TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 0 July – December 2011

Bilingual/Bi-Annual English Research Journal Issue No. 6 Volume No. 3

TAKATOO

July- December 2011

Department of Pashto, University of Balochistan, Quetta ISSN: 2075-5929

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 1 July – December 2011

Bilingual/Bi-Annual Pashto/ English Research Journal Issue No. 6 Volume No. 3

TAKATOO July- December 2011

Chief Editor: Dr. Naseebullah Seemab

Editor: Javed Iqbal Iqbal

Department of Pashto University of Balochistan, Quetta

ISSN: 2075-5929

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 2 July – December 2011

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 3 July – December 2011

Department of Pashto University of Balochistan, Quetta. ISSN: 2075-5929

Chief Editor: Dr. Naseebullah Seemab

Editor: Javed Iqbal Iqbal

Co-Editors: Faizullah Panezai Qari Abdul Rehman Barkat Shah Kakar

Composer: Hafiz Rehmat Niazi

Editorial Board 1. Abdul Karim Baryalai, Writer and Intellectual, Barwary Road, Faisal Town Street No.6, Quetta 2. Prof. Dr.Pervaiz Mahjoor Kheshkay, Department of Pashto University of . 3. Dr. Abdul Raziq Palwal, Kandahar, 4. Dr. Dawood Azami, Program Manager, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), London 5. Dr.Nasrullah Wazir, Assistant Professor Department of Pashto, University of Balochistan, Quetta 6. Abdul Ghafoor Lewal, President Regional Study Centre Kabul, Afghanistan 7. Dr. Feroz Qaiser, Director, English Language Centre, University of Balochistan, Quetta 8. Dr.Khushal Rohee, Germany

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Dear authors, co-authors and readers it is to share with great pleasure that the Department of Pashto, University of Balochistan, Quetta is publishing the Bilingual/Bi-Annual Pashto/English Research Journal "TAKATOO" since January, 2009. The Department has regularly published four issues within due time, and has fulfilled all the pre-requisites, on the basis of which the Higher Education Commission of (HEC) has recognized the Research Journal "TAKATOO" vide letter No. DD/SS&H /JOOR/ 2011/ 112 dated 24th August, 2011.

No part of the material published in this journal be copied, reproduced or printed with out the prior permission of the Editor.

Disclaimer: Authors of the published material have their independent perspective, agreement of the journal is not necessary to be the same.

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Guidelines for Contributors

The prime objective of the Research Journal "TAKATOO" is to provide a forum for the scholars engaged in the research of Pashto language and literature. The scholars and researchers are invited to send their research papers both in English and Pashto on Pashto language, literature, history, art and culture. The research paper must be typed on A-4 size paper having Abstract in English comprising not more than 150 words. Manuscript should be between 3000- 7000 words (including end notes and references). Quotations from foreign texts must be translated in the body of the paper, and accompanied by the original in the endnotes. The author‟s name, e-mail and mailing addresses and institutional affiliation should appear on a separate title page. Two hard coppies and a soft copy, of the research paper may please be sent to the Editor. Paper in English must be in accordance with the MLA / APA style.

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List of contributors:

1. Dr. Nasrullah Wazir Assistant Professor, Department of Pashto, UoB, Quetta Dr. Usman Tobawal Assistant Professor, Pakistan Studies Centre, UoB, Quetta 2. Dr. Zubair Hasrat Associate Professor, Government Post Graduate College, Mardan

3. Dr. Izhar Ullah Izhar Assistant Professor, Islamia College University Peshawar Javed Iqbal Iqbal Lecturer, Department of Pashto UoB, Quetta 4. Dr. Hanif Khalil Assistant Professor, (NIPS) Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad

5. Dr. Abdullah Jan Abid Head, Department of Pakistani Languages, Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad Muhammad Sheeraz Ph.D. scholar, Department of English, International Islamic University, Islamabad 6. Dr. Naseebullah Seemab Assistant Professor, Department of Pashto, UoB, Quetta. Dr. Javed Khalil Assistant Professor, Pashto Academy, 7. Dr. Ali Khell Daryab Chairman, Department of Pashto University of Malakand

8. Wazir Shadan Assistant Professor, Govt. Post Graduate College Kohat

9. Dr. Abdul Ali Achakzai Chairperson, Department of Islamic Studies, UoB, Quetta Hafiz Rehmat Niazi M.Phil Scholar, Department of Pashto, UoB, Quetta

10. Muhib Wazir, Lecturer, Government Degree College Miransha North 11. Barkat Shah Kakar Lecturer, Department of Pashto, UoB, Quetta

12. Noor-ul-Habib Nisar Ph.D. Scholar, Department of Pashto, University of Peshawar 3. Karim Amir, Lecturer, Government Degree College, Loralai 14. Dr. Aneeta Azam University Model School, University of Peshawar

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Contents

S..No. Researcher Title Page

1 Dr. Izhar Ullah Izhar Literary and lingual relations of 8 and Pashto language Javed Iqbal Iqbal

2 Dr. Hanif Khalil Tribal Life of the Pashtoons as depicted 14 in Pashto Tappa

3 Dr. Abdullah Jan Abid, Pashto Polite Expressions for Face- 25 Muhammad Sheeraz saving on Face book Dr. Hanif Khalil

4 Barkat Shah Kakar The pursuit of Pashtoon image in the 34 Orientalists Discourse

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Literary and lingual relations of Urdu and Pashto language

Dr. Izhar Ullah Izhar Javed Iqbal Iqbal

Abstract: The authors of this paper investigates the correlation of Pashto and Urdu existing in the same region. Although researchers believe that both belong to diverse families yet their impact on one another can not be denied. This paper traces not only the primordial signs of Pashto in the writings of Urdu scholars but also the primitive indications of Urdu in the classic literature of Pashto, such as in the poetry of Khushal Khan Khattak and Rehman Baba. They quote Khair ul Bayan too which had been composed in four languages, one of which was Urdu. They believe that writers of Khyber Pashtoonkhwa played pivotal role in promoting Urdu in Pashto dominant region besides penetrating it into Pashto language. They are of the view that establishment of new states in India such as Rohilkhand, odh, Rajput and Maloh , by Pashtoon warriors also provided a chance to infiltrate Pashto expressions in Urdu language.

Language is an effective means of communicating and expressing human experiences, feelings and emotions. That‟s why it travels along the social changes in the world. The distances and gaps shortens very rapidly, the languages also come closer with the same ratio. As a result they leave prosodic, cultural and psychological influences on one another. Various languages that are spoken in different areas some times come closer for some peculiar purposes and show relaxation for comprehensiveness and understanding. The reason is that various languages spoken in one region cannot exist without accepting co-influence. It can be said in the context of lingual relation of Urdu and Pashto that both the languages are the preserver of common civilization and culture. In the flash back of their development there seems a single belief and an idea. As both the languages are of one region so there is perfect harmony in their words, pronunciation and style. Dr. Javed Badshah explains this conception in a wider sense and says “If the languages of the world are divided into various branches with their proper names but still after research and minute study one can reach at a point at which their he will find phonological or meaningful harmony. Sir William Johns claims that Sanskrit, Latin and Greek are branches of one

Assistant Professor, Islamia College University, Peshawar Lecturer, Department of Pashto, University of Balochistan

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 9 July – December 2011 language. Mr. Wans Kennedy has listed some 900 words from Sanskrit language in his book (Asia and the European Languages). He says that these words are now in the Greek language. Although this book is written in 1868 but still the formation and changes of words takes centuries. So Urdu and Pashto are not free from this criterion”. (1) Keeping in view the relative importance of civilization and language the importance of the given extract cannot be ignored. Pashto is not only language but it also introduces a civilization, that is the reason that whenever and where ever Pashto language intermixes with any other language than it also leaves its civilization and cultural impacts on the language. Thus we can say that when Pashto intermixes with local language as the topic under discussion is the lingual relations of Pashto and Urdu so irrelevant details are avoided here. Although Farigh Bukhari in his book “Adbiyat-e-Sarhad” says that Urdu has taken its origin from Pashto language. He gives the example of Hindhko language that is spoken in Peshawar and in its outskirts. Further he says that Hindhko is the original form of Urdu language but the recent research on languages does not accept such claims and needs authentic source for such claims and it is also fact that the story of the origin of the Urdu language is in the real sense the story of its development stages. However it cannot be ignored that the literary asset of the Pashto language was used in the structure of urdu language as a result urdu language strengthened and developed. In this context the following extract is important “the foreigners when entered in Pakistan through southern and northern passes, then the Pashto speakers took their side in the conquest of Hindustan. In this struggle some of them died while other settled in the conquered areas and some came back. This continued for centuries so the tribe of Pashtoons spread in Hindustan. As a result of give and take policy it influenced other languages and vice versa. And wherever they established their own states and governments such as Dakhan, UP, Rohil Khand, Odh, Rajput, Maloh and Tahyawor of Gujrat and it was possible for these various cultures and languages not to be influenced by other”(2) However the influence of Urdu and Pashto was not only through wars but also through creative literature. The Pashtoons scholars and poets not only wrote and prose but the verbosity was also making the influence possible. Further the Urdu translation of Pashto poetry was also strengthening the interlingual influences. Semilarly strong and constant communication between Pashtoon tribes and Urdu speaking community have diversified linguistic canvas of both languages. As the speakers of

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 10 July – December 2011 both languages were Muslims so the religious harmony was also bringing them together which further strengthed the interlingual influences . Farigh Raza writes:- “Pashtoon is an old nation and its language and literature is also old. Its history is also centuries old”(3) Up till now, the oldest Urdu script in Pashto land is “Tafseer-e-” it is present in the Central Record Office Peshawar. It is missing first pages so we cannot say about the author and the first edition. According to the experts the age of paper, calligraphy and the style of writing clearly indicates that this manuscript is about 600 years old. Owing to this it is the first Tafseer of the Holy Quran and the ever first written book in Urdu language. The written material testifies that it is written by a Pashtoon religious scholar. The style and wording also gives proofs of Pashtunisim. Another important reference is of Khair-ul-Bayan of Pir Roshan the author has written the book in , Persian, Pashto and Hindi(Urdu) languages. These four scripts are in British Library London. He has written it in 1521. We can find the relative overlap of urdu and Pashto in the poetry of Rahman Baba and Khushal Khan Khattak.

3

(There is no need of using knife as that work has been done by your eyebrow)

4 .The creative works of Khushal khan and Rehman Baba are important in this respect. Although it is their primary experience in Urdu but here the relative development of Urdu and Pashto remain stagnant when Urdu language is passing through cultural changes. We also find the Pashto Urdu relationship in this era emerges in the research field. It is also found that two languages not only help each other but also naturally absorb each other. Urdu language some times becomes the national language of Pakistan but in the united Hindustan both languages provide enough proofs of harmony and unity. In this connection the research material is in abundance in Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa. Sometimes we see lapses in the Urdu Pashto inter

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 11 July – December 2011 relationship but Raza Hamdani and Farigh Bulhari have kept this struggle alive. There are some books like “Pashtoono kay Roman, Pashto Shaeri, Pashtoono kay Rasmo Rivaj, Pashto Adab, Razmiy Dastanay, Char Baita, Pashto Afsanay and Adbiyat Sarhad through which they have traced the relative overlapping of Urdu and Pashto. They have also translated these Pashto literary works into Urdu without damaging the flavor and essence of Pashto language. This not only shows the interrelationship of both the languages through various ages but also shows their mutual influence on each other. There is list of words provided by Raza Hamdani that show the phonological resemblance of Urdu and Pashto.

Persian Awesta Sinskrit Pashto Urdu

ہ ڑ

ں 5)

There are various examples of words resembling each other through which we can guess the lingual relation of Urdu and Pashto. In reality these resemblance occurred due to cultural and civilizational harmony that is the reason a speaker of two languages can easily grasp the words and meaning of both languages. But the mutual translations of book of both the languages are really remarkable. Through this source a large number of literary people of Urdu and Pashto have shown excellence. The following extract will provide some clues. ”the land of Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa is not only the land of brave people but it is also a place of art where one can find imperishable imprints of art and culture”(7). It is not an emotional approach but this extract indicates that it has been written in Urdu about the topic of Pashto literature and the psychology of Pashtoons. Second example in this regard is that

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“In Pashto language Char Baita is an old genre in its vast range we can find nearly all aspects of life. If this genre is complied then we can find cultural, religious, political, social and historical information about Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa.(8) Now to deal with the question that how Urdu spread in Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa and the effect of Urdu on Pashtoon writers? In this connection Raza Hamdani writes. “In NWFP(KPK) the journey of Urdu language is not short but it is based on centuries and is traced back to Dakkan age and Qutab Shah age”(9). Although the inter relation between Urdu and Pashto is very much old yet the above extract was given only to emphasize it so that one may not refute it. Urdu language is getting strength and energy from Pashtoon writers and on the other hand the transformation of Pashto literature into urdu literature provides life and zest to Urdu language. In this way the development of Urdu language and literature left its influence directly on Pashto literature. For solid proof we need comparative study of both literatures. The poem “Will” of Khushal Khan Khattak translated by Allama Iqbal and particularly the poem “Mihrab Gul Afghan Kay Afkar” that has also been written by Allam Iqbal testify that Urdu and Pashto have traveled the same track. From the very beginning there has always been rise and fall in this interrelation of both languages. On one side it has become the source of increasing vocabulary for both Urdu and Pashto and on the other it provides proof of perfect harmony. Today this pace of unity and harmony of both the languages has become very much fast. Now we shall see that in future that kind of new development occur in this connection.

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References:

1. Javed Bad Shah, Dr., Urdu kay faroogh may Deeney Madaris ka hisaa, (unpublished) Seminar library Islamia college University Peshawar P-17

2. Ibid P-19

3. Raza Hamdani, Faregh Bukhari, Pashto Shaeri, Injamn Taraqi Urdu Pakistan, 1966 P-119

4. Ibid P-221

5. Ibid P-227

6. Raza Hamdani, Adbeyate Sarhad (Pashto Adab), Nayaa Maktaba Mahala Khudad Peshawar 1953, P-16

7. Raza Hamdani, Razmeya Dastanay, Qumee Adara Lok Versa Islamabad 1981 P-5

8. Raza Hamdani, char Biata, Lok Versay kaa Qumee Adaraa Islamabad, June 1978 P-7

9. Mah Nama Aahang Karachi 1-15 March 1986, P-20

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Tribal Life of the Pashtoons as depicted in Pashto Tappa

Dr. Hanif Khalil

Abstract: Pashto Tappa is the most fluent and popular genre of Pashto folk poetry that reflects several stages of the Pashtoon tribal life. The shortest genre of only two lines of short meter Tappa has reflected the whole life structure of the Pashtoon in very expressive and communicated way. In this paper the author has tried to search out the different dimensions of the Pashtoon tribal life is depicted in Pashto Tappa. He quoted a few Tappas to throw light on the socio cultural aspects of the Pashtoons. He also discussed some regional versions of the Pashto Tappa and its regional identity. As a whole the paper deals with Pashtoon tribal life and its peculiarity.

Tappa is a literary genre. Literature generally depicts the social life of a nation. Literature depicts psychology, religion, politics, economic and other important aspects of a nation. Literature is a manifestation of culture of a particular nation or generation. Tappa is a literary genre of Pashto language. Before discussing this genre of Pashto language we have to take into consideration different theories of literature. Then it will be observed that how much this genre is related to the culture of Pashtoon people and under what literary theory it may be discussed. It is also important that the word “literature” is a theory and a number of critics have discussed it. These critics generally before discussing any genre of literature have put the question that what literature is? Renowned intellectual Sheldon Pulock answer to this question as: “What should be problematic, however, at least from the vantage point of contemporary theory, is claiming to know and define “literary.” There are good reasons for arguing – many have argued this for the past two decades or more – that anything can be literature; that the term needs to be understood pragmatically rather than ontologically, as pointing to ways certain texts are used rather than defining what those texts inherently and essentially are." (1) It is evident that literature is a theory and different intellectual, have given different definitions and explanations to this theory. Literally any written thing is literature. However literature includes and means those written material in which imagination has focal position. However there are certain intellectuals who are of the view that literature is a theory which

Assistant Professor NIPS, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 15 July – December 2011 cannot be explained completely. However in literature different literary theories are explained and text is examined. We can say about different theories related to literature as,

“One of the fundamental questions for literary theory is “what is literature?”, though many contemporary theorists and literary scholars believe either that “literature” cannot be defined or that it can refer to any use of language. Specific theories are distinguished not only by their methods and conclusions, but even by how they define a “text.” For some scholars of literature, “texts” comprises little more than “books belonging to the Western literary canon/” But the principles and methods of literary theory have been applied to non-fiction, popular fiction, film, historical documents, law, advertising, etc, in the related field of cultural studies. In fact, some scholars within cultural studies treat cultural events, like fashion or football riots, as “texts” to be interpreted. By this measure, literary theory can be thought of as the general theory of interpretation. Since theorists of literature often draw on a very heterogeneous tradition of Continental philosophy and the philosophy of language, any classification of their approaches is only an approximation. There are many “schools” or types of literary theory, which take different approaches to understanding texts. Most theorists, even among those listed below, combine methods from more than one of these approaches (for instance, the deconstructive approach of Paul de Man drew on a long tradition of close reading pioneered by the New Critics, and de Man was trained in the European hermeneutic tradition). Broad schools of theory that have historically been important include the New Criticism, formalism, Russian formalism, and structuralism, post-structuralism, Marxism, feminism and French feminism, religious critics, post- colonialism, new historicism, reader-response criticism, and psychoanalytic criticism.' (2)

"Listed below are some of the most commonly identified schools of literary theory, along with their major authors. In many cases, such as those of the historian and philosopher Michel Foucault and the anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss, the authors were not primarily literary critics, but their work has been broadly influential in literary theory.

Aestheticism – often associated with Romanticism a philosophy defining aesthetic value as the primary goal in understanding literature. This includes both literary critics who have tried to understand and/or identify aesthetic values and those like Oscar Wilde who have stressed art for art‟s sake.

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 16 July – December 2011 o Oscar Wilde, Walter Pater, Harold Bloom American pragmatism and other American approaches o Harold Bloom, Stanley Fish, Richard Rorty Cultural studies - emphasizes the role of literature in everyday life o Raymond Williams, Dick Hebdinge, and Stuart Hall (British Cultural Studies); Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno; Michel de Certeau; also Paul Gilroy, John Guillory Comparative Literature - confronts literatures from different languages, nations, cultures and disciplines to each other” (3)

If we want to examine Pashto Tappa under the above theories we conclude that Pashto Tappa can be discussed under theory of Cultural Studies. However other related theories for instance Comparative Literature, Gender Studies and Historical Studies may also be given due consideration. Because where Pashto Tappa has affinity to Punjabi Maheya on one hand so it may be viewed in the light of Comparative Literature Theory and on other hand generally Tappa sang from women side therefore we may also need recourse to Theory of Gender Studies. Similarly Pashto Tappa has its own historical background and Historical Studies Theory has to be given consideration while discussing Pashto Tappa. But generally Tappa, and cultural may be discussed in the light of cultural studies theory. Because Tappa is a folk literature and folk literature is the representation of culture. Pashto folk poetry comprises of Tappa Charbitha, Nimkai, Loba, Ghagoona Ghaarey and songs. These are different genres of folk poetry. Pashto folk poetry is true representative of Pashtoon Culture. Among all the folk genres “Tappa” is the most fluent natural and effective in reflecting the norms and traditions of Pashtoon society. Tappa is the shortest, most comprehensive and most attractive form of folk poetry. Pashto language is proud of it because this genre is rare to be found in world literature anywhere in any language especially in oriental languages. However, the Maheya in is very similar to that of “Tappa” and a lot of verses also exist on the name of Tappa in Punjabi language which is the true copy of Pashto Tappa. This peculiar genre has a format of two lines, the first one of nine syllables and the second one is of thirteen syllables.

In historical perspective Tappa is the oldest and most popular genre of Pashto folk poetry. According to prominent orientalist Jens Enevoldson, the theme and structure of Pashto Tappa has very closed resemblance to the Aryan virtues and code of life. He narrates,

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“The tribal code is the old Aryan code of honour, which one may find in force in the early stages of all Indo European peoples. Take the old Scandinavian sages and change geographical and personal names and you have an epic tribal history of Pakhtoons, particularly in the Tappas, which are mostly composed by women. We find descriptions of ideal manhood and the virtues, honour, bravery, justice, which the young girls would look for in her beloved or the old Aryan virtues”. (4) Pashto Tappa is closely related to Pashtoon Women. We can say that: "There is a peculiarity that most of Tappas had been sung by women, which reflects the women Psychology in very natural and original shape, but a number of Tappas had been composed and sung by men too. Actually Tappa is the genre of Pashto folk poetry which every Pashtoon not only compose but also sings. Very often in his own personal tune adjusted to circumstances, without fear of ridicule but the greater part of thousands of Tappas in current use are made by the women. Being essentially emotional expressions the dealing with most common and the most celebrated of human relationships, that between lover and beloved. A related favorite theme of Tappa is that of separation not only the lover from the beloved but also of a friend from his friends, of a man from his country and his family.” (5) Tappa is the real folk genre which represents the Pashtoon Culture and in true form. In the New Encyclopedia Brittanica, it is mentioned that: “It is the only form of folk poetry which is very impressive and effective in highlighting the culture of Pashtoons. It is the song, sung in the time of grief and on the occasion of marriage. In music it is sung with the traditional Pashto musical instruments “Rabab” and “Mangay” (6)

In short we can say that Tappa is a reflective mirror of the romances, patriotism, freedom loving nature, kinship relations and other norms and traditions of Pashtoons. We can see the real picture of social life, religious rituals, economical development, trade and journeys, hospitality, wars and resistance, jewelry, dress, music, foods and so many other things which are the elements of culture and civilization of Pakhtoon society.

Tribal Life and Regional Tappas

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Pakhtoons, for a length of time, remained in tribal area. They lived in hilly and isolated regions from the beginning. However, due to invasions and economics reasons they went down to urban area. Most of them left their original area for economic reason and trade. But their collective structure of life has been generally tribal and rural. And they observe their customs in their urban life. By the way the oldest and greatest civilization of the world social life structure remained unchanged. Ali Gohar, a Pakhtoon writer, describes the tribal life and fundamental customs of Pakhtoon from historical point of view. He writes, "Among such nations are the Pukhtoon communities that live across the Durand Line (International frontier) in Pakistan and Afghanistan. They have many tribes, sub tribes, clans and areas where they live. They are the inhabitants of high mountains, plain areas and even the deserts. The customs and traditions of each tribe, at a thirty-mile distance from another tribe, are slightly different from each other but the basic themes of codes remain the same. They have a verbal code of life called Pukhtoonwali. Pukhtoonwali consists of a number of different concepts and among the most famous are Badal (revenge) Milmastya (hospitality), Jirga (elders committees), Nanawati (Sancturary) Nang (Honour), Peghoor (challenging someone with shame), Lakhkar (volunteer force), Chagha (announce and taking abrupt action in case of emergency), Ashar Gobal (community participation), Hujra (community center), Tega (a ceasefire symbol), Toor (Shame), Tarboorwali (first cousin rivalry).These people have preserved their traditions throughout the years through verbal teaching where the young learn from he elders in the Hujra or at home. They learn not only verbally but also by doing. It was not only important for the youngsters to learn the practices but also to adopt them in their daily lives. Any deviation from these practices is not only an act of shame for an individual but also for the whole tribe. The tribe then must commit to everlasting enmities or pays the price through other means like Swara (giving away a female child for reconciliation), khunbaha (blood money) or other traditional practices of restitution. The common azizwali (the Pukhtoon code of life) is a method to prevent an individual from acting against the social rules as it is considered an act of humiliation not only for the individual but also for the clan, tribe ad nation. Those who call themselves Pukhtoon use Pukhto as a language, a code of life and an identity for themselves. During

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their discussions they haunt each that the other has no Pukhto, which means that they are not following the Pukhtoon code of life. It is an insult against a member of another nation if they challenge that you have no English French etc. With other nations who are not part of the Pukhtoon community there is a different type of identity for themselves. If other nations believe in “we vs. them” here in the Pukhtoon community they resolve their issues by identifying “I Vs. you.” A tribal chief, an elder, a religious leader, a father will also start with the issue that “I told you this but you violated it. If I am not here, then you are nothing.” This means that the privileges that you have are because of me and if I am no more then you will also lose. "(7)

Alongwith this historical background of Pakhtoon tribal life their cultural background is also much cleared. These cultural values are particular to Pakhtoon society, which are prevalent in this society for centuries. These cultural values of Pakhtoon can also be termed as tribal values. Musharaf Khan gives account of the major point of these tribal values in the following words,

"No society can survive without having its own code of conduct. The tribal society is having its own code of conduct, covering all the aspects of the social behavior. These codes are not meant for sending the guilty to jail or gallows but are meant for a compromise among the disputing parties. In most serious cases the major punishment which could be awarded would be burning the house, confiscating the property and sending the person or persons to exile to the area of some other tribe on permanent basis. The punishment of killing is strictly forbidden except in very rare cases where the sub tribe as a whole is demanding the shooting of the killer who is available in the close vicinity. The theft, dacoit or adultery are very rare for, in such cases shoot at site is allowed. The executive and judicial powers are exercised by the Jirga on case to case basis. For any conflict a fresh Jirga is constituted with equal number of members nominated by each disputing part.All these codes are unwritten, coming down generation and are acceptable to all. The only crime, which carries no punishment, is killing of a father by a son or a son by a father or a father or an unmarried brother by a brother. This is so because there would be no one to take revenge except the killer himself. Such crime is very rare in practice as the killer would become weak, armless and up-

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protected, would be looked down upon by people. As such he would be passing very miserable days for the rest of his life. In the tribal society family is not confined to father, wife and children. It is spread over all the relatives of the hill an on the paternal side like uncle, brothers, sons, nephews, nephew sons, and so on, for as long as they accept the enmity jointly and share their firing at the common enemy, who could be any member of another family whose any member has killed a person of this family. There is no distinction between the killer and the innocent, in so for as taking the Badal (revenge) is concerned but the victim must belong to the same joint family. The larger the family, the stronger it would be and would stay stronger while dealing with other. The profit and loss has to be shared equally by such family."(8) Pakhto Tappa on one hand presents the sketch of those customs and tribal life and on the other hand certain particular regions their culture and geography has also been mentioned in it, which we can call as the sketch of Pakhtoon Tribal Life. Besides this Pakhto Tappa of certain tribal area has (the dialect) the effects of their particular accent. For instance the accent of people of Peshawar valley is called Peshawari accent. Mostly Tappas of Pakhto language are in this accent. But there are certain Tappas which have the effect of its particular area. For instance Kakar and Achakzai, Bolochistan, sing Tappa in their particular accent. Similarly region in Pakhtoonkhwa tribes like dialect, Khattak, Bannuchy, Afridi and Shinwaris etc sing these Tappas in their particular dialect. Here few Tappas will be presented which has reference to particular area and tribal areas and their speciality. In a Tappa a girl mentions nose ring (Pezwan) for her decoration and says that jeweler of Peshawar are not expert in nose ring (pezwan) making and that best nose ring are made in Kurram Agency. She says,

9

Translation: Original pezwaan has been prepared in Kurram Agency. O jeweler of Peshawar your hands mey be broken so that you can not prepare an original pezwaan. This Tappa is very famous in district of N.W.F.P. (Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa) and I have taken it from the people of Bannu orally.

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Swat and Bunir tribal area of Pakhtoon have their own traditional life style and customs. In a Tappa reference has been made towards the beauty and charm of Swat.

01 Translation: Swat is like beautiful garden to which princess from far-flung area come for enjoyment. This Tappa is familiar in Peshawar too but I have received it from the people of Malakand Agency. Bunair is known for the tomb of renowned spiritual person “Peer Baba” to which people go and pray for their relief. To reach there, one has to pass through a hilly area of Malindary. In a Tappa reference has been made to this regional effect.

00 Translation: Your face is like pilgrim of Peer Baba tomb and I climbed the peak of Malindary exhausted. This Tappa is also received from the people of Malakand Agency. In a Tappa reference has been made to the seasons, environment and beauty of Peshawar and Kabul as;

01 Translation: Peshawar and Kabul both are like paradise but I have to leave Kabul. Although this Tappa is related to the people of Kabul but I have quoted it from the people of Peshawar orally. Similarly there was a Godar in District Mardan known as Jalala the signs are still there. This Godar is mentioned in a lot of Pakhto Tappa. The Godar was famous for the fable that its water was sweet and delicious and girls from the surrounding areas used to take water to their house in pitchers. The godar has been mentioned in the following words:

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02

Translation: Jalala’s water is sweet and girls are filling their pitchers of this water. This Tappa is mostly sung by the people of Peshawar some other areas of N.W.F. P (). Indus River is known as Abbaseen in Pakhtoon region. Besides this Jalala, Abbaseen has also been mentioned in Pakhto Tappa and with this reference has been made to Pakhto values in same Tappa. A Tappa is here for reference:

03

Translation: I don‟t need your education and your books may drown in Abbaseen. This is a famous Tappa of Peshawar valley. Pakhto Tappa not only displays or demonstrates the social and cultural values of certain areas but also their accent and dialect. They sing these Tappas in their own local dialect with their particular accent. Pakhto language has two main dialects one is Qandhari and the other is Peshawari or Yousafzai dialect. Qandhari is mostly used in Afghanistan and Balochistan and Peshawari or Yousafzai dialect is mostly used in Peshawar valley and its surrounding. People of Peshawar speak the standard Pakhto language and most of the Tappas are in this dialect. But people from Afghanistan and Balochistan sing Tappas in their typical Qandhari dialect. Few Tappas are mentioned here for instance:

04

Translation: It is good to happen that you have been injured for which I will walk with pride with chin up. I have received this Tappa from my friend Javed Iqbal a lecturer of Pashto in Balochistan University. In this Tappa “sha swa” and “zakhmee swey” are words from Qandhari dialect which will be pronounce as “kha shwa” and “zakhmee shwey” in

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Yousafzai dialect and both pronunciation represent their particular tribes and folk.

05

The Tappa has been narrated by Javed Iqbal in Quetta. In This Tappa also, “yaad say”, nor see” and “aor see” words represent Qandhari dialect. They will be “yaad shay”, “nor shee” and “aor shee” in Peshawari dialect.

Similarly people from Peshawar valley sing Tappa in Peshawari dialect. However people of certain Southern region, e.g. Marwat, Bunuchi, and Khattak also demonstrate Qandhari accent and sing Tappa in their regional dialects. Besides these the people of Pakistan at Afghanistan boarder, e.g. Shinwari, Afridi and Mohmand generally present Qandhari dialect and sing Tappa in this dialect. However occasionally Afridis and Mohmands talk in Peshawari dialect and sing Tappa in this dialect. On this pretext we can conclude that Pakhto Tappa not only demonstrates different cultural, life and regional customs of all Pakhtoon regions but also their regional and particular dialects and accents. That is why Pakhto Tappa has a beautiful varieties due to its demonstration of cultural, customs and usages and other aspects of Pakhtoon life.

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References

1. Polock, Sheldon, The Language of the Gods in the World of Men, The University of California press Berkeley, 2007, P-2 2. http//en.wikipedia.org/wiki/literary theory – theory, Retrieved on March, 5 2010 3. Ibid 4. Enoveldson, Jens, Sound the bells, O Moon, Arise and Shine, Univesity Book Agency Peshawar, (N.D), P-9 5. Pashto Tappa, worldpress.com 6. The New Encyclopaedia Britanica (Macropaeedia) 15th ed. S.V. The Concept and Components of Culture by Richard G. Fox, vol: 16c, 1997, P-874 7. Gohar, Ali, Pukhtoon Tradition in Modern Perspective, Just Peace International, (ND), PP-2, 3 8. Khan, Musharaf, The Role Tribal Pathans in the First Indo-Pak War After Partition, Pashto Academy University of Peshawar and Lok virsa Islamabad, 2008, PP-52, 53 9. Tair, Mohammad Nawaz, Tappa Au Zwand (Pashto), (Tappa and Life), PP-117, 118 10. Ibid, P-120 11. Ibid, P-89 12. Ibid, P-78 13. Ibid, P-113 14. Ibid, P-178 15. Ibid, P-93 16. Ibid, P-99

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Pashto Polite Expressions for Face-saving on Face book

Dr. Abdullah Jan Abid Muhammad Sheeraz*

Abstract: Drawing upon the traditional and postmodern views regarding politeness studies, the present paper investigates the frequency of the use of various polite expressions by Pashto speaking face book users. The study takes into account the various contexts of the choice as well as the age variation. Two hundred status updates and comments open for public were selected for the analysis. The data shows that relatively younger Pashto speaking face book users make a less frequent use of polite expressions while interacting with their age-fellows. However, the frequency of the polite expressions is high when the interaction happens between seniors (in terms of age) and juniors or even between two seniors. The expression of respect „grana‟ was found to have the highest frequency with 22% of all occurrences of the politeness expressions, and was followed by „dera manana‟ with 19% of them. Key Terms: Pashto, Politeness, Face book

1.Theoretical Background The research in the area of linguistics has helped expand the area, and caused the development of many related fields such as pragmatics, anthropological linguistics, sociolinguistics, conversational analysis, etc. These fields, like many others, have developed certain theories which can be considered as being traditional due to their faith in the classics of the area. However, during the recent decades, the influence of the critical theories such as postmodernism and deconstruction has brought a seismic change that took the focus away from authority to the lay people‟s perception. But this does not mean that the traditionalist studies have been totally divorced: they exist, and have also contributed towards the creation of a theoretical bipolarity in these fields. This polarity can also be found in the politeness studies in pragmatics in which traditional view and postmodern view regarding politeness have led various

Head Department of Pakistani Languages Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad * Ph.D. scholar, Department of English International Islamic University Islamabad

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research ventures into the field (see Terkourafi 2005). The former view also termed as politeness to acknowledge the existence of Model Persons and their face as perceived by the theorists such as Grice (1989 [1967]), and reflected and further developed in the works of Lakoff 1973, Brown and Levinson 1987 [1978], Leech 1983, etc. This view has retained its theoretical appeal and terminological currency for long and exists even today, though shaken by certain severe criticisms (Terkourafi 2005). The latter view (also termed as politeness 1), emphasizes the role of lay people‟s face and perception in the conceptualization of politeness as studied by Eelen 2001, Mills 2003, Watts 2003, etc. This postmodern politeness view considers the rapport management to be at the heart of politeness practices (Terkourafi 2005: 241). Both the views regarding politeness studies have their potential strengths, some of which coincide as well (see Terkourafi 2005). These strengths may strategically be combined and applied for the better results of the future researches in the area. For instance, both have a common standing that politeness should be analyzed “on the pragmatic level as a particularized implicature” (Terkourafi 2005: 246). Secondly, one of the assumptions of the traditional view is that certain norms exist a priori whereas the postmodern view stresses the lay man‟s perceptions and choices. This contradiction, if negotiated, may lead to a reconciliation that would allow a point of departure to be determined for many new politeness studies as this. If looked closely, it is true that certain politeness norms exist a priori, and those used in verbal interaction are called as polite expressions. However, their appropriateness is decided by the common interlocutors‟ perception and choice. Drawing upon this theoretical negotiation, the present study gives a discussion on the polite expressions existing a priori in Pashto language, and works out the frequency with which the Pashto speakers choose them for their verbal interaction in the form of statuses and comments on face book.

2. Introduction The present paper investigates the polite behavior in verbal interaction done on face book. The aim of the paper is to explore the frequency of the various politeness expressions used by the face book users. Within verbal interaction we have focused only on isolated utterances considered to be the politeness expressions rather than on the bigger chunks of cooperative and harmonious interaction. While studying these isolated expressions, Eelen‟s (2001) concerns regarding the early researches in politeness were considered and the „hearer‟ was also taken into account along with the „speaker‟. According to Elen, "(im)politeness occurs not so much when the speaker produces behaviour but rather when the hearer evaluates that behaviour [...] the very essence of (im)politeness lies in this evaluative moment" (Eelen 2001: 109). Some researchers even believe that

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“…politeness is not behavior per se but an evaluation of behavior” (Sifianou & Tzanne, 2010). Spencer-Oatey (2005) and Locher (2006) also have the similar opinion. However, “evaluation is itself a complex concept that can be seen as an umbrella term that refers to the expression of the speaker's viewpoint, attitude, or stance toward or feelings about what somebody else has said or done” (Sifianou & Tzanne, 2010), and also suggests that non-linguistic behavior is also important to be considered while researching politeness, which, due to the limited scope of the present paper, has not been taken into account here. Although the overwhelming majority of the respondents involved in some of the recent research works have conceptualized “polite behavior as being strictly nonverbal” (Sifianou & Tzanne, 2010), yet the importance of the verbal polite expressions, particularly on social networking sites as face book, cannot be neglected as because of the geographical distancing the non-linguistic behaviors cannot be expressed properly there. It is also relevant to state here that: “In most of the studies, the politeness has been conceptualized especially as strategic conflict- avoidance or as strategic construction of cooperative social interaction (Vilkki, n.d: 323)”, and as the chances of misunderstanding and conflict increase on written public comments and statuses, therefore the speakers need be more careful with their verbal politeness strategies.

2.1 Two Key Terms Pashto: Pashto is an ancient language of Iranian family (see Grierson n.d.; Abid 2006, etc) spoken by a large population especially those living in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan provinces of Pakistan and eastern and southern regions of Afghanistan. Face book: The face book is a social networking site which “provides a convenient environment for the development of discourse communities with its varied participatory mechanisms. On face book, users create their personal profile page allowing them to list interests and activities they share with others. They also belong to a „Network‟ defined primarily by the educational institution with which they are, or have been, affiliated. Communication with others within face book takes place via a range of tools including email, discussion boards, uploaded videos and picture galleries that include a space for comments and a „wall‟ in which users can exchange messages with nominated friends. Other popular features include status updates, „poking‟ friends (an ambiguous tool but one of the many phatic uses of face book) and gift giving (fish, flowers etc.)” (McNeill 2008: 3). The privacy settings of the site allow the users to decide whether the comment, status or post they make is meant for a group of friends, all those entered in the friend list, friends as well as their friends or public i.e. anyone who uses face book.

3. Methodology

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The first order politeness termed as politeness 1 or postmodern view on politeness studies (Terkourafi 2005) has been stressed to have the lay man‟s perceptions and selections of the various ways of politeness (see Watts 2003; Mills 2003; Sifianou & Tzanne, 2010 etc). The traditional politeness theories have asserted the existence of certain politeness norms a priori. The present study, as stated above, negotiates the two views extended by these contending theoretical groups to supply a comprehensive theoretical framework. Acknowledging the existence of verbal politeness expressions, the study focuses how frequently Pashto speaking lay face book users opt for any of these expressions. The data for the present study was collected from face book. Two hundred public statuses and comments of various Pashto speakers were studied for the present paper. The data consisted of 5230 words. The frequency of the use of these expressions was worked out. Addresser/addressee‟s age group was particularly considered as one of the variables. The demographic information given on the profiles of the users was believed true. All the two hundred comments/statuses were posted by male face book users from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan with the exception of five comments which were made by female users from the same province. 4. Results and Discussion The data shows both the types of politeness expressions i.e. non-linguistic and linguistic. Among non-linguistic politeness behaviors, accepting various types of requests such as friend requests, etc, commenting on the statuses in response to others‟ comments, complimenting pictures, food, etc, clicking “like” as an acknowledgment/alignment token, etc are conceptualized as politeness in the comments made by various Pashto speaking face book users. This is in line with the assertion of Pashto Cultural orientations (2010) which says, “It is polite to compliment the quality of the food”. However, as the focus of the present study is the isolated verbal polite expressions, we will discuss them at length. Following politeness expressions were used in the comments/statuses made/updated by Pashto speaking face book users: To pay thanks / gratitude: „Dera manana‟ / „dera dera manana‟ / „yow jehan manana‟, etc were used as strong polite expressions whereas „manana‟ was used as a weak or ordinary expressions to show gratefulness. Expressions borrowed and adapted from Urdu language such as „Dera mehrubani‟ and „mehrubani‟ were also used for politeness in Pashto.

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To apologize: „Dera bakhana‟ was used as a strong expression of apology in Pashto whereas in some instances „bakhana‟ was used alone which may be interpreted as weak. To make requests: When an addresser intended to make a request, s/he used the Urdu expression „mehrubani‟. As the data belonged to the face book discourse of the Pashto speaking Pakistanis, therefore it seemed influenced by Urdu – the national language of the country. To show respectfulness: The expressions of respect for elders were used very frequently in the face book discourse under study. These expressions are given below: Grana (singular) / grano (plural) Qadar mana (singular) / qadar mano (plural) khaghle (singular) / khaghlo (plural) drund (singular) / drano (plural) To pray: Praying to God for addressee‟s long life, prosperity and happiness also seems to be an expression of politeness in Pashto. Following expressions were used in the discourse under study: Khad ose (Stay happy) Jawande ose (Stay alive/ Live long) Abad ose (Stay prosperous) Gul ose (Live like flowers) To show intimacy: In Pashto, „lala‟ is an expression for the elder brother. In the face book discourse under study, this expression was used by some addressees even though the addressers were not their elder brothers. Hence, this has been used as one of the politeness expressions in order to show intimacy and affection. Table 1 given below shows the frequency of the use of various politeness expressions by Pashto speaking face book users in different contexts. The total number of occurrences of polite expressions was 108. This means that about 2% of the total selected Pashto discourse consisted of these polite expressions.

Table: 1 S. no. Politeness Expression Total Number ofFrequency (out of 108) Occurrences 1 Manana 15 14% 2 Dera manana 20 19% 3 dera dera manana 3 0.27% 4 yow jehan manana 2 0.18% 5 Mehrubani 3 0.27% 6 Dera Mehrubani 5 0.46% 7 Bakhana 5 0.46% 8 Dera bakhana 2 0.18%

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9 Grana 24 22% 10 Qadar mana 4 0.37% 11 Khaghle 2 0.18% 12 Drund 2 0.18% 13 Khad ose 5 0.46% 14 Jawande ose 3 0.27% 15 Abad ose 2 0.18% 16 Gul ose 1 0.09% 17Lala 10 9%

The table shows that the expression of respect for elders i.e. „grana‟ was used with highest frequency (22%) of all the isolated polite expression in the data under study. It is followed in frequency by „dera manana‟ (19%), „manana‟ (14%), and „lala‟ (9%). Category wise, the most frequently used type of polite expressions are those of gratefulness with a total percentage of about 35%. The least frequently used expressions are: „gul ose‟ (0.09%), „abad ose‟ (0.18%), „khaghle‟ (0.18%), „drund‟ (0.18%), „dera bakhana‟ (0.18%), „yow jehan manana‟ and (0.18%). In some instances, politeness effect has been enlarged by non-verbal ways like using similes and, at times, lengthening, upper-casing, or highlighting the verbal expressions to emphasize them e.g. “Deraaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa Manana, Hasham Baber”. Politeness expressions are used with higher frequency on the walls of the senior (age-wise) people than that on the young ones which also shows that using formal politeness expressions in frank atmosphere may be considered impolite by many speakers. However, while interacting on the walls of the seniors, the young users were found using these politeness expressions even for their age fellows perhaps because here their indirect „hearers‟ were the seniors as well. On the walls of the senior and respectable members even the seniors themselves are using the politeness expressions which helps maintain distance and probably provide a model to their younger generation. Most of the polite expressions used by seniors were prayers and words of affection, etc. The pragmatic function of these expressions here seems formality and distancing. The three out of the total five comments made by the female users used the expression of „lala‟ and one used a praying expression.

5.Conclusion Pashto speaking educated class has been found as the regular face book using people. They make extended comments on various issues. An average use of the isolated verbal politeness expressions can be noticed on their face book walls i.e. about 2% of the interaction.

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No visible conflict was found in the discourse consisting of the two hundred comments/ statuses (5230 words) which shows that the users made an appropriate use of the politeness expressions for face-saving. It was found that the the frequency of the use of these expressions varies with the age group of the „hearer‟. If there is a generation-gap difference of age, then not only the addresser expresses his/her respectfulness through polite expressions but the addressee also makes use of these expressions. It can be safely asserted that Pashto speaking face book users make appropriate choices of politeness expressions as a strategy of face-saving on the social networking site. Finally, it is duly acknowledged that the present study is an introductory exploration into Pashto politeness, and optimistically hoped that it would prove a prelude to many scholarly works in the area in future.

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References

1. Abid, Abdullah Jan. (2006). Pashto Zuban-o-Adab ki Mukhtasar Tareekh. Peshawar: University Publishers. Brown, Penelope and Stephen Levinson. (1987 [1978]). Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Eelen, Gino. (2001). Critique of politeness theories. Manchester: St Jerome Press. 2. Grierson, G. A. (n.d.). Linguistic Survey of Pakistan (II). Lahore: Accurate Printers. 3. Grice, Herbert Paul. (1989 [1967]). Logic and conversation. In Studies in the Way of Words, 22_40. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Lakoff, Robin. (1973). The logic of politeness; or minding your p‟s and q‟s. In Papers from the Ninth Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, 292_305. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. 4. Leech, Geoffrey. (1983). Principles of Pragmatics. London: Longman. Locher, Miriam, A. (2006). Polite behaviour within relational work: The discursive approach to politeness. Multilingua 25(3). 249-267. 5. McNeill, Tony. (2008). Face work in Face book: An analysis of an online discourse community. Language, culture and communication in online learning. http://www.education.ed.ac.uk/e-6. 6. .learning/gallery/mcneill_face book.pdf 7. Mills, Sara. (2003). Gender and politeness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 8. Pashto Cultural orientations. (2010). Defense Language Institute Foreign Language Center. 9. http://famdliflc.lingnet.org/products/pashto/pu_co/pashto.pdf Sifianou, Maria, and Angeliki Tzanne. (2010). Conceptualizations of politeness and impoliteness in Greek. (Report). Retrieved on March 30, 2011 from 10. http://find.galegroup.com/gps/infomark.do?&contentSet=IAC- Documents&type=retrieve&tabID=T002&prodId=IPS&docId=A24186 1923&source=gale&srcprod=AONE&userGroupName=wash59545&ve rsion=1.0 11. Spencer-Oatey, Helen. (2005). (Im)politeness, face and perceptions of rapport: Unpackaging their bases and interrelationships. Journal of Politeness Research 1(1). 95-119. 12. Terkourafi, Marina, (2005). Beyond the micro-level in politeness research. Journal of Politeness Research. 1: 237-262. http://faculty.las.illinois.edu/mt217/Terkourafi_JoPR1%282%29.pdf 13. Vilkki, Liisa. (n.d.). Politeness, Face and Facework: Current Issues. A Man of Measure: Festschrift in Honour of Fred Karlsson. 322-332. http://www.linguistics.fi/julkaisut/SKY2006_1/1.4.7.%20VILKKI.pdf 14. Watts, Richard J. (2003). Politeness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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The pursuit of Pashtoon image in the Orientalists Discourse:

Barkat Shah Kakar*

Abstract: The leading educational and research disciplines are considered as an outgrowth of European colonialism. The learning brigades along with European colonizers also known as Orientalists have constructed a knowledge base that has thrived theories and notions regarding the Near Eastern and Far Eastern societies , cultures, languages, peoples, history and civilizations in general. After the Second World War (1945), Orientalism was emerged as career that presented contents and notions written and interpreted by the colonial masters. This paper is going to

* Lecturer Pashto Department University of Balochistan

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 34 July – December 2011 discuss the construction of Pashtoon‟s identity in the context of European colonialism. The paper probes the different cadres of Orientalists that, presented biased sketches of the indigenous Pashtoon and Afghan people they countered in three wars during the colonial era. It is interesting to note that, even today most of the notions wrapped in the modern orientalists narratives are backed by evidences provided the so-called learning brigades of the colonial era. Triangulation of different narratives indicates that, the Pashtoon image constructed through colonial/orientalist archives has a connection with the British Empire‟s agendas of hegemony and domination. Different cohorts of orientalists have presented varied perspective that evidently reflect the legitimacy if the colonial tools for subjugation.

The Great Game; Afghans between the Devil and the Deep Sea

The first trade expedition of East India Company was carried in 1604 (Maddani, Husain Ahmedi)[1] that gradually subdued the Indian subcontinent in the following two centuries. In the first decade of the nineteenth century the defeat of Napoleonic France rendered an imbalance amongst the colonial rivals. The Russia was supposed to be the potential power to generate its influence in the Afghan territory that would cause a threat to the interests of the Britain. Hence a pull and push scene of Great Game was started in 1809 [2]. The Britain and other European colonizers strive to divert the foreign policy of Afghanistan for protecting their interests in the Indian subcontinent and the other areas adjacent to the Afghan boarders. Britain East India Company for its ambitious plans launched a confronting policy called Closed Boarder Policy in 1830s that resulted in the first Anglo-Afghan war (1839-1842)"[3]. In the wake of the 1857 War of Independence (also referred as Mutiny in the colonial chronicles) East India Company was replaced by Great Britain crown and Indian subcontinent was directly governed under the British crown.

“Hence the closed border policy which rendered two devastating Anglo-Afghan wars was gradually replaced by the Forward Policy in the decade of 1876 (Caroe, 1958)”[4]. The forward policy was aimed to treat the tribal Pashtoon in accordance to their own customs and manners so that a room of a likeness and respect for their ways could be portrayed for generating trust in the Pashtoons. The series of wars amongst the invading expansionist Britain's and native Pashtoons have been continued even after the last Anglo Afghan war fought in 1919. The attacks of the Pashtoon freedom fighters have a long account to be explored and narrated.

As a most influential and powerful colonizer, the Britain empire cater trained anthropologists, ethnographers, narrators and reporters labeled as "the learned brigades" by Edward Said in his famous book "Orientalism".

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The image of Pashtoons is presented by the British colony officers, administrators, visitors and spy through their various accounts on their advents on the land of Pashtoons. The bitter memories of the devastating wars with Pashtoons are conserved in the form of books, memoirs, diaries, sketches, reports and journals.

The of Distortion of Pashtoon's self-image;

Pashtoon live on crossroads that has been passed by invaders from the different corners of the world in the different historical eras. The Persians, Mongols and British empires are of greater importance to our subject. Though the former two had less practices of systemic domination and its legitimacy through academic, cultural and social apparatus but the oral tradition preserves contents that can be analyzed for unpacking the peculiar stereotyping of the particular ethnicity. Bahadur Shah Zafar Kakakhel in his valuable work on the history of Pashtoons has disclosed that, in the wake of retaking the throne from the Pasthoons Suri dynasty(1557), the Mughal-Persian alliance fabricated a fake image of Pashtoons and labeled them as “Dew Zaad1”. It was an effective psychological tactic that tend to create skepticism and degenerated the self-esteem of Pashtoons that had the potential to pose challenges to the Mughal dynasty. The oral tradition and folk stories also mix stuff that, underestimate the language and culture of Pashtoons. The origin of the very irrational notion that, “Pashto is the language of Hell” need to be traced back, that definitely is extended and replicated in the colonial-oriental chronicles. The colonial period Report on the Tribes of the Dir, Swat and Bajuar reinforces this myth, “the Language of hell is certainly Pashto, owing to number of Pathans there [5]”. This evidence may create a theory to draw a nexus to the three empires who confronted Pashtoons on their land.

Legitimizing the colonial oppression:-

Historical analysis shows that, indigenous people in all over the world have always posed resistance to the Eurocentric racism and Imperialism based on economic exploitation, slavery, violence and domination. There have been countless accounts of rejecting and challenging the notion of “the white man's burden” in all over the world. Besides the oppressive colonial armies, the cadres of narrators and reporters have always been presenting the natives of colonies synonymous to savages or the races that are not evolved to their full human potentials. The cadres of reporters and political agents from the western hemisphere gradually became authorities on the rest of the world's cultures, languages, histories, races, faiths and all that can represent and interpret their

1 Dew Zaad mean the race originated from the Savages rather than human.

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 36 July – December 2011 identities. Edward .W. Said the reckoned dissent and public intellectual has unpacked this situation in his famous account 'Orientalism'. “As discussed and analyzed as the corporate institution for dealing with orient dealing with it by making statements about it, authorizing views of it, describing it be teaching it, settling it, ruling over it... .”[6]

A talk delivered in the Library of the Royal Society for Asian Affairs on the evening of 10th November 2005, Bijan Omrani declare the diverse forms of chronicles produced by the Europeans, he writes, “ It is quite a daunting task to pick out just a couple of the books about Afghanistan in the Society‟s library. There is a paralyzing embarrassment of riches. The country has always attracted the most brilliant and raffish sort of adventurers and deserters, spies and eccentrics, many of whom have left us their memoirs. The library contains not only ordinary travel books, but also journals, autobiographies and biographies, formal histories, official accounts, and journalistic reports”.[7]

Analysis of the various accounts as produced by the initial colonial envoys, officers, administrative staff and ethnographers clearly indicates they have always identified the native populations with scarcity and weaknesses. The intent behind the study of the orient was to construct a moral legitimacy of the occident's oppression and prove it as a natural phenomenon.

The way they see and define others:

In the subcontinent and mainly Pashtoon territory 'Orientalism' in its initial forms seems informal which takes roots gradually when the responsibility of studying and defining the orient is shifted from the army officers and political administrators to the learned brigades of ethnographers, anthropologist and historians in the early decade of twentieth century.

Through the eyes of Traders and Spies:

In the wake of the Great Game (1812) the very first cadres sent to study the Afghan land pretended as tourists and traders. Contents analysis of their works indicates a sense of surprise and revelations. Elphinstone who visited the territory as a tourist and later on proved as political diplomat has a content of much inspiration with diction dominated by revelations and friendship. His relationship with the common Pashtoon was much different as that of the other political officers and narrators of the later days.

Analysis of the narrations depicted by the several ethnographers and political officers of later days indicates that a cross cutting influence of orientalists of the

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 37 July – December 2011 earlier days could be seen. Like the Elphinstone's approach has been practiced and the realities are contextualized with an angled vision and fragmented frame of reference. As predecessors, he is still believed relevant and quoted by most of the western and eastern careerists. Stephen Tanner, in his recent works on the military history of Afghanistan has phrased, “At one point Elephanstine argued with an old tribesman, stressing the benefits of social stability under firm government rule. “We are content with discord, we are content with alarms, we are content with blood, “the old man told him but” we will never be content with a master” [8]. This is a specific connotation which affirms a sheer generalization on the average person living in that part of the world. Similarly he has reported about the specific tenets of Pashtoonwali like J. W. Spain has raised the point. “About the tenets of Pakhtoonwali, Elphinstone, as most writers after him, is specific about Badal (revenge) traveling in the grand manner of the seventeenth century, he hardly notices Nanawate the right of sanctuary” [9]. These tendencies in his approach are common as Stephen Tanner has also pointed out, “On this first mission, Elphinstone perceived flaws in the Afghan character, such as tendencies towards envy, avarice, discord and revenge” [10] '. Such tendencies are also seen in the works followed by his account which is mainly perceived as a bible for the coming slot. As Charles Masson in his three volume narrative of various journeys in Blochistan, Afghanistan and Punjab (1842) and English captain john Wood's “A journey to the source of river Oxus'(1837). Both accounts are full of examples of badal2, melmestia3 and Nanawati4, but these are never named, the authors preferring to comment on the nature of Pathans rather than on their beliefs” [11].

Seeing Pathans through the Guns:

The huge amount of Orientalists stuff is produced through the memories, reports, travelogue and general accounts of the persons who were physically engaged in the conflict for imposing their forward policy or closed border policy. One can also see interesting accounts as narrated by the women as Lady Sale who was along with her husband during the first Anglo-Afghan war. She has recorded her observations in diary, which opens revealing accounts of the days they trapped amongst the strong Pashtoon warriors. The account that has republished several times has become a significant source of information and analysis.

2 Badal a Pashto word which means 'revenge' 3 Hospitality, especially to the persons from the far flung areas. 4 'Nanawate' a Pashtoon cultural practice of the submission of the offender and his/her family and tribe to the victim and his/her family and tribe which often end the conflict with non-violence.

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There is visible divergence in the diction of the writers who were pursuing the close border policy with that of the others materializing the forward policy. About these two policies Sir Olaf Caroe in his famous account 'The Pathan' has shared, “The fifty -odd years from the British Annexation up to 1901 are best seen in two periods, the first from 1849 to the outbreak of the second Afghan war in 1878 ...the first thirty years are represent the testing time of the so- called closed border policy”[12] '.The closed border policy as pursued in the first thirty years resulted two Anglo-Afghan wars. While the forward policy which was adopted by the newly elected government of Prime Minister Disraeli was aimed to “build a strategic line of defense against Russian pressure in Central Asia” [13]. W.L. Churchill(1874-1965) the renowned British political figure of the twentieth century has shared an experience filled with cynicism. His diction and general connotation comprises the sheer racist version. In his account 'Malakand Field force (1892)' he observes an overwhelming barbarism and wickedness. He has shared his experience in these words, “Every influence, every motive, that provokes the spirit of murder among men, impels these mountaineers to deeds of treachery and violence. The strong aboriginal propensity to kill, inherit in all human beings, has in these valleys been preserved in unexampled strength and vigor. That religion, which above all others was founded and propagated by the sword--the tenets and principles of which are instinct with incentives to slaughter and which in three continents has produced fighting breeds of men--stimulates a wild and merciless fanaticism [14]”. During his confrontation to the very tough Pashtoon tribesman, Churchill was supposed to cast an inferior glance at their culture and religion. He could not supersede them in the battle field but he was successful to label them as fanatics and merciless through his account. He assumes that, the very primary characteristic in the blood of Pashtoon is bloodshed. He has oversimplified the notion in the following manner. “Every tribesman has a blood feud with his neighbor. Every man's hand is against the other and all against the stranger” [15].

Making mock of the natives and casting at them an inferior bird eye view, is the very common characteristic of the colonial reporters. Howard Zinn the reckoned historian and public intellectual have unearthed the letters of Christopher Columbus to the Queen Azabella written in 1493. As a mouthpiece of modern European Civilization, the mocking at the ways of natives has been extended from Columbus to Winston Churchill. Chirchill further elaborates, ''We see them in their squalid, loophole hovels, amid dirt and ignorance, as degraded a race as any on the fringe of humanity: fierce as the tiger, but less cleanly; as dangerous, not so graceful. Those simple family virtues, which idealists usually ascribe to primitive peoples, are conspicuously absent. Their wives and their women-kind generally, have no

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 39 July – December 2011 position but that of animals. They are freely bought and sold, and are not infrequently bartered for rifles. Truth is unknown among them. A single typical incident displays the standpoint from which they regard an oath. In any dispute about a field boundary, it is customary for both claimants to walk round the boundary he claims, with a Koran in his hand, swearing that all the time he is walking on his own land” [16]. Similarly Lady Sale (1790-1853) who was accompanied by her husband to install a pipit regime in Afghanistan that led to the first Anglo-Afghan war, also presented the Pathan tribesman with a sheer subjective manner. “Afghan of the capital(Kabul) are a little more civilized, but the country gentlemen and their retainers are much the same kind of people those Alexander encountered[17] '. The image of the Pathans as narrated denotes that, Pathans are anti-protagonist and as a martial race they are the strongest enemies ever faced by the British. Rodenbough in his account display the war capability of the nineteenth century Pathans, “As a trait of Afghan character, I must mention that whenever the Jezailchis5 could snatch five minutes to refresh themselves with a pipe, one of them would twang a sort of a rude guitar as an accompaniment to some martial song, which, mingling with the notes of war, sounded very strangely.[18] " Archibald Forbes (1838-1900) as observer of the first Anglo-Afghan war has coined the word 'savage' and 'bloody' . The scene is that, the independent territory of Afghans was ravaged for securing the interest of Britain empires and constraining the political influences of Russia through its closed border policy through a puppet pensioner prince Shah Shuja(1785-1842). In this reaction the Afghan tribes took a serious charged and ruined almost all the army in Kabul. In the wake of the very degenerated self esteem, the Archibald Forbes has portrayed situation as following. Who presents the Pashtoon how is an interesting analysis of the constructed knowledge base about history, culture and civilization. While going peacefully to Afghanistan for installing the Shah Shuja's regime the British army was posed almost a negligible resistance. Alexander Burns (1805-1841) in his voyage along with Shah Shuja has written his feeling in a letter to his sister. “They have no prejudices against a Christian, and none against our nation. When they ask me if I eat pork, I of course shudder and say it is only outcasts who commit such outrages. God forgive me! For I am very fond of bacon, and my mouth waters as I write the word”.[19] It is certainly a spontaneous version of the cultural interaction that has been gradually converted into harsh memories of bloodshed and massacre of the Bruisers in the first Anglo-Afghan war.

5 The persons who operates the 'Jazile' the 18th century long powder gun traditionally used by Pathans.

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“The patriotism of a savage race is marked by features repulsive to civilized communities, but through the ruthless cruelty of the indiscriminate massacre, the treachery of the stealthy stab, and the lightly broken pledges, there may shine out the noblest virtue that a virile people can possess. A semi-barbarian nation whose manhood pours out its blood like water in stubborn resistance against an alien yoke, may be pardoned for many acts shocking to civilized communities which have not known the Bitterness of stern and masterful subjugation”[20]. The last British political agent and Orientalists Sir Olaf Caroe (1892-1981), is perceived as the most respected and valued authority on the subject of Pathan ethnography and the tradition of Pashtoonwali. Content analysis of his famous volume “The Pathan” discloses that, he has demonstrated contrasting image which glamorizes the martial spirit of Pathan and identify Pathan as a good enemy but having an unpredictable attitude as friend. At one place he has concluded that the lives of the average Pashthan follow a meaningless trajectory and they portray their gestures synonymous to the animals. “They are not much better than the animals, for save the eating and drinking, moving about their hills seeking their prey on the highways, and dying, they know ought besides[21] Captain A.H. Mc Mahon Political Agent Dir also presents a very subjective image of the Pathans. In his co-authored account with Lieutenant A. D. G. Gramsay, he has used prominent racist approach to de-legitimize the social and cultural realities of the Pathans of that part of the world. About Pathan's morality and belief it is recorded, “A Pathan admits, one half of the (holly) Koran, , but not the other ; one foot of the Pathan is in Paradise, the other in Hell; the Language of hell is certainly Pashtu, owing to number of Pathans there ; the sacred law is good but not suited for healthy young man[22]. Richard Issac Bruce who sailed for India in 1862 and was appointed as Extra Assistant Commissioner in Punjab later becomes a right hand man of Robert Sandamen for the implementation of his “Forward Policy”. Collecting the memories regarding the implementation of the forward Policy in his narrative “The Forward policy” he has taken a sketch of frontier Pashtoon tribes (later on misnomer them as part of British Balochsitan) from 1862-1898. In the opening chapter he mentioned account he has clearly narrated that their intervention through forward policy approach was a panacea for the Pashtoon tribes living on 54000 Sq Km around today's Durand line. “If I can, by a plain unvarnished tale of what has come under my own observation and the conclusion, I have drawn, succeed in these objects, and enlisting the sympathies of my readers in the noble and worthy cause of the civilization of the frontier tribes”[23]. This account carries a peculiar colonial connotation. The writer has particularly mourn over the deaths of his colleagues and quite contrary has danced over the

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 41 July – December 2011 ruins of the Pashtoon tribes. He portrays a romantic sketch when the castle of the reckoned freedom fighter 'Shahjehan jogezai' was blown with explosive mater.

Bruce as defender of the forward policy approach has molded the history in its own direction. He along with Maclover and Robert Sandeman have concluded that Pathans having its egalitarian temptations are not easily manageable as compare to the Baloch and Brahvi tribes. Bruce describes Pathans as fanatics, Badmashees and culprits while on the other hand it is narrated that, the Pashtoon tribes like Kakars, Barozais and Tarins have invited them to protect them from their immediate Marri and Bugti neighbor's. In this account 'The foreword Policy' he has narrated, “I also, under major Sandamen's directions, opened up relations with Dummars , Panizais and Sarangzais(Kakars), the Tarin of Harnai valley and thall Choteali and the Barozais and Pannis of Sangan. They constantly reiterated cry of the Tarins, Barozais and Pannis was that we should come in and occupy their country and secure their protection for their lives and property from their implacable enemies the Marries and Bugties[24].

The above mentioned statement indicates Bruce's fake attempt of legitimizing their invasion. It also cater a contradiction that, at one point they declared Pashtoon as egalitarian and uneasy to be managed and on the other hand the same Pashtoon tribes invite them to be protected from their very immediate neighbors they have been living with for centuries. The mocking aspect of the accounts and memoirs generated by the political administrators and military officers admires the individuals and tribes who show obedience and submit their services for the empire. To the contrary the freedom fighters and resistant tribes are always mentioned as fanatics, savage, uncivilized and culprits etc. Like Major Maclover, political agent of the Thal Chaotically, has coined the term “Badmashes” for the freedom fighters in his letter to Richard Issac Bruce, “you know of course, that after you made over charge several cases of Ghaza occurred in Bori and Duki, and Badmashes invariably took refuge in Mina Bazar with Umar Khan”.[25]

Theo. F. Rodenbough has explored an unprecedented possibility of the war and violence in the characters of Pathan. His narration concludes that, the meaning of life in the view of an ordinary Pathan is to kill or to be killed by an enemy. He has put forward his judgment, “The love of war is felt much more among Afghans than by other Eastern peoples, although but little effort has been made by them to augment the means of resistance and aggression”.[26]

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Some of the 0reintaists like Redenbough see an engineered default in the character of Pashtoon. They perceived and propagated a linear and monotonic identity of Pashtoon that has no organic substance and will remain the same forever. He has further elaborated .further elaborates this points, “There is no shade of difference between the character of the nomad and the citizen; a town life does not soften their habits; they live there as they live in a tent, armed to the teeth and ready for the onslaught[27].

The leading stereotype of sketching the Pathan as a warrior is the cross cutting. It is evident somewhere while in most of the cases the orientalists have pointed it between the lines. Similarly the rhetoric and over simplification of the reality could be studied as a cross cutting phenomenon. About Afghans and Afghanistan history an Orientalist of the later days have written. “Afghanistan has nothing but stones and men: the stones made good Sungars6, which thousands of men were always ready to defend[28] .

The stereotyping of Pashtoon as warriors is common in the colonial and post- colonial discourse. The external invaders and rulers are either inspired or strategically want to develop a self image that can contain them reacting in a specific martial pattern. Hensman Howard in his account “Afghan War of 1879-80”illustrates that, “Afghanistan is a nation of soldiers, every adult being (apart from any military training he may receive) a ready swordsman[29]

Rodenbough also comes with subjective interpretation of the ways of Pashtoons. In his mentioned account, he has presented an over simplified version of the ways of Pashtoon. He has observed the ways of Pashtoon through a tunnel vision.

“These feuds are a system of petty warfare, carried on by long shots, stealing cattle, and burning crops. Samson, burning his neighbor's corn, acted just like an Afghan. When the harvest is nearly ripe, neither party dare sleep. The remedy is sometimes for both to fight until an equal number are killed on each side, when the neighbors step in and effect a reconciliation; another method is to pay forfeit of a feast and some sheep or cloth; in exceptional cases, a few Afghan virgins are substituted for the sheep, but they are given in marriage, and are well treated”[30]

Conclusion: Analysis of the memoirs, reports, diaries and other accounts produced by the Orientalists in the colonial period on the Pashtoon's history, culture and

6 A bunkar

TAKATOO Issue 6 Volume 3 43 July – December 2011 ethnography indicates that, the connotation and diction of the colonial and post- colonial writers has clear distinctions. Based on the peculiar political situation, the image of Pashtoon has been constructed and reflected in the works of the orientalists. In the result of study we can distribute these foreigners in four categories. The initial category covers the orientalists who visited Afghan land as visitors, their work contain relatively much attributing characteristics. The second tier is an outcome of the closed cored policy that is mixed with sheer bitter memories of the two Anglo-Afghan wars. The third tier of forward Policy writers and reporters cater another version of reconciliation and civilization. The fourth stock consists of the administrative officers and ethnographers who came back to Pakistan after the partition of Indian subcontinent and wrote their works like Oalf Caroe and J. W. Spain. The works of all these cadres was driven by the peculiar colonial policies and its connection to the Pashtoons specially and Afghans generally. The orientalist‟s narratives of colonial period still echoes in the accent of political scientists, ethnographers, anthropologists and academicians. The stereotyping of an ethnic entity as cruel, rigid, uncivilized and mischievous in the colonial era has almost reproduced in that needs proper investigation and articulation for rationalizing the discourse.

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References:

1) Maddani, Hussain Ahmed, "Angrez Samraj nay Hammai Kaisay Loota" 2) Caroe , Sir Olaf 'The Pathans' with an Epilogue on Russia, Oxford University Press,1958,p.395 3) L.W. Adamec/J.A. Norris, Anglo-Afghan Wars, in Encycloædia Iranica, online ed. 2010 4) Caroe, Sir Olaf, “The Pathans” Oxford University Press, 1958, P. 370, 5) Report on the Tribes of the Dir, Swat and Bajuar Together with the Uthmankhel and Ranizai, by Captain A.H. Mc Mahon Political Agent Dir, Swat and Chitral and Lieutenant A. D. G. Gramsay, second edition, Saeed Book Bank Peshawar, 1981, p.19

6) Said, Edward W. Orientalism, Western Conceptions of the Orient, a Penguin Book, Non- Fiction India, 1st edition 1978, 1995, p.34 7) www.bijanomrani.com -> Articles -> “Will We Make It To Jalalabad?” 19th century Book Travels In Afghanistan 8) Tanner,Stephen. Afghanistan a military history from Alexander the great to the fall of Taliban Oxford University Press P.134 9) W .Spain, James Pathans of the latter day, Oxford University Press Karachi, 1995 page-41 10) Tanner,Stephen. Afghanistan a military history from Alexander the great to the fall of Taliban Oxford University Press P.134 11) W .Spain, James Pathans of the latter day, Oxford University Press Karachi, 1995 page-41 12) Caroe , Sir Olaf 'The Pathans' with an Epilogue on Russia, Oxford University Press,1958, p.370 13) Ibib, p.370 14) Ibid., -p.7 15) Churchill. W.L Spencer, Malakan Field Force, 1897, Longman Colonial Library, p.8 16) Churchill. W.L Spencer, Malakan Field Force, 1897, Longman Colonial Library, p.8 17) Tanner,Stephen. Afghanistan a military history from Alexander the great to the fall of Taliban Oxford University Press P.168 18) Rodenbough , Theo. F. 'Afghanistan and the Anglo-Russian Dispute'The Project Gutenberg

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Ebook p.15 19) Richards , D.S.'The Savage Frontier, a history of the Anglo-afghan wars ' Macmillan London Ltd, 1990, p.6 20) Forbes , Archibald 'The Afghan Wars 1839-42 and 1878-80' Produced by Eric Eldred, Thomas Berger, and the On line Distributed Proofreading Team, P. 34 21) Caroe , Sir Olaf 'The Pathans' with an Epilogue on Russia, Oxford University Press,1958, p.395 22) Report on the Tribes of the Dir, Swat and Bajuar Together with the Uthmankhel and Ranizai, by Captain A.H. Mc Mahon Political Agent Dir, Swat and Chitral and Lieutenant A. D. G. Gramsay, second edition, Saeed Book Bank Peshawar, 1981, P.19 23) Issac, Bruce Richard, 'The Forward Policy' 2nd edition Nisa Traders 7-Jinah Cloth Market Quetta (Pakistan) 1977, P.1 24) Ibid P.93 25) Ibid P.177 26) Rodenbough , Theo. F. 'Afghanistan and the Anglo-Russian Dispute'The Project Gutenberg Ebook -p.14 27) Ibid p.14 28) Hensman, Howard, Afghan War of 1879-80, Second Afghan War, First Edition, London: H. Allen & Co.,13, Waterloo Place S.W Publishers to the India Office 1881, Second Edition Sang-E-Meel Publications -25 Sharah-e-Pakistan (Lower mall) Lahore,1999 p.320 29) Ibid p.320 30) Rodenbough , Theo. F. 'Afghanistan.

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