ÇANAKKALE ONSEKİZ MART ÜNİVERSİTESİ BALKAN VE EGE UYGULAMA VE ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ

ULUSLARARASI BALKAN TARİHİ VE KÜLTÜRÜ SEMPOZYUMU

6-8 EKİM 2016, ÇANAKKALE

BİLDİRİLER

CİLT I

EDİTÖR AŞKIN KOYUNCU

Çanakkale, 2017 THE ISLAMIZATION OF BETWEEN TWO GRAND NARRATIVES

MIRLIND BEHLULI*

The has been the ruler of the Albanian lands for approximately five centuries. Surely, the Empire does not exist anymore, however, its legacy lies within the Albanian nation and one of the greatest legacies that the Ottomans left behind is the cultural and religious one that is still being discussed. Perhaps, the most intriguing and heatedly debated topic within the Albanian historiography regarding the Ottoman ruling time is the mass conversion of Albanians to Islam. Furthermore the manner how this conversion took place and the reasons why Christian Albanians were converted to Islam is a highly dividing point between the Albanian and Western historiographies. On the one hand, the vast majority of Albanian historians - with some rare exceptions- have interpreted the conversion to Islam as a political, bloodthirsty and forcefully implemented process. In addition, the Ottoman Turks- emphasizing the latter- have been cruel and barbarian rulers. On the other hand, Western historiography has seen the Albanian’s islamization process as a social process that was almost never forcefully implemented. But what really happened?! The main focus of this article is explaining the Albanian historiography, interpreting and comparing it with Western historiography in regards to the process of islamization of Albanians under the Ottoman Empire. ALBANIAN NATIONAL(IST) HISTORIOGRAPHY Maybe one of the most strongly debated topic and surely the most polemic discussions within Albanian historiography is the conversion of Albanians to Islam or as we like to call it the Islamization process.1 From the so-called scientific debate many antagonistic and controversial standpoints were drawn, and not to mention, bigotry and racism as a derivation of an overwhelmingly nationalist historiography. “In the modern context”, needless to say, “the Islamization could not be regarded in anything other than a negative light by scholars of the new Balkan states.”2 The arrival of Islam in Albanian territories was and is still connected with the Ottoman invasion and is commonly described in the most negative fashion from Albanian historians.3 Notably during the communist

* Medeniyet University, International Relations Master Student, Yalı Mahallesi Bağdat Caddesi, No:501 Cevizli/Maltepe, [email protected] 1 ISLAMIZ/OJ kal., - I jap dikujt fenë Islame, e bëj mysliman. E islamizuan popullsinë me dhunë. According to the official Albanian vocabulary the verb Islamization means ’’giving to someone the Islam- ic religion, making someone a Muslim. They have Islamized the population by force.’’ So the very first meaning of the verb ‘’Islamization’’ or ‘’Islamizim’’ in Albanian language has a pejorative meaning and symbolizing violence, war etc. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqiperisë, Instituti i Gjuhësisë dhe i Letërsisë, Fjalori i Shqipës së sotshme, Tiranë, Botimet Toena 2002, p. 514. 2 Anton Minkov, Conversion to Islam in the Balkans: Kisve Bahasi Petitions and Ottoman Social Life, 1670- 1730, Brill Leiden, Boston 2004, p. 4. 3 See: Kim Mehmeti, Shkupi, Logos-A, Shkup 2011, pp. 52-53. Mehmeti in contrast to the vast majority of THE ISLAMIZATION OF ALBANIANS BETWEEN TWO GRAND NARRATIVES 257

period, the Albanian national narrative – manufactured by state – labeled the Turks as the archenemies of Albanians and routinely “portrayed the 500 years of the Ottoman Empire upon Albania, as a dark and medieval times which cut Albania off from mother Europe and her enlightened civilization.”4 Furthermore, the Ottoman invasion among other labels was described as ‘the most tragic period’, ‘the saddest moment in Albanian history’ and the conversion to Islam as ‘the greatest misfortune of Albanians.’ On the other side, the Ottomans were labeled as ‘Asians’, ‘Anatolians’, ‘Turks’ in pejorative meanings5 and even as ‘barbarians’, ‘cruel’ etc. but “not all historians today would wish to be associated with such sentiments.”6 In order to have an objective standpoint we should know that before the arrival of the Ottomans into Albanian territories, the Albanians were majority Christians divided between Catholic north and an Orthodox south and “ was under the undoubted rule of Serbian medieval Kingdom for 180 years.”7 During this period the Serbian Czars had strictly adhered to the Orthodox medieval religious code that was filled with severe penalties such as “killing, hanging, cutting hands off, brigands would be hanged, thieves blinded and villages which they were found would be destroyed etc.”8 The Serbian Kingdom as part of the larger Christian coalition was defeated after the famous battle of Kosovo (1389), thus, practically ending the Serbian domination over Kosovo. Furthermore, the aristocracy pledged loyalty to the Ottomans and “the Serbian despot, Stefan Lazarevic –who died in 1427- managed to stabilize his power, however, he was never able to end the vassalage to Sultan Murat II.”9 After the year of 1439 the territory of Kosovo became an integrated part of the Ottoman Empire which lasted until the 20th century. After the Serbian yoke was over and Kosovo became an integrated part under suzerainty of the Port – a usual policy of the Ottomans dealing with the periphery- the living standards of the people drastically changed and life was significantly improved. The death of Scanderbeg – the Albanian National Hero- and the fall of his fortress in Kruja in 1478 marks the end of the Albanian independent kingdom and falling of Albanian territories under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire. During the centuries under Ottoman domination more than two thirds of Albanians were converted to Islam – actually 96% of Kosovo’s population declared themselves as Muslims in the last census10 – the

the Albanian historians argues that the arrival of the Ottomans in marks the end of the slavization process, thus, symbolizes the salvation of the Albanian identity from the slavization process that took place in that particular Albanian territory. 4 Enis Sulstarova, Arratisje nga Lindja, Dudaj, Tiranë 2006, p.125. 5 See: Hasan Kaleshi, “Türkler’in Balkanlar’a girişi ve Islamlaştırılma: Amavud halkının etnik ve millî varlığının korunmasının sebebleri”, Tarih Enstitusu Dergisi, C.1/ sy. 10-11 (1979-1980) p. 177. 6 David Fromkin, Kosovo Crossing: the reality of American intervention in the Balkans, Simon & Schuster, New York 1999, p. 94. 7 Oliver Jens Schmitt, Kosova: Histori e shkurtër e një treve Ballkanike, Koha,Prishtinë 2012, p. 39. 8 Noel Malcolm, Kosovo a short history, Oxford, Macmillan Publishers Ltd, London 1998, p. 5. 9 Oliver Jens Schmitt, Kosova, p. 46. 10 Kosovo Agency of Statistics, Regjistrimi i Popullsisë, Ekonomive Familjare dhe Banesave në Kosovë, 2011 Rezultatet përfundimtare, available at: https://ask.rks-gov.net/sq/rekos2011, accessed: 24 October 2016. 258 MIRLIND BEHLULI

method, the time frame and the reasons why Christian Albanians were converted to Islam are highly interpreted and endlessly reinterpreted in the very same way. The Albanian historiography – especially during communism- tended to reduce the phenomenon of Islamization only to wars and saw the conversion to Islam as “an assimilation process that threatened not only the disappearance of spiritual values but the very existence of Albanian identity as a nation.”11 But then again, the Western historiography has tried to appear more objective by explaining the islamization as an “extremely complex phenomenon” that “needs to be viewed within the context of religious, cultural, political, economic and military factors.”12 What were the reasons behind the conversion of Albanians to Islam? Was it a ’where the sword lies, there lies the religion’ type of conversion – an Albanian proverb symbolizing the Ottoman pressure on non-Muslim Albanians to convert to Islam – or was it the social, cultural, economic and religious circumstances that pushed Albanians to become Muslims? What really happened?! THE ISLAMIZATION OF ALBANIANS BETWEEN TWO GRAND NARRATIVES It is a historical fact that the Ottoman invasion has played a crucial role in shaping the Balkan countries and particularly the Albanian national identity. Along with the arrival of the Ottoman army Albanians began to encounter a new religion named Islam – until then not massively known to the native people. For the sake of argument, we should mention that “the first trace of the Islamic culture in the Balkans, especially within the Illyrian-Albanian lands, can be seen during the medieval times.”13 Basically the only common point of the Albanian and Western historiography – which I symbolically have labeled as two grand narratives – regarding the Islamization process, is the duration that conversion to Islam has taken. There are many authors from both camps who argued about the duration of the Islamization process and claiming that “it would be wrong to describe the beginning of the Islamization process of Albanians as a collective conversion of a large group of population to Islam.”14 Everything beyond this common point such as the manners in which and the reasons why Christian Albanians decided to convert to Islam is what differentiates these two grand narratives. What seems to be an interesting feature of Albanians conversion to Islam is not just the duration of this phenomenon but the territorial extension as well. The phenomenon of islamization was a societal process that took place continually for five centuries; however, no mass islamization by force is recorded in Albanian territories “since the religion does not approve of it. Indeed, according to the Shari’a even a slave cannot be forced to convert to Islam.”15

11 Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, Historia e Popullit Shqiptar, Vëllimi I, Botimet Toena, Tiranë 2002, p. 694. 12 EnesKaric, Islam in the Balkans: The Spread of Islam throughout the World, UNESCO Publishing, Paris 2011, p.735. 13 Nexhat Ibrahimi, Kontaktet e para të Islamit me popujt Ballkanikë në Periudhën Para-Osmane, Shkup 1997, p 102. 14 Oliver Jens Schmitt, Kosova, p. 46. 15 Halil Inalcik, “Islam in the Ottoman Empire”,Cultura Turcica, Volumen V-VII, Ankara 1968- 1970, p. 27. THE ISLAMIZATION OF ALBANIANS BETWEEN TWO GRAND NARRATIVES 259

The very first Albanians who were converted to Islam came from city areas– Islamization in the beginning was largely an urban phenomenon – and “the top of the social pyramid, the Albanian nobility, were the first people who experienced the conversion to Islamism.”16Throughout the years, “many of the lords who remained espoused Islam in order to preserve their positions and a part of the population naturally followed their nobility in its conversion.”17 It seems that the reason behind the early conversion of Albanians to Islam was a pure economic one, the desire to maintain the noble status within society because “with the act of conversion the doors of having an important voice within society and achieving their rights, wealth and power were open to them.”18 The English historian Noel Malcolm – who wrote maybe the best history book on Kosovo – claimed that “whether converts in this early period were persuaded by anything that might be called theological argument is impossible to say, though there is some evidence of that in the following century (17th century). Probably the main reasons were more to do with worldly affairs- involving question of status as well as economic interest.”19 In the very beginning of Ottoman rule only few Albanians were converted into Muslims20 and more or less the same pre-Ottoman conditions, laws but fewer taxes continued to exist even after the Ottomans succeeded in incorporating all Albanian territories in their rapid expansion towards Europe. The Ottoman registries have shown that the exact circumstances existed in many parts of Albanian territories and furthermore “the registries give to us the possibility to conclude that the old forms of societal organization of the ancien regime and the blood ties were still strongly maintained in several habitats.”21 The Albanian historiography – particularly during communism – explained the islamization phenomenon as a result of the unaffordable taxes, especially the rise in the poll tax paid only by the Christian. In a sense, the poll tax or jizya was increased significantly during the centuries,“although this rise, to an extent, reflected the increase in general prices, the fiscal pressure on the individual made conversion to Islam a great temptation. In addition, though this was usually not the case elsewhere, in Albania some measure of force appears to have been used.”22 According to Albanian historians the Ottoman Empire primarily was a repressive force whose main aim was to assimilate and de-nationalize the entire Albanian nation by converting them to Islam. Therefore, the islamization process is equalized with de- nationalization and it is really common to find “literature stressing the coercive nature of Islamization ranges from works that blindly rely [on] stereotypes without proper historical justification.”23 As we stated above that the Albanians conversion to Islam - at least until the late of 16th century is really in symbolic numbers,

16 Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, Historia e Popullit Shqiptar, p. 587. 17 Stavro Skendi, The Albanian Awakening, Princeton University Press, New Jersey 1967, p. 6. 18 Dr. Don Shan Zefi, Islamizimi i Shqiptarëve gjatë shekujve, Drita, Prizren 2011, p. 62. 19 Noel Malcolm, Kosovo, p. 107 20 See: Ferit Duka,”XV. – XVIII. Yüzyıllarda Arnavut Nüfusunun İslamlaşması Süreci Üzerine Gözlemler”, XI, Türk Tarih Kongresi, 1990, c.IV, s.1693. 21 Akademia e Shkencave e R.P. të Shqiperisë, Instituti i Historise, Defteri i regjistrimit të Sanxhakut të Shko- drës i Vitit 1485, Shtypshkronja “Mihail Duri”, Tiranë 1974, p. 21. 22 Barbara Jelavich, History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries, Volume 1, Cambridge Uni- versity Press, Cambridge p. 81. 23 Anton Minkov, Conversion to Islam in the Balkans, p. 65. 260 MIRLIND BEHLULI

“…but at the end of the 16th century the islamization process as a dangerous movement began to extend across the country. After the Sultan Selim II had confiscated all Churches revenues, every Catholic community faced a really uncertain situation. Surely, their pastoral mission (for religion and nation) across different provinces, which were militarily occupied by the Turks, was never stopped. This mission became possible only because of their readiness to sacrifice their lives for the sake of their people. Indeed, a large number of pastors were martyred.”2425 Surely, these claims are, at best, partially incorrect and at worst, historically false and totally misleading because “the Turkish government (Ottomans), unlike the civil power of the Byzantine Empire, never interfered or controlled the spiritual and ecclesiastical matters, it was left entirely in [the] patriarch’s hands.”26 According to the Islamic Law, the Ottoman Empire divided citizens primarily on religious terms, those of Muslims and non-Muslims (dhimmis). Certainly in Kosovo the majority of dhimmis were Christians – to whom were granted special status and safety – and “their life as community was directed by Orthodox scholars such as the Ecumenical Patriarchate in Istanbul or in Kosovo from Patriarch of from 1557 to 1766.”27 As for the matter of fact, the religious tolerance that the Ottoman State provided to religious minorities, who during the siege did not participate in war, is well known worldwide.28 The best example of the religious tolerance is the story of the treaty concluded between the Genoese of Pera and Mehmed II in 1453 “who had kept neutral during the siege, were granted favorable terms of capitulation, which assured them freedom of life and property.”29 In addition, another crucial factor regarding the topic that Shan Zefi has ignored in his book is that before the arrival of the Ottomans, Albanians remained among the most backward people in the Balkans, in terms of religious issues, particularly because the Greeks had won a dominant position within the Orthodox Churches and in religious life at the large scale. Furthermore, the Catholic Church situation in Kosovo was poor, comprised of not well educated priests and a limited network of churches across the country and of course “there was no national (Albanian) church.”30 One of the reasons why Christians were converting to Islam or to Serbian Orthodoxy was the lack of money and “one of the main themes of all reports from the Kosovo region was that souls were being lost because of the lack of priests.”31 We have to bear in mind that “the importance of religious affiliation was also reflected in social reality: many Albanians in Kosovo regarded Islam as the religion of free people, while Christianity- in particular Orthodoxy- was that of slaves.”32 Athanas Gegaj was an Albanian author who wrote a monograph on George Castrioti – Skanderbeg, a book that is full of prejudices, bigotry and hate speech towards

24 Dr. Don Shan Zefi, Islamizimi i Shqiptarëve, pp. 64-65. 25 The author of this passage is a Chancellor of the Catholic Church of Kosovo. 26 Thomas Walker Arnold, The preaching of Islam: A history of the propagation of the Muslim Faith, Second edition revised and enlarged, London Constable & Company Ltd, London 1913, p.115. 27 Oliver Jens Schmitt, Kosova, p. 48. 28 See: Qani Nesimi, Koncepti i ‘’tjetrit’’ tek osmanët dhe pozicioni i shqiptarëve në të, Logos-A, Shkup 2012. 29 Carl Brockelmann, History of the Islamic Peoples, Capricorn Books Editions, New York 1960, pp. 277-278. 30 Tim Judah, Kosovo: What everyone needs to know, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2008, p. 9. 31 Noel Malcolm, Kosovo, p. 125. 32 Miranda Vickers, Between Serb and Albanian: A history of Kosovo, Hurst &Company, London 1998, p. 25. THE ISLAMIZATION OF ALBANIANS BETWEEN TWO GRAND NARRATIVES 261

the Ottoman Turks. In a passage he states that “Turks were filled with heat and barbarian cruelty, the bitter memory of which the history preserves even today”33, and “in 1396 destroyed Albania.”34 But after the arrival of Skanderbeg everything changed because he liberated Albania and “…restored Christianity: they, who did not embrace Christianity, and among them even the former governor Hasan Bey, were instantly killed. Skanderbeg quickly organized his new state; in his attempt to differentiate Albania from the Turkish Empire he removed every trace of Turkish invasion (…) Skanderbeg and Albanians were fighting not only to maintain their motherland’s independence but to rescue Christianity from the Islamic Civilization threat.”35 In addition, Harry Hodgkinson claimed that “historians characterized the period as one of the feudal oppression, whether by local landlords or by Turks.”36 It is needless to say that Gegaj’s discourse can be everything else except a standpoint based on historical facts recognized by responsible science. But it is interesting to observe that from this kind of rhetoric “we have a contradictory process: on the one hand, a conscious differentiation from the Ottomans as an imposed ‘other’ and, on the other, an attempted identification with the Western Europe.”37 This kind of bigotry and hate speech is rejected even from other Albanian historians – clearly more objective than Gegaj – such as Skender Rizaj who stated that ““[the] Ottomans were known as just governors, considering everyone as equal in rights and obligations, whereas those who embraced Islam they accounted for brothers.”38 Undoubtedly, Rizaj’s conclusion is a superlative and an exaggerated standpoint, because at the end of the day it is well known that the Ottoman’s millet system treated the non-Muslims as second class citizens rather than as equal in rights and obligations. BEKTASHISM AND THE DEVSHIRME SYSTEM Mysticism played a remarkably role in spreading Islam throughout Ottoman Empire and particularly in the Empire’s European part i.e. the Balkan territories. “Mysticism developed in different ways in the Ottoman world. Some Sufi orders withered away as frontiers hardened and opportunities for syncretism diminished. Others flourished under the new regime.”39 Surely, the vast majorities of Albanian Muslim community was and still are Sunnis, however, “Islam did not appear only in its Sunni branch but it was spread out by Dervish groups as well – who came from Anatolia and partially represented heterodox religious thoughts and practices.”40 What these Dervish groups had in common

33 At Athanas Gegaj, Arbëria dhe Gjergj Kastrioti Skenderbeu 1405-1468, Eurolindja, Tiranë, 1995, p. 25. 34 Ibid, pp. 33. 35 Ibid, pp. 50-51. 36 Harry Hodgkinson, Scanderbeg, Color Books Ltd, Dublin 1999, p. X. 37 MilicaBakic-Hayden, National Memory as Narrative Memory: The Case of Kosovo in Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory edited by Maria Todorova, New York University Press, New York 2004, p. 32. 38 Skender Rizaj, Historia e Përgjithshme- Koha e Re (1453- 1789), Prishtinë 1985, pp. 17-18. 39 Daniel Goffman, The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2004, p. 74. 40 Oliver Jens Schmitt, Kosova, pp. 93. 262 MIRLIND BEHLULI

in Albanian territories was that they were incorporated within Sunni branch of Islam – the orthodox Islam- and certainly the most famous of them was the Bektashi Sufi Order who followed the teachings of Haci Bektaş Veli. Their primary target group, in their mission to spread the Divine Word, were the less educated Christians and “among other things they explained to Christians that the basic principle of Islam were already contained in Christian religion.”41 As part of their mission they built several Sufi tekkes42 in Prizren (Khalwati and Rufa’i order), Gjakovë (Saadi and Melami Order) and Tetovë (Harabati Tekke)43 just to mention some of them. Undoubtedly, Albania was an important stronghold of the Bektashi mystical movement and “it still retains some popularity among Albanian Muslims.”44 The Bektashi order, as part of Sufism45, was founded in the late thirteenth century but in a surprising way, it became quickly mainstreamed and was ‘institutionalized’ within the Ottoman Empire’s system. It is not hard to guess the reasons why the Bektashi order quickly became institutionalized within the Ottoman system. The reasons were simple “whether because the frontier naturally produced religious plasticity because so many members of the janissary corps hailed from the Christian Balkans through the devshirme, by the sixteenth century, and perhaps much earlier, the janissary corps had embraced the order as its official tarikah, an association that persisted for over three centuries.”46 The Devshirme system47 has been seen as an important factor in helping the extension of the islamization process in Albanian territories. According to the official history of Albanians written by the Albanian Academy of Sciences “the dynamics of islamization process in the Albanian areas was accelerated with the establishment of devshirme. This system was rigorously applied within Albania.”48 This is partially correct; surely the Devshirme system was rigorously applied and primarily recruited teenage boys from Christian villages but obviously not for the sake of converting people into Islam. The driving force behind the Devshirme was purely the government’s need for manpower for its military expansion. Furthermore, “Albanians were particularly prized by the devshirme collectors for their physical toughness and fighting skills.”49Additionally, the Devshirme system provided for the rayah children, the main path of progressing within the Ottomans system because “by converting to Islam,

41 Ibid, p.93. 42 Tekke is the Sufi house of worship and communal gathering place. 43 On Harabti Tekke see: Arben Sylejmani, “Haji BektashVeli and the Bektash Path in Albania and Mace- donia”, Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Volume 34/ Issue 1, George Fox University, Newberg 2014. 44 Gabor Agoston and Bruce Masters, Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire, Infobase Publishing, New York 2009, p. 88. 45 See:Reşat Öngören, “Balkanlar’da Tasavvuf ve Tarikatlar” in Balkanlarda Islam, Miade Dolmayan Umut, pp. 27-80. 46 Daniel Goffman, The Ottoman Empire, p. 74. 47 ‘’The Turkish word devşirme, or “collection,” refers to the periodical forced levy of children from among the Christian subjects in the provinces in Europe and Asia Minor. The children taken replenished the ranks of the Janissaries, the sultan’s elite infantry troops, and were also trained for positions as high-ranking government officials.’’ Gabor Agoston and Bruce Masters,Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire, p. 183. 48 Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, Historia e Popullit Shqiptar, p. 588. 49 Noel Malcolm, Kosovo, pp. 96. THE ISLAMIZATION OF ALBANIANS BETWEEN TWO GRAND NARRATIVES 263

individuals among the conquered could elevate themselves to the privileged stratum of society.”50 Many of these bondsmen were the best fighters of the janissaries and “many also turned out to be canny administrators who rose to the highest offices of state: two fifteenth- century Grand Vezires, Gedik pasha and Davut pasha, are known to have been of Albanian origin, and the total number of Albanian Grand Vezires in the history of Ottoman Empire- including many Albanians fromKosovo- is put at forty-two.”51 At the very same time these young boys were “the first Albanians to convert to Islam.”52 CONCLUSION As we saw throughout this article there are many different reasons why Christian Albanians were converted to Islam and the manner how this Islamization took place within Albanian territories are many as well. In addition, the Islamization process is interpreted in different ways from the Albanian and Western historiography –the two grand narratives as I labeled in this article. According to the Albanian historiography, the islamization was a dangerous process that continued with centuries where the main goal was to de-nationalize and annihilate, particularly the Albanian culture and ultimately the entire Albanian nation. Especially during the communist period– when history was manufactured under the state’s orders – the Albanian historiography tended to explain the Islamization process as a forcibly implemented process and furthermore reduced this phenomenon as a political movement with intention to assimilate Albanians. On the other hand, the Western historiography, compared to the Albanian historiography, is tremendously more objective and explained the Islamization as an extremely complex phenomenon. In the Western understanding, the Islamization should be examined and observed within a comprehensive context that includes religion, cultural and economic reasons rather than being interpreted narrowly in a militaristic sense. Furthermore, it is ridiculous to pretend that the Islamization process happened only due to the military coercion as no mass islamization by force is recorded in the Ottoman history. Numerous stereotypes – without any historical justification– towards the Ottoman Empire have derived as a result of this overwhelmingly nationalist discourse, which was implied by the communist historiography as part of the Albanian national grand narrative. Not only were the Ottomans or Turks labeled with different pejorative names but even the Albanian historians who tried to interpret the history objectively were labeled with different names such as ‘Turks,’ ‘Turkophile’ etc. This logic of stigmatization is still present even today within the Albanian “scientific discourse’’ and society at the large scale. To cut a long story short, the Albanian historiography influenced by communist manufactured history is full of prejudices, relies on different stereotypes and non-scientific derogatory language. But due to the fact that we now are living in a pluralistic society, where the opportunity of preaching the ‘hidden truths’ are available in a wide range, a deconstruction of the Albanian communist historiography has started and is ongoing. Due to the deconstruction process, people are continuously learning more from different perspectives on Ottomans “and the more we know of rule by other empires, the less,

50 Raymond Zickel and Walter R. Iwaskiw, Albania: a country study, Library of Congress, 2nd ed., Washing- ton D.C. p.13. 51 Noel Malcolm, Kosovo, p. 96. 52 Raymond Zickel and Walter R. Iwaskiw, Albania, p. 9. 264 MIRLIND BEHLULI

relatively speaking, we reproach the Turkish sultans.”53I want to believe that this article is part of the ‘hidden truths’ that somehow has explained objectively what really happened during the Islamization process in Albanian territories, and how this process is interpreted from the Albanian and Western historiography.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Agoston Gabor and Masters Bruce, Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire, Infobase Publishing, New York 2009. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, Historia e popullit Shqiptar, Vëllimi I, BotimetToena, Tiranë 2002. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë, Instituti i Gjuhësisë dhe i Letërsisë, Fjalori I Shqipës së sotshme, Botimet Toena, Tiranë 2002. Akademia e Shkencave e R.P. të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë, Defteri i regjistrimit të sanxhakut të Shkodrës i vitit 1485, Shtypshkronja Mihail Duri, Tiranë 1974. Bakic-Hayden, Milica, National Memory as Narrative Memory: The Case of Kosovo in Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory edited by Maria Todorova, New York University Press, New York 2004. Brockelmann, Carl, History of the Islamic Peoples, Capricorn Books Editions, New York 1960. Dr. Zefi, Don Shan, Islamizimi i Shqiptarëve gjatë shekujve, Drita, Prizren 2011. Duka, Ferit, XV XVIII. “Yüzyıllarda Arnavut Nüfusunun İslamlaşması Süreci Üzerine Gözlemler”, XI, Türk Tarih Kongresi, 1990, c.IV, s.1693. Fromkin, David, Kosovo Crossing: the reality of American intervention in the Balkans, Simon & Schuster, New York 1999. Gegaj, At Athanas, Arbëria dhe Gjergj Kastrioti Skënderbe 1405-1468, Eurolindja, Tiranë, 1995. Goffman, Daniel, The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2004. Hodgkinson, Harry, Scanderbeg, The Centre of Albanian Studies, Color Books Ltd, Dublin 1999. Ibrahimi Nexhat, Kontaktet e para të Islamit me popujt Ballkanikë në Periudhën Para-Osmane, Shkup 1997. Inalcik Halil, “Islam in the Ottoman Empire”, Cultura Turcica, Volumen V-VII, Ankara 1968- 1970. Jelavich, Barbara, History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries, Volume 1, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1995. Jens Schmitt, Oliver, Kosova: Histori e shkurtër e një treve Ballkanike, Koha, Prishtinë 2012. Judah, Tim, Kosovo: What everyone needs to know, Oxford University Press, Oxford 2008. Kaleshi, Hasan, “Türkler’in Balkanlar’a girişi ve Islamlaştırılma: Arnavud halkının etnik ve millî varlığının korunmasının sebebleri”, Tarih Enstitusu Dergisi, C.1/ sy. 10-11 (1979-1980). Karic, Enes, Islam in the Balkans, The Spread of Islam throughout the World, UNESCO Publishing, Paris 2011. Kosovo Agency of Statistics, Regjistrimi i Popullsisë, EkonomiveFamiljaredheBanesavenëKosovë 2011, Rezultatet Përfundimtare, available at: https://ask.rks-gov.net/sq/rekos2011.

53 David Fromkin, Kosovo Crossing, p.94. THE ISLAMIZATION OF ALBANIANS BETWEEN TWO GRAND NARRATIVES 265

Malcolm, Noel, Kosovo a short history, Oxford, Macmillan Publishers Ltd, London 1998. Mehmeti, Kim, Shkupi, Logos-A, Shkup 2011 Minkov, Anton, Conversion to Islam in the Balkans: Kisve Bahasi Petitions and Ottoman Social Life, 1670-1730, Brill Leiden, Boston 2004. Nesimi, Qani, Koncepti i ‘’tjetrit’’ tek osmanët dhe pozicioni i shqiptarëve në të, Logos-A, Shkup 2012 Öngören, Reşat, Balkanlar’da Tasavvuf ve Tarikatlar in “Balkanlarda Islam”, Miadi Dolmayan Umut. Rizaj, Skender, Historia e Përgjithshme- Koha e Re (1453- 1789), Prishtinë 1985. Skendi, Stavro, The Albanian Awakening, Princeton University Press, New Jersey 1967. Sulstarova, Enis, Arratisje nga Lindja, Dudaj, Tiranë 2006. Sylejmani, Arben, “Haji BektashVeli and the Bektash Path in Albania and Macedonia”, Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Volume 34/ Issue 1, George Fox University, Newberg 2014. Vickers, Miranda, Between Serb and Albanian: A history of Kosovo, Hurst & Company, London 1998. Walker, Arnold Thomas, The preaching of Islam: A history of the propagation of the Muslim Faith, Second edition revised and enlarged, London Constable & Company Ltd, London 1913.