in administrative, economic, accounting activities etc. and the latter referred to those who were recipients of revenue for the purposes of “religious and charitable” responsibilities. In addition, separate assignments were made to scholars, poets, medical practitioners, joshis etc. [Dharampal 2007, pp.75-76].

Dharampal gives an example to show the extent of such allocations. In 1770, from the district of Hedgelee in Bengal, “almost one-half of the province is held upon free tenure’ under the bazee zemin category”. The situation in Madras presidency was also similar in 1801. Even after “disorganization, dispossession and demolition of the period 1750-1800, during which the British made themselves the masters of the whole area”, over 35% of the total cultivated land came under the category of revenue free assignments. And it was the task of Thomas Munro, the governor general of Madras presidency to reduce this figure to 5% [Dharampal 2007, p.76]. It is indicative of the extent of resources that were available to the villages for the purpose of supporting educational institutions and that this autonomy was destroyed under colonial rule.

The same can be assumed to be true for other parts of India. Dharampal concludes “It will not be far wrong to assume that about a quarter to one-third of the revenue paying sources (not only land, but also sea ports etc.) were, according to ancient practice, assigned for the requirements of the social and cultural infrastructure till the British overturned it all” [Dharampal 2007: p.77].

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This aspect should be considered along with the fact that the rate of assessment for tax that went directly to the king (called the khalsa category) was also not very substantial. After the British, the rate of assessment increased manifold causing severe penury in village coffers.

It should be noted that not only the extent of revenue being made available to support educational and cultural institutions was quite large but equally important is that in this system the “source of revenue” is directly allocated to institutions (and individual scholars). Such a system is in direct contrast to the highly centralized system of allocation later implemented by the British, where all revenue is first sourced to a central authority, and then portions of it are then given as grants to various institutions. Such a structural change must have resulted in highly centralized form of decision making and rendering local educational institutions to depend on grants from center.

In this way a double blow was rendered; the masses were impoverished by increased taxation and the institutions were rendered orphaned by snatching away their allocated sources. All this was done over a period of time, through various policy initiatives.

6.5.2 The Demolition of Educational Institutions Through Colonial Policies

The destruction of infrastructure of education was systemic in colonial times. According to Dharampal, it began as early as around 1750 in South India after the British started gaining control over areas. Interestingly, the control was established in the name of local Rajas and Nawabs (who only had a nominal say in the policies that were being drafted).

Dharampal writes “one major method used to ensure dispossession was to slash down what were termed the ‘District charges’, i.e., the amounts traditionally utilized within districts, but which for

235 the purpose of accounting, were shown in the records of the Nabob” [Dharampal 2007, p.79].

The reduction of financial allocation in certain districts like Trichnopoly was as high as 93%. One can imagine the blow local institutions would have felt with such reduction, all of a sudden.

Similar account is given in Bellary district (present day Karnataka) by the district collector A.D. Campbell [Dharampal 2007] [Sundarlal 2000]. The report is perhaps most comprehensive as it is widely referred to. Campbell writes that the degeneration of education, “is ascribable to the gradual but general impoverishment of the country… the means of the manufacturing classes have been greatly diminished by introduction of our own European manufacturers… (and importantly) the transfer of capital of the country from the native government and their officers, who liberally expended it in India, to Europeans, restricted by law from employing it even temporarily in India, and daily draining it from the land, has likewise tended to this effect… and in many villages where formerly there were schools, there are now none”. He further adds, “of the 533 institutions for education now existing in this district, I am ashamed to say not one now derives any support from the state… but there is no doubt, that in former times, especially under the Hindoo governments very large grants, both in money and land, were issued in support of learning” [Dharampal 2007, p.80] [Sundarlal 2000, p.171].

Further in the report he writes: “knowledge has never progressed without the patronage of state anywhere. The encouragement which science got from local princes in this area, that has completely been shut after advent of British administration here” [Dharampal 2007, p.80] [Sundarlal 2000, p.172] and “… considerable alienation of revenue, which formerly did honor to the state by upholding and encouraging learning, have deteriorated under our rule into the means of supporting

236 ignorance; whilst science, deserted by the powerful aid she formerly received from government, has often been reduced to beg her scanty and uncertain meal from the chance benevolence of charitable individuals; and it would be difficult to point out any period in the history of India when she stood more in need…” [Dharampal 2007, p.80] [Sundarlal, p.173]. A similar account was given of Bombay presidency by Elphinston in 1824.

A.D. Campbell in his report refers to a law that prevented the European administrators from expending their collections on local institutions and scholars. Campbell is perhaps referring to an act was passed in 1813 in the charter in British parliament, which ask the government to spend 1 lakh rupees annually on development of literature and for support of Indian scholars. Along with this act the letter sent to the office of governor general on 3rd June 1814, explicitly clarifies the purpose of the above act.

The said amount was to be used to for political purposes, in order to maintain strong relations with India. This amount was to be spent on the scholars of Banaras and a couple of more such centers, to understand the feeling and concerns of Indian scholars and intellectuals, to translate ancient Sanskrit texts into English, to help English scholars who are interested in learning Sanskrit, and lastly, from the point of view of stabilizing the empire this amount was to be spent on developing good relations between English administrators and Indian leaders. In the same letter it is explicitly stated that no public educational institutions should be established from this amount [Sundarlal 2000, pp.176-177].

Thus, while it may be claimed that the British administrators were spending money on educational institutions, but actually this money was meant to humor the local scholars and persons of any political standing, and also on those European scholars who were interested to learn Sanskrit and study the ancient Hindu texts. Literally no or very less money was spent to support local educational institutions and scholars at village level.

237 In addition to all this, there was a simultaneous deployment of a parallel education system, more suited for serving administrative requirements of the British, and cultural alignment of the Indians. A significant debate at the beginning of 19th century is on what kind of education should be promoted by the administration- that which is in accordance to traditional Indian practice or that which is on a new European model of education system.

One group was in favor of teaching ancient Indian Literature, Science and Philosophy in Sanskrit, Farsi, Urdu, Arabic and other local languages. The other group wanted to introduce English language, Western Philosophy, Literature and Science. The first kind are called ‘Orientalist’ and second kind ‘Anglicist’. This debate lasted for many years and finally found its culmination in Macualay’s appointment as law officer in 1834. He decided in favor of the Aglicists. In Macaulay’s minutes in 1835 it is written- “we must do our best to form a class who may be interpreters between us and millions whom we govern; a class of persons Indian in blood and color, but English in taste, in opinions, words and intellect.”

This decision was further strengthened by Lord Bentick’s resolution dated 7th March 1835, which says- “… all funds appropriated for the purposes of education would be best employed on English education alone.” [Sundarlal 2000, p.180] This was accompanied by suppression of Indian languages and promotion of English and English literature.

Thus, it can be seen that a sustained effort by British administrators to reduce and altogether stop grants to local institutions, left them orphaned. Moreover, a parallel system of education was established under the patronage of the British administration. This parallel structure was designed to re-orient Indian perspective and values, and as a result of which the significance of jajmāni system must have been lost and with time the memory of it also faded away.

238 6.6 Collapse of Traditional Pancāyats

The term pancāyat is commonly used for a local decision-making body. Many scholars have regarded it to be a “village republic”, which does not fully capture its functioning, and can be misleading to understand its structure.

A pancāyat as discussed earlier can be with regard to matters concerning a village, or a particular community within a village or with regard to matters concerning a community at a regional level (outside the bounds of a single village) or with regard to a region, concerning many villages in it. A pancāyat is therefore said to be raised with respect to a specific issue at hand, and then dissolved after the resolution is reached. A pancāyat is not a body with a fixed tenure. Nor does it have a fixed membership. The jury is raised and dissolved as per the issue at hand.

A pancāyat should be seen as a local decision-making body, responsible for all decisions at local level. It is empowered through allocation of sources of revenue, which presents resources at its disposal.

And probably the most significant point to note about pancāyat is that it relies on the traditions and customs to reach a decision. The underlying sentiment in a pancāyat is that traditions which have stood test of time are generally more reliable, as opposed to those which do not find must support in past. A pancāyat therefore looks for precedence and prefers them to be age old.

This point can be understood when contrasted with the functioning of modern day judiciary. The courts too look for precedence and tend to give judgements in light of it, but their search for precedence is not far into the past. A court is not expected to look beyond the constitution; in India’s case the courts will refrain from looking at precedence before 26th Jan 1950. A traditional pancāyat however places no such restrictions on itself.

239 With the change of taxation under the British rule, the pancāyats lost accessibility to resources using which it maintained for various cultural, religious and educational institutions at village level. It even lost the ability to maintain local infrastructure like ponds, lakes, roads which were critical to village economy. In addition to this, a parallel rise of modern judiciary under the patronage of British administration, snatched away legislative and judiciary powers from the pancāyats.

The result of this change was that dispute resolutions were no longer done keeping in mind the functioning of jajmāni system; to ensure the jajmāni commitments are honored and jajmāni right are realized. In fact, often such decisions were given by British courts which were in direct conflict to the decision given by the village pancāyat. One such illustration is found in Wiser’s work [Wiser 1988, pp.87-88]129.

Commenting on the adverse impact of dispossession of pancāyat, Wiser cites from a British administrator’s report: “Studies of village made by Dr. Slaters’s students seem to indicate that, at least in southern India, wherever the pancāyats have disappeared and the village affairs are merely administered by the headman and accountant, the village solidarity has been lost and the general cultural level of the village has been distinctly lowered” [Wiser 1988, p. 88].

The weakening of pancāyat and the strengthening of Indian Penal Code through modern judiciary, further dispossessed the jajmāni system of its capability to function.

129 Wiser, W. H. “The Hindu Jajmani System: A Socio-Economic System Interrelating Members of a Hindu Village Community in Services”. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt Ltd 1988

240 6.7 Collapse of Bhikśā Vritti

As discussed earlier, this study considers bhikśā vritti to play a central role in ensuring cohesion in jajmāni system. The communities of bhikśā vritti were responsible for development of rich cultural spaces in society; spaces for collective contemplation and intellectual work. This study considers the collapse of bhikśā vritti as the most critical reason for the demise of jajmāni system.

With the policies implemented under the British administration that led to destruction of Indian industries and trade, there was a systemic dispossession of karma vritti and vaiśya (vārtā) vritti communities i.e. those communities who were engaged in production and trading of material goods. As a result, the Indian villages got plunged into extreme poverty, something which till today they have not recovered from. These two vrittis under such conditions of impoverishment, therefore could no longer provide patronage to bhikśā vritti communities or those who were engaged with art and education.

Even if one is to consider limited extent of patronage given by individual wealthy patrons to some families of bhikśā vritti, the Indian village as a unit had lost its capacity to participate in the spaces of contemplation that were constructed by these families. And thus, the fundamental uniting force in a village that of collective contemplation was lost.

According to Dharampal, the various forces unleashed by the colonial administration on India had a combined effect of not only its pauperization but also erosion of dignity and destruction of Indian norms resulting in cultural impoverishment. Taking directly from science historian George Sarton’s The Appreciation of Ancient and Medieval Science during the Rennaissance, he writes: “The Western nations did not simply exploit and enslave their Eastern brothers; they did much worse. They failed to appreciate their spiritual heritage and tried to deprive them of it; it was not enough for them to conquer their material goods, they wanted to conquer their very souls. We are today paying the cost of their greed and their stupidity” [Dharampal 2003, p.61].

241

The decline and eventual decay of bhikśā vritti communities should be related to the disinterest created in society towards contemplation on dharma. Indian, society got plunged into recovering from extreme poverty. And after generations of suffering from poverty, the popular perception about purpose of life has got reduced to poverty alleviation and indulgence in material wealth.

As a result, today either we have people who are struggling to come out of poverty, or we have people who are indulgent in material pleasures. The concerns of both have got limited to fulfillment of necessities and both have become disinterested towards issues of dharma; duties, morals, relationships, purposiveness etc.

The decay of bhikśā vritti also resulted in a loss of “sense-of-past”, which someone like Ravindra Sharma and Navjyoti Singh considered essential to keep society together. The communities of bhikśā vritti included historians, poets, scholars etc. who provided scope for expanding the horizons of modern man’s imagination; keeping alive alternative possibilities of human living.

With the loss of bhikśā vritti Indian society got divided into those who are in the mainstream and those who got left behind in time. The singular idea of mainstream, can be considered to be most detrimental to growth of diversity in the society. The bhikśā vritti kept alive the imagination of multiple mainstreams. According to Ravindra Sharma, each jāti in the village considered itself to be critical for the functioning of village. Such self-image is attributed to the reading of their jāti purān by bhikśā vritti communities.

As seen with the example of thākar community in Sawantwadi, the few bhikśā vritti families who have continued with their family legacies, have largely transformed their roles to propagation of government propaganda and schemes. They have themselves lost sense of their past; the role they played in society to encourage contemplation on dharma.

242 6.8 Conclusion

In conclusion one can trace the disintegration of jajmāni system to three broad reasons, all as a result of British colonial policies.

Firstly, the collapse of Indian industries led to massive outbreak of poverty in Indian villages. Such extreme poverty in the villages resulted in loss of cultural life, since the ordinary people could no longer afford to engage with drama (and other art forms). As discussed in earlier sections, the jajmāni system had ensured affordability amongst its residents to develop interest in philosophical issues like dharma by ensuring a sense of prosperity.

The poverty in the villages, must have had a direct impact in a community’s ability to provide patronage to various artist communities. And thus, the bhikśā vritti communities would have been left orphaned. This would have not only resulted in weakening of cultural space in a village, but also impacted the capacity of bhikśā vritti communities to create new dramas and art forms. The weakening collective interest in dharma would also have resulted in weakening of uniting force amongst diverse communities.

Secondly, the cumulative effect of these would naturally be loss in richness of contemplative space or as this study would like to call, loss in sāmājiktā (ability of people to collectively contemplate on issues of dharma-adharma). Such a loss is similar to what Arendt describes as the loss of political due to over bearing growth of social, where issues regarding necessities of sustenance of life dominate all contemplation, and issues that are on periphery of life such as death, immortality find no space to be dwelled upon.

Thirdly, the loss of traditional educational institutions not only rendered a majority to be outside the purview of formal education, more importantly it introduced modern education which was disinterested in issues of dharma and divorced from civilizational values like mokśa and rina. Mahatma Gandhi has described this phenomenon as distancing between the cultural life and

243 modern educational institutions. The result of such a distance has been that within a few generations the ordinary Indians have lost any significant memory of the traditional village. So much so, the school in modern India is now a medium for people to ‘escape’ from the village life.

Fourthly, the dispossession of the traditional pancāyats and simultaneous rise of modern judiciary effectively meant that dispute resolution did not care about the jajmāni principles. This only added to further collapse of the jajmāni system.

244 Chapter 7

Salient Learnings and Conclusions

7.1 A Fresh Look at Jajmāni System

In contemporary times we are witness to certain existential challenges, one of those being the challenge of conserving diversity on the planet, including that of human realm. Since India has been known to be home to rich cultural diversity, our exploration in to the jajmāni system was undertaken with a view to understand its ability to conserve and promote diversity in the society. Moreover, the system also seemed an apt study from the point of sustainable living.

Exploration of the jajmāni system faces a unique challenge- there is no more any village to be found which functions on jajmāni principles. The jajmāni system has witnessed steady disintegration over last century and more. Scholarly attention on the system has been mostly during the last century, during a time when the system was already in its decline. Moreover, these studies have been undertaken from a Western view point, using sociological categories developed in Europe to analyze and define it. This is largely true for both Western scholars as well as Indian scholars.

Effectively, probing into the origins of jajmāni system is a difficult challenge, akin to “groping in the dark” of Indic intellectual traditions. Facing such a challenge, it deemed fit to undertake a three-pronged approach. First, to review the available literature on jajmāni system to understand its functioning and the current status of information about it. Most of the available literature has analyzed the system for its economic self-sufficiency and social hierarchy. Much analysis is available to understand the unique Indian category of caste and the caste structure which is visible in jajmāni system. However, it must be noted that the available literature did not contain anything substantial appreciation of the problem of diversity that is characteristic of human gatherings and is seen to be at play in Indian villages. It is rather curious that on one hand Indian

245 society is known for its diversity, yet studies on jajmāni system have not paid any significant attention to it- its origins and conservation in Indian villages.

In addition to reviewing the available literature, an effort was undertaken to identify and understand the key philosophical principles which formed the basis of the system. Therefore, this study explored the civilizational concepts of yajña, mokśa, and rina. We also re-visualized the jāti, along with understanding the unfamiliar social category vritti. Understanding of these concepts has helped us place the jajmāni system in its proper context- the purpose for which it was originally conceptualized and the means that were at play to meet the purpose. We understand that only in this light it becomes proper to evaluate this social system.

And lastly, this study also took recourse to the local community memories and thereby unearthed a non-conventional but valuable source of information. This study could identify Ravindra Sharma as a valuable source of knowledge regarding the functioning of jajmāni system. Ravindra Sharma spent over two decades in close proximity with various communities in Adilabad region, learning from them their traditional arts and crafts. In the process, he also learnt about their social relationships, as viewed from their own perspective. Other than Ravindra Sharma, community elders from kurba (shepherd) and thākar (puppeteers) community were also important sources of information. This study was therefore able to incorporate the wandering (ghumantu) communities and the artist communities (belonging to bhikśā vritti) into the functioning of jajmāni village organization. The available literature reviewed seems to have not paid much attention to such communities in their analysis.

Besides reviewing the core literature available on jajmāni system, this study also undertook review of literature to build an understanding on critical issues which have not been addressed in the core literature. Most prominent of these was to understand the “birth of society” i.e. to find answer to the primal question- why do individuals come together? Consequently, we attempted to explore the classical idea of public space and how in modern times it underwent fundamental changes. This study was therefore able to identify an important reason that caused

246 depletion of diversity in modern times. Moreover, since the study was focused on the jajmāni system, it also explored the classic Indic idea of public space and the Indic view on relationship between art and society.

The above exploration led us to conclude that the expected relation between drama (art) and society is instrumental in facilitating collective contemplation on vital issues. And as a result, we concluded that the artist communities formed the core of jajmāni system. This study has proposed that a rich culture of collective contemplation is key to the unity-in-diversity in the Indian villages. Diversity is born in such spaces. And richness of such a space is crucial for unity amongst diverse beliefs.

7.2 Main Explorations and their Outcome

This study has attempted to explore the jajmāni system from primarily four concerns. First, we wanted to identify and understand the philosophical concepts that form the basis of this system. Second, we wanted to understand how diversity was nourished and protected in this system. In addition to this, we also wanted to understand how diversity is born at the first place in human society. Third, we wanted to explore the fundamental relationship between art and society in human realm. Exploration into this issue helped us understand the nature of public space in classical society and the importance it gave to collective contemplation. And fourth, we wanted to explore the jajmāni system from the point of sustainability. Many scholars have regarded traditional Indian villages to be economically and politically sustainable. Perhaps the modern cities and the newly formed intentional communities can draw from the traditional Indian villages in this aspect.

7.2.1 Exploring the Philosophical Basis of Jajmāni System

As the name jajmāni indicates, it draws from the philosophical concept of yajña. The concept is perhaps the earliest of the many philosophical concepts developed in Indic tradition. It finds

247 mention in the first verse of the rg veda which is perhaps the oldest compilation known to mankind. The concept considers the reality to be inter-connected and the practice thus formulated facilitates individuals to mutually contribute to enrich towards the larger reality.

This idea of inter-dependence is best displayed in the functioning of the jajmāni system. The word jajmāna can be understood to mean- on whose behalf the yajña is being performed. Members of the society contribute to the success of yajña, whose benefit is accrued by the jajmāna. In this way, the system’s functioning develops a culture where individual members work towards the benefit of their respective jajmāna. The seat of jajmāna is available to all its members in a rotational mechanism.

All occasions of exchange in the society are seen as a form of yajña. And one’s customer for whom one has produced is seen as a jajmāna.

It can be said that the best sign of co-existence is when one leaves the fulfillment of necessities in the hands of the others. In this manner, the system is closest to Kumarappa’s imagination of “economy of service”. The members of the system facilitate each other’s material fulfillment and together move towards mokśa, the cherished goal for all human beings as per the Indian ethos.

Thus, the other important philosophical concept is mokśa which is commonly understood as liberation. The Indic philosophers understood liberation as liberation from all bondages and obligations. Liberation is considered to be the purpose of human life. For them material progress up to a point is necessary and helpful towards liberation, but beyond that the same progress becomes a cause of further bondage.

According to them, the only manner in which material progress does not lead to bondage is when achieved through yajña. In other words, material progress achieved in a way that it does not disturb the inter-connectedness of life but further contributes to it is the only progress that will lead to true liberation of man. Any other form of progress will only create further bondage.

248

Lastly, the concept of rina (existential debt) is also important to understand when one explores the philosophical basis of jajmāni system. Man, by birth is considered to be under five existential debts- of parents, teachers, mankind, Nature and gods (which includes various concepts). Corresponding to each are five great yajña called panca-mahā yajña. Only a state of complete debt dissolution enables an individual to reach mokśa. Thus, it can be said that those actions that are facilitated by yajña, are meant to lead towards debt dissolution. Jajmāni system facilitates a constant progression of yajña, where people facilitate each other towards their debt dissolution.

It is important to note, that unless one appreciates the philosophical ideas which formed the basis of jajmāni system, one is truly not in a position to evaluate it. Everything that one observes in the system’s functioning has to be evaluated from the point of these three main philosophical concepts.

7.2.2 Diversity in Jajmāni System

The Indic civilization has been home to rich diversity, including diverse knowledge traditions. The diversity observed is not only regional but interestingly is also local. A traditional village has been home to rich diversity. Each of the inhabitant castes have their own diverse customs and rituals. They have their own eating habits. Each caste designs its home in diverse ways, drapes dhoti/saree in its own way and even adheres to its own diverse ways to treat diseases. Such a scale of diversity at a local level cannot be explained by variations in climate or immigrations from outside.

The rich diversity in the Indian village is sustained by its family-based production tradition. A familial space is also the space of work in traditional village. A family forms the basic unit of production. All aspects of family life in accordance with one’s occupation. The rituals of production and the habits and customs of the family get naturally inter-twined with each other. And so different families who are occupied with different professions tend to observe different

249 customs and habits. For example, the eating habits of a lohār (iron smith) differs from the of sunār (gold smith). Such is the case with other aspects of life as well. Moreover, there is dignity involved with one’s family occupation, and one is not ashamed towards the diverse ways of living.

Such a production system is in direct contrast with the centralized factory model of production, which is incapable of handling diversity amongst its work force. A centralized model of production cannot afford to have a work force with diverse habits. Standardization is needed in the work force for a factory to function smoothly. The diversity in jajmāni system on the other hand is not an impediment to the decentralized, family-based production process in it.

The family-based production system is critically supported by small-scale and tool-based technology. Such a technology allows for decentralized production to happen at the scale of a family. Also, it allows for highly customized production to be economically sustainable. For example, the loom of a bunkar (weaver) is capable of making each saree different from the other. Similarly, the wheel of kumhār (potter) allows for each pot to be different from the other. In this way, customized production helps conserve the diverse needs (and aesthetics) of each family.

The promotion of modern centralized mode of production which was first introduced under the colonial rule and later vigorously pushed through in independent India has had detrimental effect on the existing diversity in society. The centralized mode of production is fundamentally incapable of handling diversity. The private space of family life, which in modern India is divorced from any production is desperately trying to align itself to the ‘space of production’ in centralized institutions. The family is therefore willing to give up its existing diversity so as to align itself to the mainstream. We see an epidemic of loss of languages, cultural aesthetics and knowledge systems in the family.

250 7.2.3 Development of Contemplative Spaces in Jajmāni System

The jāti (caste) and tool-based technology are critical for nourishing and protecting the diversity. However, the birth of diversity happens in the pre-modern nature of public space. Classically, the public space is considered to be a space of collective contemplation. This is true for both classical India and Greece. On the other hand, the private space of household has been considered to be a space of necessities and their fulfillment.

From the works of Hannah Arendt and Navjyoti Singh, one can conclude that contemplative spaces cannot be bogged down by matters relating to immediate necessities of life only. They ought to actively engage with issues present at the margins of life- immortality, natality, eternity, cycle of life and death, purpose of life etc. Contemplation on the horizon of existing knowledge, will result in birth of new ideas. New ideas result in diverse practices and behavior in society.

The content of contemplation in classical Indic public spaces has been largely independent of necessities of life. The issue of dharma occupies the public contemplation largely. Contemplation on issues pertaining to material fulfilment, health of body, continuation of family lineage etc. are left to the domain of household.

Such a public space is capable of addressing open problems of humanity. These can therefore become spaces of new ideas and new initiatives. It is here that diversity is born. In jajmāni system, such spaces were created and enriched by numerous artist communities known as bhikśā vritti communities. The jajmāni village patronized and hosted these communities.

In other words, we can say that material prosperity achieved in jajmāni system was with the purpose of creating rich spaces of collective contemplation.

251 In contrast, modern times have seen a shrinking of such spaces. The modern public spaces are dominated by issues of material necessities and not of dharma. As a result, there is a general disinterest seen amongst individuals towards issues that are not of immediate relevance.

7.2.4 Sustainability in Jajmāni System

The jajmāni villages are interesting study for those who are concerned about building a sustainable model of living. There are many efforts being undertaken throughout the world.

Jajmāni system’s greatest strength in this regard is perhaps its ability to consume its waste. The system is designed not to throw away waste, but to re-utilize it. The professional relationship between different jāti (caste) includes this aspect as well. The waste of one becomes an ingredient for the other. For example, during our exploration we observed such dynamics at play between the kurba (shepherds) and the marāthā (farmers) in North Karnataka region. The shepherds provided farmers with sheep dung, which were rich manure for their lands. In turn the farmers provided shepherds with empty land to rest and crop residue for the sheep to graze upon. Similarly, as described by Ravindra Sharma the waste out of teli (oil presser) is used as cattle feed by the farmer.

Of course, such an arrangement becomes possible only when all communities are using local, natural resources and renewable energy resources in an eco-friendly decentralized mode of production.

Moreover, the sustainability aspect is also affected by the fact that in jajmāni system one is producing to meet definite needs of one’s jajmānas. Identification of definite needs is key to ensure limited and timely production, which otherwise can tend towards unlimited production. This prevents from unnecessary need for raw material and unmanageable waste production.

252 Additionally, tool-based technology which is hand operated supports in this matter. Such a technology keeps a natural cap on the rate and speed of production. In contrast automation allows for high rate of consumption of raw material and immense amount of waste generation.

7.2.5 Factors of Decay

The disintegration of jajmāni system has been witnessed for more than a century, if not more. According to this study, the spaces of collective contemplation had acquired a central place in the functioning and stability of the system. And the richness of such spaces was instrumental for the strength of the system. Conversely, the weakening of culture of collective contemplation would be the beginning of disintegration of jajmāni village.

As the colonial administration grew in its span and strength, it began implementing policies which proved to be detrimental to the way a jajmāni village functioned. As is well recognized, these policies had devastating effect on the prosperity of Indian villages. The new economy introduced under the colonial rule destroyed the traditional jajmāni relations amongst the families of a village. This effectively meant- destruction of dedicated clientele. As a result, the jajmāni village would have lost its ability to ensure full employment opportunities, which was a crucial need for economic sustainability and self-sufficiency.

One can clearly imagine that as the impoverishment grew, it must have weakened the ordinary folk’s affordability to participate in collective contemplation. Moreover, the ability of a village community to provide patronage to its artist communities must also have been greatly diminished. In this way, the spaces of collective contemplation would have been the unrecognized casualty of impoverishment in Indian villages.

In addition to the various artist communities who lost their patronage, even the local educational institutions were left orphaned, as a direct result of change in nature of taxation. In parallel, the Indian society saw rise of modern educational institutions where the content of education was

253 divorced from the concerns of traditional society. The increasing gulf between traditional society and modern education (which continued to expand in post-1947 India) over the generations resulted in a complete loss of any relevance of jajmāni system in modern life. Moreover, the values inculcated in modern schools and colleges were different and in contradiction to those that were needed for the sustenance of jajmāni system. For example, it seems that the modern Indian mind has lost interest in civilizational concepts like mokśa, dharma etc.

7.3 Divergence from Previous Studies and Additional Contribution

Our study has made a few important departures from the commonly available literature on jajmāni system. It is important to mark these departures here.

First, this study has attempted to give centrality to the artist communities known as bhikśā vritti communities to the functioning of jajmāni system. These communities were not only responsible for creating spaces of collective contemplation in the villages, but more importantly they ensured that philosophical concepts and debates are percolated to ordinary men through such spaces. This study credits the bhikśā vritti communities of philosophically enriching the public discourse in Indic society and ensuring interest in art amongst the masses.

Second, this study has attempted to give centrality to collective contemplation in all human gatherings. We have attempted to show that only in this context would a human gathering be different from gathering of animals.

Third, based on Ravindra Sharma’s lived experiences we have attempted to show how the jajmāni system ensured āhār-ki-surakśā (security of livelihood) and kāma-kā-gaurav (public acknowledgement and facilitation) for all families in the village. These aspects are key to establish the economic self-sufficiency of the Indian village. However, we have not limited our conclusion to just that. We have attempted to show that fulfillment of these aspects is a necessary pre-

254 requisite for one to be interested in contemplation and afford to participate in the public space of contemplation.

Fourthly, this study has attempted to situate the fundamental relationship between art and society in the functioning of jajmāni village. We have attempted to show that the imagination of a playhouse (kreedāsthala) in the classical treatise nāttyaśātra meets the same purpose as that of a jajmāni village. Both are responsible of facilitating immersion in the dramatic performances by protecting the spectators from ‘external obstacles’. For this we have attempted to categorize the set of obstacles mentioned in nāttyaśātra into ‘internal obstacles’ and ‘external obstacles’.

Fifth, we have attempted to evaluate technology from the point of diversity. We have shown that small-scale and tool-based technology is far more conducive to conservation of diversity than large, centralized form of production. Moreover, we have qualified the decentralized mode of production as ‘family-based’ production, which is necessary for diversity conservation. We have identified the fundamental cause for depletion of diversity in modern times, which is the shift from family-based production to factory-based production.

The present study has also highlighted the main factors leading to collapse of jajmāni system.

7.4 Relevance for Future

This study has the potential to be followed up in many ways. Some important areas of research that can be taken up are suggested in this section.

There is a need to examine closely the inner workings of contemplative spaces. This study has only shown presence of such spaces in Indian villages, but its internal mechanisms regarding collective contemplation on dharma needs to be investigated. Moreover, one must also examine the nature of inherent motivation in man to move towards dharma.

255 This study also recommends work on analyzing the quality of content presented in art spaces in contemporary times vis-à-vis their ability to facilitate contemplation on fundamental human realities, including what may be called as open challenges to humanity. It is also recommended that collectively we work towards marriage of entertainment and contemplation. This study has concluded that great loss happens to a society when entertainment gets divorced from contemplation on dharma.

We recommend that work should be done to encourage family-based decentralized production processes in the society. And for this purpose, the society also needs to work towards refinement and promotion of tool-based technology. These two conditions are fundamental requirements of conserving diversity in humanity. Moreover, these are also required for building environmentally sustainable models of living.

Lastly, we recommend academic encouragement to those who are interested in exploring the ignored intellectual spaces of Indian tradition. For the purpose the necessary academic freedom should be provided to discover and learn from unconventional sources of knowledge. It will be a workable method to encourage students to undertake research internships under traditional scholars.

256

Appendix- II The Jātis in Adilabad as Described by Ravindra Sharma

This study through interactions with Ravindra Sharma compiled a list of jātis in Adilabad region. This list is not a comprehensive list, but only indicative of his scope of exploration. Ravindra Sharma spent time with these communities to learn their craft and about their social outlook. The intent here is to give an overview of the functioning of jajmāni system in Adilabad; the diverse spectrum of communities at play. Ravindra Sharma provides an insider’s self-image of these communities.

(i) Bhangi: They are responsible for cleaning the toilets, carrying the soiled and cleaning the streets. In weddings, ritualistically they are given the first honor among other jātis. In a wedding, the yagnopavit130, is given by the bhangi. This is made from a local grass (they were considered expert in making mats from grass). The bhangi is considered to be the uncle (mother's brother) of the brāhmins. Culturally it is a norm for the maternal uncle to provide the sacred thread during marriage ceremony.

The above description by Ravindra Sharma punctures the dominant belief towards the social relationships between the two communities i.e the brāhmins and the bhangis. The above instance is one evidence of what Ravindra Sharma calls “kāma-kā-gaurav” (public acknowledgement) of the bhangis by the brāhmins.

(ii) Brāhmin: The brāhmins are associated with occupations such as calendar keeping (panchānga), duties of the purohita, teaching, scholarly work etc. Many brāhmin families have also been engaged with agriculture work. The brāhmins are further divided into sub-communities, each known for certain

130 The sacred thread that is worn around the shoulders.

257 expertise. For example, the nāmdhāri brāhmins had the expertise in constructing ponds and lakes. They were called by nāmdhāri, since they had names of various gods tattooed on their body.

Then there are siddhānti brāhmins, who were expert in calculation of time and preparing the panchāng (horoscope). All other brāhmins can read the panchāng (horoscope), but only the siddhānti brāhmins know how to prepare them.

(iii) Chamāra or charmakāra: They are involved in leather work. They make all the leather products used in the village, for example ropes for cattle and horses called jeen, water bags, slippers, leather for drums and other musical instruments, various kinds of ropes used during farming etc.

The period of mourning after a death in the family known as sūtak for them is of only 3 days. According to Ravindra Sharma different jātis have different mourning periods depending on the nature of work. Unlike the brāhmins who observe sūtak period for 13 days, the chamāra cannot afford to be off work for that long since the leather is prone to disintegration.

The chamāra were responsible of distribution of the grains to other jātis at the time of harvest. As mentioned earlier, after the harvest the grains in the field is distributed amongst various communities.

They were also responsible for storing grains in the underground storage system called pātrā in Telugu and peo in local Hindi and Marathi. These were underground large storage spaces, enough to store up to 400-500 quintals of grains. Many of these were constructed adjacent to ponds but the construction was such that no moisture could enter inside. These grains were the community’s share of the produce and was used to cater to the needs of persons of disabilities. Also, the grains were stored keeping the eventuality of drought in mind. According to Ravindra Sharma, every 13 years the pātrā-s would be emptied for donation to kumbha melā.

258

It was the job of chamāras to store all the grains and keep an account of how much of it belongs to which family.

The women of this community were experts in constructing cots from grass ropes. Ravindra Sharma talked about a particular old woman from harijan community (another name commonly used for this community), who was known to build 28 designs of bed, some of which were specially constructed for medical purposes (beds specially designed for acupressure needs).

The chamāras have been strong and respected community in this region. Their local name was Peddintolu in Telugu, which means the elder one in the family or Peddakulasulu, which means elder one in the society.

According to Ravindra Sharma, in local customs the trait of elder brother is the one who is considered first when assigning a responsibility and is considered last when distributing the benefits of collective action.

The supply of leather as a raw material was always limited since killing of animals were not allowed. Only those which die a natural death were skinned for leather. As a result, the demand for the leather products was always more than the supply of the raw material.

(iv) Darzi: A darzi would be involved in making umbrella, the cover for cattle made from cloth, cover for elephants, cover for horses, caps for men, small pocket size carriers for coins made from cloth (which could be tucked into a dhoti).

(v) Faqir: The faqir were Sufi (Muslim) travelers. Faqir were also called upon to treat certain diseases like body ulcers/pimples and also para-psychological disorders related to spirits and ghosts. A case of

259 spirit entering into somebody's body was not uncommon in the area. The person would start behaving strangely like speaking in many languages, behaving like someone else, and sometimes even possessing great body strength for few moments. In the local community such patients were not considered to be insane, but only prone to such mishaps. The faqir was then called upon to drive away the spirit or what is locally called 'bhoot utarna'.

They were a traveling community, living on alms. They would sing many sufi songs. They often carried a musical instrument similar to a one string guitar. They carried an emptied coconut shell which was used for asking for alms and also to drink water. They wore long necklaces made from stone and carried peacock feather (which is considered a symbol of purity, besides medicinal properties).

(vi) Gond: The gonds were rulers of the central India region, which is also called Gondwana for 1000 years. Once defeated by the Mughals, they took shelter into the jungles of central India and since then have lived there. They are now considered to be tribal. The gonds are considered to be experts in making ponds, lakes and check dams, much like the kolis, nāmdhāri brāhmins and ords.

(vii) Gosāin: The gosain consider themselves to be one of the ten sanyasis (spiritual seeker) anointed by Adi Shankaracharya in the period 8th A.D. They would rear special species of cows; like the ones with 5 legs or with 3 horns. They were considered expert in cow rearing. They also had knowledge of cure for certain diseases and were also known for face reading and fortune telling.

The gosain wore crescent moon shaped earrings, carried a musical instrument called iktārā (similar to one string guitar) and kept peacock feather with them. Peacock feather is used in certain medicinal purposes and is also considered a symbol of purity.

(viii) Gukkā:

260 The gukkā community is involved in manufacturing kunku (red vermilion, which is used in all auspicious ceremonies) and gulāl (various colors in the form of powder, primarily used during festival of holi). For the gukkā community the festival of holi is most important when the demand of their work is highest.

(ix) Kolām: The kolām-s had been into the profession of blacksmithing, same as lohār. For some reason they gave up blacksmithing and took up making artifacts from bamboo. For this they reached an understanding regarding segregation of bamboo market with the basod community who were original bamboo craftsmen.

This case is a good example of a community giving up their traditional profession and adopting a new one; the capacity of the village to re-adjust it’s jajmāni relationships.

(x) Koli: The kolis were involved in the profession of gathering leaves, flowers and fruits from the forest. Their responsibility was to supply these for every auspicious ceremony and festivals. For example, in Ganesh puja, 32 varieties of leaves are used. The kolis therefore had extensive knowledge of the forest and trees and plants. They also have good knowledge of medicinal use of various shrubs and herbs. They also had knowledge of seasonal fruits and vegetables. The kolis maintained separate forest for all these requirements.

The kolis consider themselves to have the same ancestry as the machhwara (fishermen) and nayakphod (involved with bamboo products).

The kolis were also expert in making lakes and check dams along with 4 other communities; the gond, the nāmdhāri brāhmin and the ord.

The kolis consider there is a relation between mushroom growth and lightning in the sky; the

261 mushroom flowers immediately after the lightning. According to them after the lightening if the sky opens up and the Sun shines, then the mushroom should not be left too long but plucked as early as possible. While plucking mushrooms, the kolis observed strict rule of silence.

They refrain themselves and strictly prohibit others from touching any fruit on the tree during the period of uttarā nakaśatrā. They believe any touching of fruit in that period makes the taste sour. They used to protect the trees during this period from any accidental touching.

The kolis have popularized the story of the parrot and the ant; the parrot drops pieces of fruits near the ant-hole, and the ants keep seeds of grain outside for the parrot to eat.

(xi) Koyā: They are also considered to be face readers like the Gosain and were experts in medicinal herbs. They have sub-communities in the region namely Yerkalolu (experts in astrology and also suppliers to weaver (Julāhā) community), Yelgandala (community mainly based in Karimnagar), Kathipaplodu, Masān jogi, Gangaidolodu and Bhrigusanhita. All of these are performers of Jāti- purānam for various communities.

(xii) Kunbi: The Kunbis are considered to be the original farmers, much like the Jāts in north India. Since farming has been their traditional profession, their knowledge of it is far superior to other communities who took up farming later (due to various reasons during the colonial period). The Kunbis resisted the methods of chemical intensive farming initially.

(xiii) Machhwārā: The Machhwārā community originally was in the profession of collecting leaves and fruits from the forest, just like their half brothers Koli and Nayakphod. Later they got into catching fish from the river and lakes.

262 The Machhwārā consider having same ancestry as the Kolis and Nayakphods, and they also worship the same kul devta (family god).

(xiv) Maniāri: The Maniāris are a traveling community who manufactured mercury, mirror, hair-brush and camphor. They would visit village on designated dates in the year and prepare these items in the homes of local people. Like other traveling communities, they too had designated regions and clientele. Hair-brush is made from wood and sometimes even from the horns of cattle. The hair- brush was not manufactured by the local carpenter (Barhai); there was a division of clientele between these two communities. Its manufacture and selling rights was reserved by the Maniāris.

(xv) Nayakphod: The Nayakphod were originally in the profession of gathering leaves, flowers and fruits from the forest. Their responsibility was to supply them for every auspicious occasion and festivals.

Later they shifted to making bamboo artifacts. For this they reached an understanding with the Basod community who were originally into bamboo profession. The Basods agreed to give them a part of their bamboo work with the understanding that the Nayakphod will not have fixed jajmāni relations, but only a floating market; the bamboo articles would be supplied by them only when the work-load on the Basods is high. A similar understanding was also reached between the Basods and the Kolams. (This is indicative of the high demand of bamboo artifacts in this region).

The Basods reserved the fixed market for themselves. For example, during the birth of a child or a wedding, the client family has to necessarily order five bamboo items like soop (bamboo tray) from the Basods.

263 The Kolams and the Nayakphods were not allowed to encroach on the fixed market of Basods but allowed to sell their products when a demand was made outside the fixed market.

This way the Basod community protected its livelihood, while at the same time allowing limited access to their market to Kolams and Nayakphods.

It should be noted that bamboo products in this region were in such a demand, that the floating market of Kolams and Nayakphods was able to sustain these communities.

(xvi) Perkā: The Perkā community were involved in all kinds of jute work. They would make jute ropes, which were then used to weave cots. Their main work was to make gona made from jute. These were large size jute bags in which grains are filled. Special gona was made which can be carried on the back of cattle for transporting grains. For this reason, the Perkā were a travelling community, usually moving with the Lambada community. The Lambadas owned large number of cattle and used them for transportation of all kinds of material including grains.

The Perkā also made jute rope for the moth; to pull out water from the well, decorations for the cattle and sutli (small and thin rope made from jute, used to tie small house hold items).

(xvii) Sādhanā sur: The Sādhanā sur community were known to perform various kinds of magic shows and similar games. For example, one of their common game shows was to pop up real snakes from nowhere.

These people used to carry tamra patra (an official document), which was a written document demarcating designated areas of jajmāni.

264 The community within itself had divided regions where they would travel and perform such shows. When arriving in a village, they were required to produce these tamra patra as a proof that they are not encroaching on anyone else's jajmāni.

(xviii) The panca - viśwakarma Jāti-s: There are five Jātis, which are also called as Vishwakarma jāti. They are as follows - Lohar; they are involved in metal work (black smith). - Sunar; they are involved with work of gold and silver. They make ornaments. - Barhai; they are the carpenters in the village responsible for making various wooden articles like door frame, cot, plough etc - Khasar; they were into making of utensils from various metals like copper, and bronze. - Kashāy; they were the sculptors who worked on stone primarily, but also metals and wood.

They are called as panca viśwakarmiya as they have supposedly learnt their skill from viśwakarmiya, the mythological Master of Art and craftsmanship or engineering. Within these communities’ marriage is allowed. They can inter change their profession with ease, since their lifestyle, the nature of work, the tools are similar to each other. If the market in the village is not disturbed, the inter change of profession amongst them is easily done.

(xix) Thooti: The Thooti traditionally have been responsible for maintaining and reading the Jāti Purāņam of the Gond community. They have a musical instrument similar to Iktārā (single string guitar), which is used for performing the Jāti Purāņam.

(xx) Vaiśyā: The Vaiśyās were experts in dancing and singing. Another term that has been used for them is gaņikā. At the time of wedding, little amount of clay would be brought from Vaiśyā’s home. The

265 thread of the mangalasūtra (sacred thread worn by married women) would be prepared by Vaiśyā.

(xxi) Teli: This community was engaged in oil pressing. The seeds have to be supplied by the family for pressing. A small portion of the oil was kept behind by the Teli as “pressing fee”. Also, the waste of crushed seeds belong to Teli, which he sells to farmers (they are rich manure to the soil).

(xxii) Rangāran: This community was engaged with dying and coloring of clothes.

266 Appendix- III

List of Artist Communities and Patron Castes in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana Region

S.No. Artist Caste Patron Caste Art form/ Musical Oral Narrative Instrument 1 Patteda Koya Koya Puranam/ Dora Puranam 2 Doli Koya Dora Puranam 3 Thooti Gond Pandava Katha 4 Pardhan Gond Purohita (priest) 5 Pujari Nayakphodu Pujari Katha 6 Korraju Nayakphodu Korraju Katha String Instruments 7 Dapudia Lambada Caste Puranam 8 Bhat Lambada Caste Puranam Rabab (String Instrument) 9 Dhadi Lambada Caste Puranam 10 Chindu Bagotam/Chindu Yakshaganam/Janaba Chindu Madiga Puranam 11 Dakkali (performers) Madiga Jamba Puranam 12 Kinnera Dakkali (stringed (Musicians) Madiga Jamba Puranam/Ballads instrument) 13 Baindla/Bawani/ Bandla Katha/Jamukula Jamidika/Pamba Pambalu Madiga Katha (percussion) 14 Sangadivaru Madiga Recitation of puranam 15 Asadi Madiga Asadi Katha 16 Madiga Masti Madiga Madiga Bagotham 17 Nulakachandayy alu Madiga Jamba Puranam 18 Mala Jangalu Mala Jangam Katha 19 Gurramvaru Mala Gurram Katha 20 Mala Bhogam Mala Bhogam Katha 21 Mala Masti Mala Recitation of puranam 22 Mittula Ayyavarlu Mala Ramayana/Yakshaganam Khadi Veena 23 Pandava Katha/Patam String Pandavula Varu Mutharachi Mudiraju Katha Instruments

S.No Musical Artist Caste Patron Caste Art Form/ Instrument

267 Oral Performance 24 Kaki Padagala katha/Patam Kaki Padagalu Mutharachi Mudiraju katha 25 Aadi Kodugulu Medan Medari katha Addamvaru/Add Addam Singani 26 am Singalu Mangali/Barber Katha 27 Pekkativaru Kumman/Potter Pekkarla katha 28 Tenugu Masti Tenugu kapu/Telaga Masti katha 29 Tenugu Bhogam Tenugu kapu/Telaga Bhogam Aata 30 Patamvaru Chakali/Washerman Patam katha Madeku 31 Ganjikuti varu Chakali/Washerman Puranam Performances in front of dead 32 Katipapadu All Castes body 33 Budiga Tangalu All Castes Jangam Katha Sharada (one stringed 34 Shardakandru All Castes Sharda Kathalu instrument) Snake charming & 35 Pamulavaru All Castes magic Pagati 36 Veshalavaru All Castes Pagati Veshalu 37 Dommari All Castes Acrobatics & magic Pariki Muggula 38 Varu All Castes Forecasting/sodevaru 39 Fakirs Dudekuia Singing Sufi Kirtanas Peddammala 40 varu All Castes Magic Dolu Leather instrument made from cat 41 Mondodu All Castes skin 42 Sigana Varu Devangulu Devanga Puranam 43 Jathu Biddalu Devangulu Devanga Puranam Gontheli Veedhi 44 Gonthelilu Are Kapu Bagawatham Goundla 45 Gouda Jetti (Tadi Tapper) Patam katha Goundla 46 Aenuti (Tadi Tapper) Aenuti Katha

268 Kurma/Kurma Golla 47 Devinollu (Shepherd) Beeranna katha S.No Art Form/ Musical Artist Caste Patron Caste Oral Performance Instrument Kurma/Kurma Golla 48 Beerannala varu (Shepherd) Beeranna katha Golla/yadava 49 Oggulu (shephard) Oggu katha Oggu Dolu Balkani Golla/yadava Binaki Katha 50 varu/Terachirala (shephard) (Narration by patam) Veeranam Golla Golla/yadava 51 Bagavathulu (shephard) Bagavatham Mandha Golla/yadava 52 Hecchulu (shephard) Mandha hecchu Katha Podabothula Golla/yadava 53 varu (shephard) Podabothula katha Golla/yadava 54 Kommula varu (shephard) Kommula Varu katha Golla/yadava 55 Gothrala varu (shephard) Yadava katha Golla/yadava Dasari katha/ 56 Suddula varu (shephard) Golla suddulu Golla/yadava 57 Goura varu (shephard) Goura dance Golla bhagavatham/ Golla/yadava yadava 58 Ganga Poojarlu (shephard) bhagavatham Gangireddula Golla/yadava Gangireddu 59 varu (shephard) performance 60 Patani varu Mandha Hecchulu Nucchu Kokala 61 varu Mandha Hecchulu 62 Nandi Kolla varu Mandha Hecchulu Kuna Puli Padma varu/padiga Padmashali puranam/bawanasi 63 rajulu (weavers) puranam Padmashali 64 Sadhana surulu (weavers) Magic Vishwa Brahmana/ 65 Runjallu Panchanam Vishwakarma puranam Runja Komati/Vaishya 66 Veera Mushtti (Gupta) Kanyaka Puranam Jeganta Komati/Vaishya 67 Beripanasalu (Gupta) Jeganta Katha

269 Sharada (one Reddy stringed 68 Pichhakuntla Reddy Kapulu Reddy puranam instrument) Sharada (one Kamma stringed 69 Pichhakuntla Kamma Kamma puranam instrument) 70 Vipra Vinodulu Brahmana Magic Tambalolu (Lingayath 71 Shaiva) All Castes Tappeta Kamma, Reddy, 72 Batrajulu Velama Gante Bhagavatha 73 Bagavathulu performance 74 Dubblollu All Castes

Note: The list is compiled by Prof. Jaydhir Thirumal Rao, former Director of A.P Archives.

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275 64. Srinivas, M. N. “The Indian Village: Myth and Reality”, The Village in India Ed. Madan, Vandana Delhi. Oxford University Press 2013, pp. 51-70. Excerpted from M. N. Srinivas, “The Dominant Castes and Other Essay, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987, pp. 20-59. 65. Srinivas, M. N. "A Note on Sanskritization and Westernization." The Far Eastern Quarterly 15, no. 4 (1956): 481-96. doi:10.2307/2941919. 66. Staal, Fritz “AGNI: The Vedic Ritual the Fire Altar (vol 1)” Motilal Banarsidas, 2010. 67. Sundarlal “Bharat Mein Angrezi Raaj Vol. II” Publication Division, Govt. of India (first published in 1929). 68. Toulmin, S. “Return to Reason” Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 2001. 69. Wasmer, Martina "Public Debates and Public Opinion on Multiculturalism in Germany." In Challenging Multiculturalism: European Models of Diversity, edited by Taras Raymond, 163-89. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2013. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctt20q22fw.14. 70. Wiser, William H. “The Hindu Jajmani System: A Socio-Economic System Interrelating Members of a Hindu Village Community in Services” Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Delhi, 1988 (first published in 1936).

Publications and Presentations

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International Conferences 1. Harsh Satya and Navjyoti Singh (2014), 'Rurality': Domestication of Technology Through Community Memory (IAMCR 2014), Hyderabad, India 2. Pravin Patil and Harsh Satya (2014) ‘Rurality’ Apps for Community Expression and Utilization of Knowledge: Venkatrampuram Initiative (IAMCR 2014), Hyderabad, India 3. Harsh Satya and Navjyoti Singh आधुनक टेनोसेवी संकृ त म लोक-ान का समावेश एवं परण in International Conference on वव क गत म वान एवं ोदयोगक का योगदान, DRDO, Delhi, India (Published in Jigāsā Vol. 27&28, p. 5-7 (2013-14)

Hindi Science Journal (Jigyāsā), IIT Delhi 4. Harsh Satya टेनॉलजी-संकृ त अंतरसंबंध (एक े ीय अययन) Jigāsā Vol. 24, p. 14-16, (2010)

Other Publications 5. Harsh Satya The Collector of Seeds Smriti Jagaran ke Harkare: Shri Ravindra Sharma (Guruji) (2012), p. 173-186 SIDH publications 6. Harsh Satya गांधी-देश-समाज और सध Sidh-arth: A Journey Together (2017), p. 136-150 SIDH Publications.

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