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Journal of Islamic Marketing Controversial product advertisements in : A study of Sunni-Shi’a sectarian disparities and similarities Maya F. Farah Lamis El Samad Article information: To cite this document: Maya F. Farah Lamis El Samad , (2015),"Controversial product advertisements in Lebanon", Journal of Islamic Marketing, Vol. 6 Iss 1 pp. 22 - 43 Permanent link to this document: http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/JIMA-02-2014-0013 Downloaded on: 31 May 2016, At: 02:10 (PT) References: this document contains references to 87 other documents. To copy this document: [email protected] The fulltext of this document has been downloaded 429 times since 2015* Users who downloaded this article also downloaded: (2015),"Islamic challenges to advertising: a Saudi Arabian perspective", Journal of Islamic Marketing, Vol. 6 Iss 2 pp. 166-187 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/JIMA-03-2014-0028 (2015),"Halal clusters", Journal of Islamic Marketing, Vol. 6 Iss 1 pp. 2-21 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ JIMA-05-2014-0034 (2015),"Consumers and Halal cosmetic products: knowledge, religiosity, attitude and intention", Journal of Islamic Marketing, Vol. 6 Iss 1 pp. 148-163 http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/JIMA-09-2013-0068

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JIMA 6,1 Controversial product advertisements in Lebanon A study of Sunni-Shi’a sectarian disparities 22 and similarities Maya F. Farah and Lamis El Samad School of Business, Lebanese American University (LAU), , Lebanon

Abstract Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of religious sect on the Lebanese consumer’s perception of controversial product advertisements. Design/methodology/approach – The study used a quantitative survey that was administered to a purposive representative sample of respondents from the two main Muslim sects in the country, namely, Sunni and Shiite Muslims. Findings – The results indicated significant differences in perceptions between Sunni and Shiite Muslims with regards to the offensiveness of the advertising of controversial products. Briefly, Sunni Muslims found the advertising of social and political as well as health and care products more offensive, whereas Shiite Muslims found the advertising of gender and sex-related products more offensive, and no significant difference in offensiveness perception between the two sects was found with regardsto the advertising of addictive products. Research limitations/implications – Two main limitations faced the researchers: the fact that the respondents were not shown examples of offensive product advertisements; and that religiosity was not measured for the respondents, which could also be a factor in offensiveness perception. Practical implications – The study indicates that a consumer’s religious sect can play a determining role in how he/she perceives product advertisement, thus encouraging marketers to consider the differences between these sects while advertising to ensure no potential consumers are alienated. Originality/value – Although research has looked into the impact of religiosity and religion on the perception of offensive product advertisements, minimal research exists on the impact of religious sects on the perception of offensive product advertisement. The results of this study provide some insights into the consumer behavior differences between the two sects. Keywords Lebanon, Islam, Advertising, Controversial products, Shiism, Sunnism Paper type Research paper Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) Introduction Marketers advertising to a country with a variety of religious groups will generally pay attention as to not offend one group or the other. However, few marketers are aware of the differences in how members of diverse religious sects within a same religion perceive advertisements. This issue is greatly deficient in the existing literature, despite the fact that it has great implications in the marketing sector. Specific product categories may trigger offensive responses in people pertaining to different sects even if they pertain to

Journal of Islamic Marketing the same religious group because of differences in teachings and values. This issue can, Vol. 6 No. 1, 2015 pp. 22-43 in turn, alienate many prospective and current customers. The following study focuses © Emerald Group Publishing Limited on the effects of controversial products advertising on Lebanese consumers from the 1759-0833 DOI 10.1108/JIMA-02-2014-0013 two main Muslim sects in the country, namely, Sunnis and Shiites. Islam is greatly concerned with the well-being of the society as a whole. The Prophet Controversial Muhammad (peace be upon him) has stated: “none of you will have faith till he wishes for product his Muslim brother what he likes for himself” (Bukhari, 2009, Vol. 1, Book 2, No. 12). advertisements Even though it does not forbid the gaining of profit via business, it prohibits doing so unjustly. Islam treats the economic system as a people-centric arrangement, whereby in Lebanon wealth is freely transferred and the society as a whole is required to gratify the needs of its various communities (Wilson, 2014). Although Islam values advertising as a tool for 23 informing customers about a firm’s offerings (Abdullah and Ahmad, 2010), advertising in Islam is not allowed to conceal the information from prospective buyers, or deceive them in any way, as this is viewed as an exploitation of the consumer (Damirchi and Shafai, 2011). Based on the Quran and Shariah law, if an advertisement does not deliver any of its stated promises, then it is misleading consumers (Al-Olayan and Karande, 2000). It is also recommended that advertisements catering to Muslim societies show respect to people of all races and ethnicities to show the unity of Muslims and the emphasis on equality and diversity (Behravan et al., 2012). Islam also governs the role of women in advertisements. Most Muslim advertisements tend to show women solely when their presence is related to the product advertised. Women are typically to be presented in advertisements in decent clothes and not be used as a sexual object (Rice and Al-Mossawai, 2002). For instance, in a study conducted by Tuncalp (2001) in Saudi Arabia, a very conservative Muslim country whose value system is predominantly based on religion, display print advertisements from local Saudi newspapers were shown to a panel of Saudi judges who were asked to identify those that contained appeals that were against local values and that could generate offense or negative emotions. One of the advertisements found offensive was one for a calculator brand in which half of the advertisement contained a woman’s face. The judges deemed the inclusion of the female model as an unnecessary and offensive because it clashes with Saudi values.

Islamic marketing To understand the impact of advertising on Muslim consumers and their perceptions, it is essential to explore the emergence of “Islamic marketing” as a new and rapidly growing field that has grown across the world. Wilson (2012) clarifies that Islamic marketing is more than “simply marketing a religion, or marketing to the faithful”, and that it can be seen as a “God-conscious mode of marketing” inclined to the ethical and moral standards of Islam that comprises complex and dynamic engagement with both Muslim and non-Muslim stakeholders. A key argument presented in the case of Islamic

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) marketing is that it is not solely derived from Islam as a religion, but it is also a process that incorporates more worldly activities that include both Muslims and non-Muslims and that evolves based on each environment, which, in turn, could lead it to become a new field of marketing that fits a certain purpose much like digital and green marketing before it. It is also noted that Islamic marketing is based upon evolutionary marketing activities that have filtrated the Islamic faith teachings with more worldly actors and activities of both Muslims and non-Muslims developing a relevant and efficient form of marketing that can maintain its position in new environments (Wilson and Grant, 2013). The growth in Islamic marketing has been mirrored in the development of marketing subdivisions of international marketing agencies that cater directly to Muslim consumers, such as Ogilvy Noor as a subdivision of the Ogilvy branding agency (Wilson et al., 2013). JIMA Some argue that the elements of hedonism and branded consumption that are the 6,1 basic elements of marketing go against the basic teachings of Islam (Wilson and Grant, 2013). However, the rise of foreign residents in Muslim countries as well as the proliferation of global media present within these nations have resulted in a quicker adoption of Western forms of consumer culture, generating a strain between the wish to preserve local customs and culture versus the desire to meet modern consumption and, 24 thus, marketing patterns (Sobh et al., 2013). Moreover, many factors have led to the rise of Islamic marketing including the increase of education regarding Islamic teachings in relation to business, the emergence of halal certification institutions, the production of halal products and services by non-Muslim brands, the advance in Islamic banking and financial services, as well the growth of the Muslim diaspora in the West tonameafew (Wilson et al., 2013). In essence, Islamic marketing emphasizes the concept of Halal products and services, which signifies acceptable constituents, manufacturing procedures and transportation methods (Wilson, 2014). The four main characteristics that Islamic marketing must meet include it being spiritualistic (in accordance with the teachings of the Quran and Sunnah), ethical, realistic and humanistic (Arham, 2010). Arham (2010) identifies the objective of Islamic marketing as the correlation of traditional marketing with the teachings of Islam and its aim is to realize social fairness and justice. Moreover, Islam urges its followers to work for the good of the whole community, ummah, while building a sense of social unity across Muslims of different races, social positions and societies which also helps strengthen Islamic marketing as a concept (Wilson et al., 2013). Furthermore, Muslims are encouraged to foster this brotherhood both spiritually and in business transactions, a concept that is highlighted in Muslim sacred texts and sayings (Wilson and Hollensen, 2010). Additionally, it has been noted that marketing is strongly linked to culture, and thus, advertising varies across different cultures; however, because of the common Islamic teachings and unified identity related to the ummah, the use of Pan-Islamic branding and marketing has helped bring together different cultures (Wilson et al., 2013).

Muslim consumers On the consumer side, Muslim customers tend to be highly involved with products they purchase while displaying an inclination for risk aversion in their purchases (Wilson and Liu, 2011). It has also been noted that 95 per cent of Muslim consumers surveyed in the World Values Survey believe in afterlife and that true happiness for a Muslim lies in

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) the entry to heaven based upon the good deeds a Muslim performs during his life (Wilson and Hollensen, 2013). The belief in an afterlife tends to increase the span of one’s consciousness as to the significance of their actions and purchases in terms of ethics, morality and overall reward in both the current life and the afterlife; this can ultimately lead to an increase in a consumer’s risk aversion with regard to the purchase of certain products (Wilson and Hollensen, 2013). However, the behavior of Muslim consumers is subject to different perspectives. While one school of thought proposes that the consumer behavior of Muslims is based upon a number of religious criteria including religious affiliation, commitment, knowledge and orientation (Muhamad and Mizerski, 2010), another advances that Muslim consumers can be classified based upon their level of religious adherence; however, other factors play more determinantal roles in their consumer behavior, culture being considered as one of the most crucial of these factors (Ogilvy Noor, 2010; Controversial Wilson and Liu, 2011). product The Muslim youth, aged under 24 years, represents 10 per cent of the total world advertisements population (Wilson et al., 2013). These youth are not only large in number, but it has been noted by some that their consumption habits are more “westernized” than their older in Lebanon counterparts, although Wilson et al. (2013) contest this point, arguing that youth are creating a new sub-culture of ‘dual cool’. The importance of this consumer group lies in 25 the way they are merging the teachings of their faith with the modern commodities and lifestyles of the modern, globalized world, which makes them and their consumption habits of great significance to marketers (Wilson et al., 2013). The evolution of Islamic marketing particularly in the Arab region and the revival of religious teachings and their incorporation in the daily life of modern consumers make this field of study particularly worthy of research, specifically in the Lebanese context, which encompasses a diversity of belief systems.

Islam in Lebanon Islam is the religion of around 60 per cent of the Lebanese population (Central Intelligence Agency, 2013), with the main Muslim sects in the country being Sunnism and Shiism. The historical divide between Muslims was based on the issue of succession upon the death of Prophet Muhammad. Muslims elected Abu Bakr Al Siddiq, the prophet’s close companion and father-in-law, as a caliph; however, a group of Muslims rejected this and favored the election of Ali Bin Abi Taleb, the prophet’s cousin and son-in-law. The latter group came to be known as the Shiites. Despite this disagreement, Sunni and Shiite Muslims do share common beliefs and traditions with both sects placing great focus on the concepts of piety, social justice and moral goodness.

Sunnism Sunni Islam is the largest Muslim denomination that makes up around 85 per cent of all Muslims. The term “sunnah” is defined as a norm or “well-trodden path”, and it refers tothe example and path set by the Prophet Muhammad (Nigosian, 2004). The basis of Sunni Islam is based upon the Quran and the Sunnah, respectively, the sayings of God and actions of the Prophet. The Quran, considered the true source of Islamic law, categorizes actions and products into those that are permissible, i.e. halal, and those that are prohibited, i.e. haram (Rice and Al-Mossawai, 2002). In Sunnism, when the Quran and the Sunnah do not provide specific rules regarding an issue, such as in the case of modern issues like advertisingor

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) smoking cigarettes, Qiyas and Ijmaa are used to make a final decision on the topic. Qiyas is a method of reasoning that uses analogies to compare the present-day issue to previous ones and make a decision based on existing similarities and differences between them (Hendrickson, 2014). When Qiyas cannot be applied because of lack of similar issues, Ijmaa, the agreement of qualified Muslim law scholars (ulama) regarding an issue, is used (Al-Olayan and Karande, 2000). The final source of Sunni law is Ijtihad, or independent reasoning, utilized in the case where the other four sources of Islamic law cannot be used (Oxford Dictionary of Islam, 2003). However, many Sunni scholars believe that Ijtihad is subject to fallibility, and some Sunni jurists present a list of restrictions that limits Ijtihad to qualified scholars that meet a number of distinct criteria (Kamali, 1991; Oxford Dictionary of Islam, 2003). Another source of Muslim law used, especially by the Sunni sect, is fatwa rulings, which are rulings by ulamas regarding present-day issues based on their JIMA interpretations of the Quran and the Sunnah. Nevertheless, problems recurrently arise with 6,1 fatwas, as interpretations greatly differ between ulamas, resulting in conflicting fatwas (Hashim and Mizerski, 2010). Moreover, Sunni Muslims accept the first four Caliphs, Muslim leaders following the Prophet Muhammad’s death. They do not believe that human beings, excluding the prophets, are to be given an exalted status (Armanios, 2004). In addition, they believe that even prophets may commit mistakes, even though they are exempted from 26 major sins, and that no human being is considered infallible (Nigosian, 2004).

Shiism Shiite Islam is practiced by 10-15 per cent of the world’s Muslim population (Armanios, 2004; Bar-Asher, 2014), and as of 2009, Shiite Muslims account for approximately 45-55 per cent of the total Lebanese Muslim population (Pew Research Center, 2009). Shiite Muslims derive their religious and spiritual teachings after the Prophet Muhammad’s death from his direct family and descendants, also named as ahl al-bayt (Dabashi and Moussalli, 2014). One of the distinctive features of the Shiite doctrine is the imamate,or the belief that each generation has been sent an Imam, a rightful spiritual and political leader, directly descending from the Prophet Muhammad and the Imam Ali, who succeeds an inner knowledge of the Quran and its meaning (Yusuf, 2014). Typically, Shiites believe that all prophets and imams are infallible, or have ismah, and that they have the ability to intervene (shif’ah) on behalf of others (Bar, 2005). The majority believes in the presence of 12 imams, with the final imam who is believed to have disappeared and is to return at the end of the world to restore peace and justice (Armanios, 2004; Constitutional Rights Foundation, 2004; Rizvi, 2014). Pilgrimages to the imams’ tombs are considered important rituals in Shiism. Furthermore, contrary to Sunni traditions, when the Quran and the Sunnah do not address a certain matter, the principle of Ijtihad is utilized. Ijtihad is the use of careful reasoning, exertion and effort based on technical knowledge to reach a decision regarding a certain matter (Mutahhari). A number of other differences in beliefs and rituals exist between Sunni and Shiite Muslims with regards to methods of prayer and ablution, calls for prayer, marriage and dissimulation of faith to list a few (Nigosian, 2004).

Controversial products advertisement Customs, religious and social morals and personal inhibitions create controversial products (Wilson and West, 1981). Controversial or taboo products that generate offense

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) have been considered in the literature as “unmentionables” or “socially sensitive” products. Wilson and West (1981) define unmentionables as “products, services, or concepts that for reasons of delicacy, decency, morality, or even fear tend to elicit reactions of distaste, disgust, offense, or outrage when mentioned or openly presented”. Unmentionable products are divided into four categories (Fam et al. 2004): (1) addictive products (gambling, alcohol and cigarettes); (2) social/political groups (political parties, racially extremist groups, religious denominations, funeral services and guns and armaments); (3) gender/sex-related products (male/female underwear, female hygiene products and male/female contraceptives); and (4) health and care products (sexual diseases, weight-loss programs, charities). Fam et al. (2004) initiated research using these four categories to measure offensiveness Controversial toward the above-mentioned products and the effect of one’s religion and religiosity on product his/her perception of controversial product advertisements. A survey was administered advertisements to followers of the subsequent belief systems: Islam, Christianity, Buddhism and non-religious believers, in each of the following countries: Malaysia, Turkey, Taiwan, in Lebanon China, Britain and New Zealand. Results show significant differences across religions. Muslim consumers found the advertising of social/political groups, health and care 27 products and gender/sex-related products to be more offensive than the other three religious groups surveyed. Interestingly, little research has been conducted on the differences in perception of controversial product advertisements between followers of different Muslim sects. Likewise, Gibbs et al. (2007) surveyed 530 Muslim and Christian university students residing in Cyprus to measure the level of offense they perceive in relation to the advertising of the aforementioned products. The study results found that a significant difference in offense was identified between Muslim and Christian students with regards to the advertising of alcohol, cigarettes, charities, male underwear as well as pharmaceuticals. Successively, De Run et al. (2010) conducted a related study to measure the offense levels of Malaysian Malay consumers with relation to the above-mentioned product groups. Malaysian Malays are Muslim followers by law, and thus, the study focuses directly on the impact of religiosity on the perception of controversial products. The results indicate that, in general, people with high religiosity consider all the products to be more controversial than their less religious counterparts. The findings also reveal that the most significant differences in offense between individuals on the opposite ends of the religiosity spectrum are found for the following products: female contraceptives, charities, condoms, gambling, racially extremist groups and religious denominations. Based on the results of the above-mentioned studies, and on the similar teachings of the two Muslim sects with regards to these product group items, the researchers hypothesize: H1. Both Sunni and Shiite Muslims show similar offense levels when faced with health and care-related products. H2. Both Sunni and Shiite Muslims show similar offense levels when faced with social and political products. A similar study was conducted in Pakistan, a country that abides with Islamic teachings

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) and values. The offense levels of 168 graduate university students were measured in relation to controversial product advertising campaigns. Around 70 per cent of the respondents displayed high offense levels for advertisements related to condoms, male and female underwear and cigarettes. The main reasons for offense were presented as the employment of sexist images, indecent language and nudity, all of which are highly denounced in the Islamic faith (Akhter et al. 2011). Based on this, the researchers hypothesize: H3. Both Sunni and Shiite Muslims show similar offense levels when faced with gender- and sex-related products advertisements. Abdul Shukor et al. (2013) surveyed 278 university students in a local Malaysian university to determine the impact of religiosity on controversial product advertisement JIMA perception. Sexist images and nudity were considered the two most offensive 6,1 advertising appeals, while alcohol was deemed the most offensive product advertised. A significant positive relationship was found between religiosity and the perception of offensiveness for the controversial product advertisements of cigarettes, condoms, armaments and male underwear (Abdul Shukor et al., 2013). Interestingly, alcohol and cigarettes are deemed as highly offensive by most studies 28 discussed, as both Muslim sects totally forbid alcohol use and frown upon smoking. This leads the researchers to hypothesize the following: H4. Both Sunni and Shiite Muslims show similar offense levels when faced with addictive products advertisements. Some advertisements touch upon taboo subjects, which may create sensitivities. Such taboos are generally associated with death, sexual relations or morality and draw their offensive status from one’s religious beliefs (Sabri, 2012). It is vital for marketers to understand the reasons behind any offense generated, as the use of taboo topics and products in advertisements can stimulate a negative brand image, which can generate a decrease in consumer purchase intention (Sabri and Obermiller, 2012). In fact, exploratory research conducted by Bayraktar (2012) concluded that Muslim consumers may have negative attitudes toward brands that use sexuality in their ads, which may, in turn, push them to avoid purchasing an otherwise attractive product and jeopardize the brand name. Christy and Haley (2008) propose that the product alone is at times not the sole reason why offense can be generated, but that the advertisement medium and execution methods can play a vital role in causing insult. Mass media channels with the broad audience reach such as the Internet and billboards are considered the most offensive mediums to advertise controversial products, whereas more audience-targeted mediums, such as women’s magazines, are considered to be less so (Christy and Haley, 2008).

The Lebanese advertising sector Lebanon has 18 officially acknowledged religious sects and denominations, mostof which belong to the country’s two main religions, namely: Islam and Christianity (Faour, 2008). The multi-faceted and liberal nature of the Lebanese market is reflected in the country’s advertising sector. The Lebanese advertising scene does not always comply with the cultural values of many other Arab nations, as it is greatly influenced

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) by the West and, specifically, by France because of past colonization. Today, Lebanese media is considered one of the most controversial in the region. In fact, Lebanon is the only Arab country that publicly advertises alcohol through all available mediums (Kalliny and Gentry, 2007). Alcohol advertisements are seen on billboards throughout the nation’s streets. Lebanon is also one of the few Arab countries that had, until recently, no marketing restrictions on tobacco. Generally, Lebanese television channels are considered more liberal than their Arab counterparts. Indeed, the Lebanese music and lifestyle channel MTV airs, five nights a week, the “Poker after Dark” program, where players compete in high-stake poker tournaments. In addition, in May 2013, LBCI, a competing Lebanese channel, aired the controversial show, “Splash”, presenting Lebanese celebrities of both genders competing in diving challenges wearing revealing swimwear. The show sparked considerable controversy among conservative members of the Lebanese society. Controversial Furthermore, early in 2012, Lebanese roads witnessed the spread of gun and armament product advertisements, which, although launched by hunting stores, were perceived by many advertisements consumers as absolutely unacceptable. However, because of the highly diverse composition of the Lebanese society, in Lebanon advertisers in Lebanon use different strategies when advertising their products. Some focus on geographic regions where their products will sell best and channel their 29 advertisements toward this target market. Nasr (2010) exposes, in a qualitative research endeavor, the opinions of various advertisement managers working in the Lebanese industry. Interestingly, one of the interviewees working for a transnational advertising agency explains how the market is segmented when promoting Laziza, a Lebanese non-alcoholic beer variation clarifying that the main focus is on the 0 per cent alcohol message to appeal to observant Muslims, and the regions in which the product can sell best such as Beirut’s suburbs and the city of Tripoli, in which high numbers of conservative Muslims reside. Another interviewee, a creative director at a conglomerate agency, argues the importance of staying away from targeting Lebanese consumers based on demographic criteria, such as religion, and distancing products from any religious or political affiliations to alleviate social anxieties in this highly sectarian society (Nasr, 2010). Advertisements and billboards have always been weapons of political and sectarian rivalry within the Lebanese nation, specifically after the 2005 assassination of the Sunni Prime Minister, Rafic el Hariri (Dakroub, 2008). Sensitivities are at an all-time high between Sunni and Shiite Muslims to the extent that advertisements for one sect are seen as a direct attack against the other. In 2005, a billboard showed the pictures of the Shiite leader, Hassan Nasrallah, and the Shiite Parliament Speaker, , situated above a verse from the Quran, namely: “Prepare for them with as much might as you can”. Even though this verse is meant to unite Muslims against their enemies, a number of Sunni Muslims viewed this as a direct call for battle against them by their Shiite counterparts (Dakroub, 2008).

Methodology Study design Preliminary face-to-face semi-structured interviews were first conducted in Arabic to refine the questionnaire adapted from the study conducted by Fam et al. (2004) to fit the Lebanese cultural values. A group of 17 Lebanese consumers, all acquaintances of the

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) researchers, were chosen based on their diverse sects and social backgrounds to provide a mini-representation of the Lebanese population, albeit based on a convenience sample (Farah and El Samad, 2014). All interviews were tape-recorded to ensure the accuracy of the reported responses. The interviewees were asked to state the product advertisements considered offensive and discuss whether the reason of offensiveness is religious or not; the respondents were also invited to recall and describe any other offensive advertisement and its effect on their product purchase decision. To ensure response validity, the researchers controlled for question wording and the inadequate use of leading questions by using interview protocols. To avoid social desirability bias common in face-to-face interviews, especially with such a sensitive topic related to religion, the interviewers emphasized the anonymity of the interviews. The interview recordings and notes gathered were content analyzed through preliminary inductive category development, a JIMA process through which the researchers carefully examine and compare individual 6,1 responses (Zhang and Wildemuth, 2009). The process included agreeing between the two researchers upon themes as the unit of analysis, regardless of whether it is presented as a word, sentence or paragraph. This was followed by an inductive analysis of individual responses; the researchers did this separately and then compared their notes to decrease bias. The researchers then compared their results collectively, while 30 checking for inconsistencies. The final concepts agreed upon were then set into groups based on similarity from which the final advertising groups were derived. To reach an accurate understanding of how the offensiveness of advertised controversial products is related to a consumer’s sect, a quantitative survey was conducted. Based on the exploratory qualitative stage conducted earlier, adaptations were made to the adopted questionnaire to suit the Lebanese society. The questionnaire necessitated around 10 minutes to complete and was administered to a stratified random sample of contacts provided by a local research company. The first part of the questionnaire included five demographic questions related to age, gender, , education level and confession. Despite the fact that the question on religious sect was highly controversial, especially in Lebanon where sectarianism is highly prevalent, the responses for this question were of utmost importance to the research findings. The second part of the questionnaire presented a matrix of questions containing the 17 products/services introduced. A 5-point Likert scale to rate the level of offensiveness was presented alongside each product with the following endpoints: 1 for “not offensive at all” and 5 for “extremely offensive”. The researchers assume that the opinions of the respondents are reflective of their beliefs and related consumption choices.

Sampling design The survey was distributed to a randomized stratified sample selected from the five of Lebanon: Beirut, Beqaa, North Lebanon, South Lebanon and Mount Lebanon. The list of people to survey was obtained from an expert local research company owning an up-to-date phone directory database. The percentage of each Muslim religious sect per conglomerate was deduced based on the Lebanese electoral lists of 2012 provided by the Lebanese Ministry of Interior and Municipalities. This was followed by the selection of a random sample of residents from each governorate, proportional in size to the number of residents within each governorate. The sample respected to a large extent not only the number of residents within each governorate but

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) also roughly the proportion of the two religious sects within each. Governorates were chosen as a starting point for stratification based upon the fact that Lebanese people from the same religious sects have the inclination to group within similar geographic regions (Farah and Newman, 2010). Proportional stratified sampling was conducted to accurately depict the views of all Lebanese Sunni and Shiite Muslims. In fact, stratified sampling tackles the difficulties of obtaining a simple random sampling while delivering a precise depiction of all the subsets within a certain population (Breakwell et al., 2000). A team of five interviewers from the research company conducted the survey through landline phone calls. All interviews were conducted either in Arabic or English at the convenience of the interviewee. The survey required roughly 10 minutes to complete. The data collection period lasted three weeks. A response rate of 76.26 per cent was obtained. Two hundred and sixty-seven Controversial questionnaires were subjected to data analysis. Sunni and Shiite respondents product represented 50.2 and 49.8 per cent of the sample, respectively. The sample had a fair advertisements representation of the Lebanese people of various age groups, education levels and residential distribution across governorates. in Lebanon

Data analysis 31 Questionnaire validity and reliability To test for validity, the 17 offensive products were subjected to principal component analysis. Variables presenting communality values lower than 0.4 were not retained in the study (Field, 2009). The extracted communalities of all the variables were larger than 0.4 and, hence, were all maintained (Table I). Four components had an eigenvalue greater than 1, explaining 59.574 per cent of the total variance in the 17 variables (Table II). Consequently, only these components were retained and subjected to varimax rotation. The items and their corresponding factor loadings are presented in Table III. Using the 0.4 cut-off value, five items loaded onto the first and the second factors, respectively; four items loaded onto the third factor, and three items loaded onto the fourth factor. The first factor regrouping sex-related products consists of: female underwear, condoms, male underwear, female contraceptives and female hygiene products. The second factor regroups social and political products items: political parties, religious denominations, racially extremist groups, charities and funeral services. This group is different from that in the original study, as it includes charities, originally considered as part of the health-related products (Fam et al., 2004). This grouping makes sense because the Lebanese society regards charities as a social institution. As is the case with most Arab countries, philanthropy and charitableness are generally ingrained with religion. Charity in the Arab context is a largely personal act that is directed at immediate relief of suffering, hardships and other social dilemmas (El-Gamal, 2014). Collective giving at the community level is also a popular charity trend in the Middle

Controversial products Initial Extraction

Racially extremist groups 1.000 0.635 Gamble gambling 1.000 0.651 Cigarettes 1.000 0.498 Guns and armaments 1.000 0.632 Religious denominations 1.000 0.713 Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) Alcohol 1.000 0.599 Political parties 1.000 0.653 Condoms 1.000 0.680 Female underwear 1.000 0.795 Females contraceptives 1.000 0.679 Male underwear 1.000 0.741 Female hygiene products 1.000 0.454 Funeral services 1.000 0.529 Table I. Weight-loss programs 1.000 0.539 Communalities Sexual disease awareness campaigns 1.000 0.427 (extraction method: Pharmaceuticals 1.000 0.775 principal component Charities 1.000 0.657 analysis) JIMA Initial eigenvalues Extraction sums of squared loadings 6,1 Component Total % of variance Cumulative (%) Total % of variance Cumulative (%)

1 4.099 24.114 24.114 4.099 24.114 24.114 2 2.767 16.276 40.391 2.767 16.276 40.391 3 2.015 11.856 52.246 2.015 11.856 52.246 32 4 1.246 7.327 59.574 1.246 7.327 59.574 5 0.986 5.800 65.374 6 0.856 5.036 70.410 7 0.732 4.304 74.714 8 0.707 4.160 78.874 9 0.640 3.766 82.640 10 0.598 3.518 86.159 11 0.478 2.813 88.972 12 0.428 2.517 91.489 13 0.393 2.312 93.801 14 0.342 2.013 95.813 Table II. 15 0.286 1.681 97.494 Total variance 16 0.241 1.420 98.914 explained 17 0.185 1.086 100.000

Component Labeled factors Controversial products 1234

Factor 1: Sex-related Female underwear 0.873 products Condoms 0.841 Male underwear 0.823 Females contraceptives 0.652 Female hygiene products 0.468 Factor 2: Social and political Political parties 0.861 products Religious denominations 0.802 Racially extremist groups 0.667 Charities 0.565 Funeral services 0.522 Factor 3: Addictive Gambling 0.779 products Cigarettes 0.723 Table III. Alcohol 0.573

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) Rotated component Guns and armaments 0.507 matrix (extraction Factor 4: Health- and care- Weight-loss programs 0.825 method: principal related products Pharmaceuticals 0.813 component analysis) Sexual disease awareness campaigns 0.543

Eastern region with a focus on solving local society problems for a common individual or issue and addressing social needs (Ibrahim and Sherif, 2008). The third factor includes: gambling, cigarettes, alcohol, and guns and armaments, and forms the addictive products group. The latter also differs from the original study, as it includes guns and armaments, initially included in the social and political products group. Guns and armaments in Lebanon are remnants of the civil war, and many people still present an addictive Controversial attachment to them. This issue is so heightened that the United Nations has consistently product stipulated its concern on the unhealthy existence of armaments throughout Lebanon advertisements (US Federal News Service, 2005). The fourth factor, encompassing solely health- and care-related products, is composed of: weight-loss programs, pharmaceuticals and sexual in Lebanon disease awareness campaigns. All items were maintained because no cross-loadings were identified. All constructs were deemed valid and reliable. 33 Reliability is the extent to which the research is free from errors (Farah and Newman, 2010). To test the reliability of the four factors, a Cronbach’s alpha test was performed on each of the factors. The first factor, related to sex-related products, generated a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.77. This scale is considered reliable because a Cronbach’s alpha above 0.7 is considered acceptable (Field, 2009). The Cronbach’s alpha of the second factor, social/political products, is 0.658; that for the third factor, namely addictive products, is 0.689; and the one for the last factor related to health- and care-related products is 0.685. Even though the Cronbach’s alpha values for these last three factors are slightly lower than 0.7, the scales were still deemed reliable. These values are acceptable because questionnaires that have diverse constructs and deal with psychological issues are expected to have values lower than 0.7 (Field, 2009).

Comparative groups analysis The t-tests were performed to compare statistics for Shiite versus Sunni Muslims. Based on the Levene’s equality tests for variance (Table IV), equal variances are not assumed for: gender- and sex-related products (F ϭ 6.37, p ϭ 0.012), addictive products (F ϭ 6.92, p ϭ 0.009) and health- and care-related products (F ϭ 19.08, p ϭ 0.000). However, equal variances were assumed for the social and political product group (F ϭ 0.181, p ϭ 0.671). First, Sunni Muslims (M ϭ 0.31, SD ϭ 1.46), show greater levels of offense regarding advertisements related to health- and care-related products than their Shiite counterparts (M ϭϪ0.08, SD ϭ 0.83), t (211.01) ϭ 2.68, p ϭ 0.008 (Table IV). Based on

Levene’s test for equality of variances t-test for equality of means Significance Labeled factors F Significance t df (two-tailed)

Factor 1: Sex-related products Ϫ

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) Equal variances assumed 6.372 0.012 5.203 265 0.000 Equal variances not assumed Ϫ5.200 258.300 0.000 Factor 2: Social and political products Equal variances assumed 0.181 0.671 9.185 265 0.000 Equal variances not assumed 9.185 264.952 0.000 Factor 3: Addictive products Equal variances assumed 6.923 0.009 Ϫ1.689 265 0.092 Equal variances not assumed Ϫ1.688 255.878 0.093 Table IV. Factor 4: Health- and care-related products Levene’s test and Equal variances assumed 19.081 0.000 2.676 265 0.008 independent samples Equal variances not assumed 2.681 211.013 0.008 test JIMA these results, the researchers reject H1 and accept the fact that a significant difference 6,1 exists between Sunni and Shiite Muslims with regards to the advertising of health and care products. The t-test significance value for the social and political products’ group is 0.000, and thus, there is enough evidence to reject the null hypothesis. Based on the results seen in Table V, Sunni Muslims (M ϭ 0.95, SD ϭ 0.72) are significantly more offended by the 34 advertising of social and political products than are Shiite Muslim respondents (M ϭ 0.13, SD ϭ 0.72), t (265) ϭ 9.19, p ϭ 0.000 (Table IV). This leads the researchers to reject H2 and, thus, accept that a significant difference exists between Sunni and Shiite Muslims with regards to the advertising of social and political products. However, as can be seen in Table V, Shiite Muslims (M ϭ 0.62, SD ϭ 1.11) are significantly more offended by the advertising of gender- and sex-related products than their Sunni counterparts (M ϭϪ0.04, SD ϭ 0.95), t(258.3) ϭϪ5.20, p ϭ 0.000 (Table IV). This leads the researchers to reject H3 and accept the fact that a significant difference exists between Sunni and Shiite Muslims with regards to the advertising of gender- and sex-related products. Finally, no significant difference exists between Shiite (M ϭϪ0.17, SD ϭ 1.02) and Sunni Muslims (M ϭ 0.36, SD ϭ 0.85) with regards to the perception of advertising addictive products because insufficient evidence is present to reject the null hypothesis (Table V), t (255.87) ϭϪ1.69, p ϭ 0.093 (Table IV). In fact, both Sunni and Shiite Muslims found the advertising of addictive products not to be offensive which, in turn, supports H4 and accepts that both Sunni and Shiite Muslims show similar levels of offense with regards to addictive product advertisements.

Results and discussion Factor 1 Shiite Lebanese Muslim consumers show higher offense levels toward the advertising of sex- and gender-related products than their Sunni counterparts. The researchers found no plausible rationale to explain this specific finding, as the religious teachings onthese products are similar between the sects. Nevertheless, this could be attributed to the fact that the majority of Sunni Muslims reside in urban areas, whereas their Shiite counterparts largely reside in suburban and rural areas (Collelo, 2003). Studies show that urban residents have a greater exposure to what is considered as modern ideas and advertisements as well as to sexually explicit forms of mass media; they are, thus, deemed more open to viewing advertisements with sexual content (Chaves, 2008). The Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT)

Standard error Labeled factors Religion N Mean SD mean

Factor 1: Sex-related products Sunni respondents 134 Ϫ0.04045 0.94765 0.08186 Shiite respondents 133 0.61538 1.10637 0.09593 Factor 2: Social and political Sunni respondents 134 0.94572 0.71987 0.06218 products Shiite respondents 133 0.13403 0.72415 0.06279 Factor 3: Addictive products Sunni respondents 134 Ϫ0.36452 0.84887 0.07333 Shiite respondents 133 Ϫ0.17064 1.0197 0.08842 Table V. Factor 4: Health- and care- Sunni respondents 134 0.30645 1.46444 0.12650 The t-test by sect related products Shiite respondents 133 Ϫ0.08398 0.83157 0.07210 Iranian Revolution of 1979 also aided in creating a rise in Shiite “politicized religiosity” Controversial and identity (Gilbert, 2013; Hunter, 2013), thus making Shiite Muslims more likely to product find offense with advertisements containing sexual appeals because of religious advertisements reasons. in Lebanon Factor 2 Muslim Sunni respondents consider social and political products, such as political 35 parties, religious denominations, racially extremists groups, charities and funeral services, as more offensive than their Shiite counterparts. Religious denominations and political parties are largely intertwined in Lebanon. The current events in the Middle East, most notably the 2003 war in Iraq, led to the rise of the Shiite influence and power in the region extending from Lebanon to Pakistan. This caused an increased sense of apprehension within the region’s Sunni population, resulting in both a direct and an indirect power struggle (Nasr, 2006). King Abdullah, the current Jordanian king, warned against the rise of a “Shiite crescent” extending from Lebanon to Iran (Nasr, 2006; Norton, 2007). Sect-based welfare has existed in Lebanon well before the country’s independence in 1943 (Cammett and Issar, 2010). A person’s sect and its religious laws determine a good share of the Lebanese citizens’ personal rights, especially those related to marriage, divorce, child custody and inheritance. In fact, some Lebanese identify themselves primarily as members of their sect, with their Lebanese nationality coming as a secondary form of identification (Ghossein, 1982). The confessional political system in Lebanon and the lack of policies to maintain equality between the different sects has led to remoteness and disparity between the members of different sects (Al Ariss, 2010). Religious communities in Lebanon have a deep-rooted fear of being marginalized and losing control based on their long sectarian history and the previous civil war. Haddad (2010) surveyed 1,073 respondents from six of the major religious sects in Lebanon, namely, the Maronite, Greek orthodox, Greek Catholic, Sunni, Shiite and Druze sects. The study aimed to measure the respective group consciousness and intergroup interaction of each sect, and the impact of sectarian diversity on each of the latter groups. The results show that recently, each of the two major Muslim denominations started believing that their own sect can serve Lebanon better than others, also considering that members of their respective sects should be given special consideration. Sunnis and Shiites also professed a less positive attitude regarding their level of comfort for

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) interacting with members of other religious sects (Haddad, 2010). On the ground, some Sunni Muslims pertaining to the 14th March movement, a political movement formed in 2005, backed by the USA and a number of Western European and Arab countries and known for its anti-Syrian stance, are worried since from the increase in Shiite political power and mobilization perceived to be at the expense of the Sunni Muslims’ political power and representation. On the other hand, the Shiites of the 8th March movement, the second main political group alliance in Lebanon, backed by Russia and Iran, and known for its pro- stance, are also concerned because they are aware of the growing hostility against them (Haddad, 2010). The tensed situation between these two religious sects is intensified by the fact that the two largest and most well-financed political groups in Lebanon are the Sunni and the Shiite Hezbollah party (Cammett and Issar, 2010). The main struggle JIMA on the position of the largest political party and the power this position holds plays a 6,1 great importance to the members of each of these groups. This intense sectarianism has been intensified by recent political events including the assassination of the Sunni Prime Minister Rafic el Hariri in February 2005. The 2006 war with Israel also increased tensions because Sunni leaders blamed the war, including the massive destruction it has caused to the country’s infrastructure and the great loss 36 of civilian lives, on the Shiite party Hezbollah (Norton, 2007). Extremist Sunni groups that hold great hostility toward Shiites are also on the rise, specifically in North Lebanon, leading to even greater tensions between the sects. The depth of the gap between the sects has grown to such an extent that scholars are considering this as a modern form of prejudice (Norton, 2007). A 35-year-old journalist interviewed in the exploratory research stage stated: The level of animosity between the Sunni and Shiite communities in Lebanon is reaching extreme levels. In Tripoli (a predominantly Sunni Muslim city), a Shiite or Alawite is in constant danger of being shot by a Sunni extremist militia or having his/her house or work burned down or damaged, and vice versa. Some Sunnis also fear going to some of the Shiite-dominated areas of the South. However, Sunni Muslims remain the sect most offended by these advertisements partly out of fear of their diminishing political power in the region, and more particularly in Lebanon.

Factor 3 The third factor, addictive products, is seen as not offensive by both Sunni and Shiite Muslim respondents. This product group contains alcohol, gambling and cigarettes, all forbidden both by Sunnism and Shiism. However, this group also consists of guns and armaments whose results overshadow the results of the other products. The tensions between the Sunni and Shiite sects in Lebanon have led to the rise of Sunni and Shiite self-defense militias throughout the country. On the ground, Hezbollah is the chief Shiite party in Lebanon largely backed by the Iranian Regime as well as the Shiite Lebanese diaspora worldwide. The second major local Shiite party is the Amal party, which has lately developed close ties to the Hezbollah party, despite historical conflicts. These ties have strengthened the Shiite social and political influence in Lebanon. Both political parties are reputed to own armed groups with arguably wider state-of-the-art resources than the Lebanese Army and defense forces (Fuller, 2007). Smaller Shiite armed groups are also on the rise, such as those affiliated with the Alawite Lebanese Arab Democratic

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) Party, a party that has strong ties with the current Syrian Government. The military and political power of these various Shiite parties has not only reinforced the Shiite presence in the country but has also fueled the rise of smaller, less organized Sunni armed groups allegedly backed by Qatar and Saudi Arabia. The rise of Sunni radicalism in Lebanon has led to the presence of Al-Qaeda units in certain areas within Northern Lebanon (Schenker, 2006). The recurrent and long-lasting tensions between the two sects has led the armed groups to clash heavily. Most notable are the clashes between the Alawite Lebanese Arab Democratic Party and their Sunni Future movement neighbors in what has come to be known as the “Jabal Mohsen-Bab El Tibbene” clashes. These clashes have reached extreme levels, with the death tolls rising on a daily basis. Both sides are heavily armed and depend on the concept of “self-defense” against one another. Likewise, similar conflicts are seen in areas with both Sunni and Shiite populations such asthecityof Controversial Saida, which has witnessed vicious clashes between Shiite and Sunni street armed product groups. Because of the rapidly escalating tensions between Sunnis and Shiites, many advertisements Lebanese civilians are taking the matter of self-defense into their own hands and purchasing guns and armaments for “self-protection” purposes. A 40-year-old in Lebanon housewife from Tripoli interviewed during the exploratory research stage states: The Lebanese Army can’t defend us from the Alawite attacks, so we have to take matters into 37 our own hands. My husband has purchased handguns after the recent clashes, and if need be he will not hesitate to use them. We are not the only ones ready to defend ourselves in person. There is a shared feeling in town that this is the only way to protect ourselves against the trangressions and violence used by armed groups.

Factor 4 Lastly, Sunni consumers show greater levels of offense with regards to the fourth factor, health- and care-related products, than do Shiite consumers. In fact, Shiite Muslims tend to be more liberal in cases of sexual relationships than their Sunni counterparts. Some forms of Shiism permits Muta’a or temporary marriage for the sake of sexual pleasure between a married or unmarried man and an unmarried, divorced or widowed woman; this form of marriage is by and large prohibited by Sunni clerics. This marriage defers from a regular marriage in that: • it requires a verbal contract (written is preferred but not mandatory); • it is provisional and limited by a definite time; • can be terminated without divorce; and • the husband has no financial obligation toward the wife unless otherwise stated (english.bayynat.org.lb; Nagar, 2000). The Muta’a marriage is permissible for girls after puberty and can be concluded without parental approval. Witnesses for such a marriage are not required as the couple can voice the marriage sentence themselves (Kelson, 1999). Muta’a marriage, however, is also condemned by various Shiite scholars and deemed unacceptable. Despite this, it has become a historical cultural tradition that influences a specific portion of Shiite Muslims in Lebanon (Walbridge, 1997). In contrast, Sunni Muslims firmly prohibit temporary marriages. Typically, a marriage requires the following: Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) • the women’s consent, • her guardian’s permission, • the presence of two witnesses (two men, or a man and two women), and • a mahr (dowry) agreed upon by the two parties. Nevertheless, some Sunni sheikhs in various Sunni majority countries, specifically in Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Syria, allow Zawaj al Misyar or traveler’s marriage. Although this type of marriage must meet all the rules of the typical Islamic marriage contract listed above, both the husband and the wife retain their homes, merely arranging for visits for a certain number of nights. In this controversial form of marriage, the husband gives up his right to unlimited sexual access; the wife relinquishes her right to maintain JIMA money, housing and equal attention by the husband in case of polygamy (AlKharashi, 6,1 2013). Like a regular marriage, a misyar marriage must be formally registered and can only be terminated through an official divorce. A more controversial form of marriage, similar in nature to the Muta’a marriage, is the Zawaj Urfi,orcustomary marriage. This marriage is contracted without being registered with the state authorities, by the couples only repeating the words, “We got married” and pledging commitment before 38 God (Hasso, 2011). Usually a paper, stating that the two are married is written and two witnesses sign it. Neither partner can get a “legal” divorce because the government does recognize the legality of the marriage in the first place. This type of marriage, while common in Egypt, is not recognized in most Islamic countries. Based on the latter discussion, Sunni consumers may find greater offense in sexual disease awareness campaigns because they may be seen as promoting adultery and sexual relationships before marriage. Shiite Muslims, on the other hand, may be more tolerant vis-a`-vis such advertisements because in Muta’a marriages a man can have multiple wives at the same time, and no registration or formal contract is necessary to validate this union. Sexual health becomes more of an issue in this case, and this may be a plausible explanation for why Shiite Muslims show greater tolerance toward the advertising of health- and care-related products.

Limitations and recommendations for further research This study has important implications for advertisers because it shows that division based on sectarian basis should be seen as a key indicator of how a consumer perceives product advertisements. This allows marketers to ensure that their advertisements are not unintentionally estranging potential customers of either Muslim sect. Specifically, it gives marketers the opportunity to understand what advertising appeals are accepted socially when targeting both Sunni and Shiites consumers. There are two main limitations to this study that should be pointed out, as they may indicate possible directions for future research. On the one hand, the respondents of this survey were requested to assess the offensiveness of the advertisements without showing them any real examples of such advertisements. The responses may vary significantly if the respondents were able to view examples for each product category and then assess the offensiveness levels of the latter advertisements. On the other hand, the results could differ if the study accounts for the religiosity of the respondents alongside their religious confession. This is because of the fact that respondents ranking high on the religiosity scale and those ranking low on the religiosity scale may have

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) varying perceptions of advertisement offensiveness. Furthermore, the study could be replicated in other countries with a similar sectarian division between Muslims such as Bahrain, as well as in countries with another religious sectarian division, such as between the various Christian confessions, namely. Catholics, Protestants and Orthodox consumers.

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Further reading Al-Qaradawi, Y. (1997), The Lawful and the Prohibited in Islam, Al Falah Foundation for Translation. Bariklou, A.R. (2011), “The wife’s right of divorce on the basis of the delegation condition under Islamic and Iranian Law”, International Journal of Law, Policy, and the Family, Vol. 25 No. 2, pp. 184-198. Delener, N. (1990), “The effects of religious factors on perceived risk in durable goods purchase decisions”, The Journal of Consumer Marketing, Vol. 7 No. 3, pp. 27-38. Esso, N. and Dibb, S. (2004), “Religious influences on shopping behaviour: an exploratory study”, Journal of Marketing Management, Vol. 20 Nos 7/8, pp. 683-712. Haley, E. and Christy, T.P. (2008), “The influence of advertising context on perceptions of offense”, Journal of Marketing Communications, Vol. 14 No. 4, pp. 271-291. Islam United? A Comparison of Shi’ite and Sunni Belief and Practice. (2004), available at:

Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT) www.rim.org/muslim/shiite.htm (accessed 6 February 2014). Kalliny, M., Saran, A., Ghanem, S. and Fisher, C. (2011), “Cultural differences and similarities in television commercials in the Arab world and the United States”, Journal of Global Marketing, Vol. 21, pp. 41-57. Kraidy, M.M. (2007), “Saudi Arabia, lebanon and the changing Arab information order”, International Journal of Communication, Vol. 1, pp. 139-156. Krysan, M., Schuman, H., Scott, L.J. and Beatty, P. (1994), “Response rates and response content in mail versus face-to-face surveys”, Public Opinions Quarterly, Vol. 58 No. 3, pp. 381-399. Lynch, M. (2005), “Reality is not enough: the politics of Arab reality TV”, Journal of Transnational Broadcasting Studies, Vol. 1, p. 2945. Mutahhari, M. (2014), The Principle of Ijtihad in Islam, available at: www.al-islam.org/al-serat/ ijtihad.htm (accessed 28 June 2013). Nakkash, R. and Lee, K. (2009), “The tobacco industry’s thwarting of marketing restrictions and Controversial health warnings in Lebanon”, Tobacco Control, Vol. 18 No. 4, pp. 310-316. product Page, R.M. (2012), “Marlboro and other usual brand choices by youth smokers in middle eastern countries”, Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 15 No. 4, pp. 519-539. advertisements Patel, M. (2012), “Influence of religion on shopping behavior of consumers- an exploratory study”, in Lebanon Abhinav National Monthly Refereed Journal of Research in Commerce & Management, Vol. 1 No. 5, pp. 68-78. 43 The Islamic Supreme Council of America (2014), What is a Fatwa?, available at: www. islamicsupremecouncil.org/understanding-islam/legal-rulings/44-what-is-a-fatwa.html (accessed 11 June 2014). Waller, D.S., Fam, K.S. and Erdogan, B.Z. (2005), “Advertising of controversial products: a cross-cultural study”, Journal of Consumer Marketing, Vol. 22, pp. 6-132.

About the authors Dr Maya F. Farahis an Assistant Professor of marketing at the Lebanese American University (Beirut). Maya has several years of undergraduate and graduate teaching experience at several AACSB-accredited universities, including the American University of Beirut (Lebanon) and the Ecole Supérieure de Commerce in Toulouse (France). Through the application of socio-cognitive theories, she enjoys an expanding research experience in the field of consumer behavior, with particular interest in Islamic marketing. Maya F. Farah is the corresponding author and can be contacted at: [email protected] Lamis El Samad is an MBA student at the Lebanese American University, Beirut. Her current research interests include an emphasis on Marketing and consumer behavior. She has received her Bachelor of Science in Design Management from the American University of Sharjah, UAE. Her GPA is currently 4.0. She has published a piece in the Identity Sucks book, a project by the World Identity Lab, a creative agency that works on global creativity projects from Vienna base. The project consisted of representing the goals and aspirations of multinational creative teenagers and young adults. Her interests include reading and traveling. Downloaded by LEBANESE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY At 02:10 31 May 2016 (PT)

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