ìo. Ê

COSMIC HORIZONS

and

SOCIAL VOICES

by

Lindy War¡ell

Dissertation presented in fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophv

Discipline of Anthropology University of Adelaide

r990 PREFACE

1984 to The fieldwork on which this dissertation is based was done in from was surfacing in the 1986 when the critique of the anthropologist as 'Knower of the other' literature (Fabian, ig83, C¡fford anà Mãrcus 1986, Marcus and Fisher 1986¡-' When I Adelaide' returned from the field most works of this genre were generally unknown in central However, I began by writing with the insights of Bakhtin who himself had inspired Bakhtin's work, the dimensions of the birgeoniñg critique of aithropological practice. Like about ethnogiaphic"authority continuá to irr,rit" us to reflect uPon the methods debates It employed in the p.o"drrätiot of any iext which claims to define the world of others' relewant therefore seems appropriate for me to preface this dissertation by highlighting Social features of the proó"rrã, which have cu^lminated in this worþ Cosmic Horizons ønd Voices.

The nature of my fieldwork was distinctive. I did. not work in a spatially constrained community. Rather, my work was anchored by the work of specialist ritual practitionerc, not only live in both deity priests and þerformers. Because the practitioners themselves my dispersed lôcations but äre also highly mobile in rðlation to the work that they do, *ory entailed. extensive travel in and between urban centres and rural areas across several provincial divisions. In the course of eighteen ttonths of this kind of fieldwork, I attended io of fifty rituals of different types and scale' "*c"st over time, I developed personalized networks with more than frfty ritual practitioners privileging me io a b.oud span of rituals' I worked regularly, and often intimately, with a core of five priests an understandings. Many of these practitione where they publicly announced the purpose d.ocument Sinhala culture. I was claimed by university lecturer, which they knew very well I was not. This public acknowledgement legitimatád my d.ocumentation of performances which were, after all, paid for by others' It also had the effect that the sponio.r largely treated me as a member of the performing troupe.

My growing familiarity with ritual practitioners had the further ramification that some of them insisled that I discuss the meãnings of the rituals I documented with those people whom they considered specialists in their field. Soon, therefore, in addition to àtt.r.tai.,g rituals, Í spent a great deal of my time ente¡taining, and being entertained by, ritual spõciatists with-whom I discussed deeper levels of their knowledge and work. In this *uy, uid through my own unique consfe[ation of relationships,I accumulated ritual knówledge, albeit at the theoretical, not practical, level. Some people shared esoteric and valued information with me that they would not disseminate to others with whom they were in competition.

This field exercise provided a singular vantage point from which I have interpreted Sinhalese Buddhist ritualþractices. While the final selection of rituals interpreted in the dissertation is mine, and represents only aspects of the larger body of knowledge carried collectiveiy b , the interpretations are based not simply on my obseriati which was shared with me even as it was My constantly di d transformed by ritual practitioners. understandings of the meanings of ritual were consolidated in both quasi-formal and informal social settings, at my home and theirs, with people renowned as ritual experts by their peers. I collected ritual knowledge like rihral practitioners, in bits and pieces from different people. And, like practitioners who publicly acknowledge only or.e gurunnønse,I acknowledge mine formally, in the public arena of my own world, in the Introduction.

There is another dimension of my field experience that I want to mention before discussing how it was metamorphosed by writing. My three children, Grant, Vanessa and Mark accompanied me to Sri Lanka at the ages of 9,11. and 12 respectively. Their beautiful, inquisitive and effervescent youth attracted many people to us as a family which meant that they became wonderful sources of new friends and colloquial information. Both of the boys were fascinated with the unique rhythms of Sri lanka's ritual music and dance and before long, they were keen to learn these for themselves. Grant was deeply disappointed that he could not because, like Vanessa, he was committed to his schooling and, even at 12, he was taller than many of the ritual practitioners. Mark was younger and, in any case, of a much smaller build so he became a pupil of Elaris Weerasingha, a ritual practitioner with international fame, who became my husband.

Mark Ieft school to work with Elaris and his sons, often at rituals other than those I attended. With Elaris as his gurunnønse,i|vllark made his ritual debut just as novice Sinhala performers do. The Sri Lankan press discovered this unique cross-cultural relationship in late December 1986 just as we were preparing to return to Australia. Memorable photographs appeared in both English language and Sinhala papers accompanied by full- page stories praising Elaris for his teaching and acclaiming Mark for his proficiency in dance and fluency in Sinhala language and verse. We were delighted. Mark and Elaris continued to perform together in Adelaide at the Festival of Arts, on television and at multicultural art shows before Elaris returned to Sri Lanka to live for family reasons early in 1988. I remember Elaris for both the joy of our union and the pain of our parting. I want to thank him here for sharing his culhrre with us and especially for the way he supported me to believe in my understandings of the rituals he knew so well.

I transcribed my field experience with the help of Bakhtinian insights. The rituals I studied are analysed for their performative value under the heading Cosmic Horizons wíth faithful reference to what their producers, including Elaris, consider to be one of their most important dimensions if they are to be efficacior:s; where and when they should occur. I call these facets of ritual their time-space co-ordinates and I employ Bakhtin's conception of the chronotope, in conjunction with practitioners'naming practices, to give them the analytical emphasis they deserve. Using elaborations of ritual meanings articulated to me by ritual specialists and colloquial understandings of words rather than their linguistic etymologies, I variously explore the chronotopic dimensions of the names of supernatural beings, myths, ritual boundaries and segments to render explicit those unifying symbolic dimensions of a ritual co{pus which would otherrvise remain implicit to all except ritual practitioners. In particular, the Bakhtinian conceptions I use to analyse ritual serye to reveal and crystallize an integral relationship between the time-space co-ordinates inherent in ritual performance and the oscillations of the sun, moon and earth. Part 1 is synthesis but it is based on the time-space co-ordinates of rituat; it is deliberately constructionist^y but it elaborates what I Iearned from ritual practitioners in the ways I have described.

Part 2 is deconstructionist, it is an attempt to represent rituals as events with complex and indirect discursive reference to the elegant symbolic dimensions of the ritual performances themselves. As its title, Social Voices, suggests, Part 2 of the thesis privileges discourse about ritual - by ritual practitioners, ritual sponsors, Buddhist monks, the media and s'cholars - above the structural symmetry or chronotopic logic of the ritual corpus. It is in this domairL just to offer one example, that religion (øgama) is distinguished from culture (sanskruthøiyø) and exploited to make value judgements about people's participation in orthodox or unorthodox ritual practices, a judgement which is a possibility of the cosmic horizons constituted in ritual but which is not, as I argue, determined by them.

This dissertation is ultimately an attempt to represent, in written form, fragments of an-Other world through a prosaic Bakhtinian focus on the way particular people named and talked about that world to me. Although I chose not to identify individuals in the text for personal reasons, my methodology is purposeful, giving value to Sinhalese performative rihral as the product of specialist knowledge. And, in keeping with the new imperatives for writing ethnography, this preface describing my field experience is intended to make explicit the way the dissertation explores its foundation in relationships between Self and Other, Observer and Observed, without abrogating the responsibility of authorship. Not pretending to be the voice of the Other, Cosmic Horizons ønd SociøI Voices is voice, echoing the voice of Sri Lanka as it spoke to me. ^y

Lindy Warrell October 1991 MAP 1 adipa lã'd ec - @, oo

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RESEARCH FIELD NAME: COURSE:

This work contains no material wh diploma in any Univers ity and, to previously publish ed or written by made in the text.

SIGNED: DArE: /..).'.4þ.{ï*.,. &^ z1

COURSE: ûx.IZ.(tP.. (a.+-.2.e. NAM E : ..... 2

Library, being I give consent to this copy of my thesis, when deposited in the university available for loan and photocopying.

SIGNED: DAr E : Q..--.re. f.ç:n /..4...r..7.?t.... l-

THE BUDDTIAIS CHOICE

Prince Siddhartha, born of the Sun Dynasty to rule the world as King of the

Lion Clan, chose instead to become a Buddha. This duality of the figure of

Siddhartha/Gautama, whose father symbolizes the royal enemy of the spirit, is revealed in the story describing his quest for Enlightenment (exerpted from

Campbell 7976:258-27 4).

Prince Siddhartha/Gautama embarked upon his þurney with his father's royal horse, Kanthaka, to whom he said

O best of steeds...the king, my father, riding thee, has overthrown mâny foes. So do thou now exert thyself, for thine own good and that of the world, that I too may be a victor (íbid.:265)

Departing thus, the Prince roared with the sound of a lion 'Till I have seen the farther shore of birth and death, I $'ill never enter again the city"...The adventure had begun that was to shape the civilization of the larger portion of the human race. The lion roar, the sound of the solar spirit, the principle of the pure light of the mind, unafraid of its own force, had broken forth in the night of stars. And as the suç tisio& sending forth its rays, scatters both the terrors and the raptures of the nighh as the lion roar, sending its warning out across the teeming animal plain, scatters the marvelously beautiful gazelles in fear: so that líon rcar of the ofle rtt rc had thus comc gaoe wanúng of a lionpounce of líghtto cotne(ibitl.:265) [my emphasis]

The Prince said goodbye to his horse, who, "...dropping its head, let fall hot tears and licked its feet. he prince stroked him. 'I[hy perfect equine nature", he said, "has be€n proved. Weep not, good Kanthaka. Thy deed shall have its fruit" (ibid.:266). t-r

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1cølacø Maps Frontispiece I Table of Contents ll

INTRODUCTION: Argument and Fielde of Relevance 1 Theoretical Consideratioru 9 Cosmic Geognphy 24 Field Relations 31 Aclcrowledgements 32

PART ONE: COSMIC HORIZONS PREAMBLE: The ChronotoPe 34

CTIAPTER ú In the Beginning There was the Demonic 38 Introduction 38 Buddhist Beliefs 42 Cosmography M -. BuddluDuellings Deity Shrinæ Domætic

55 Buddhist Monks . Deities øruL DeitY Priæts . Demons ønd Exorcists . Sumnury Interluile The Nature of Humans 60 Conclusion 67

CHAPTER 2: The Historicization of the Cosmogony 63 Introduction 63 Buddhist Beließ 66 Ambience 68 . Summary Interluile The Buddhist Temple 75 Aperøhara by any other name would not be the same 78 Outline of Ritual Sequence 82 .Knphitmueenu .I&umbalPeralwrø . MaI Peraharø .PmndaPerøIura .WeøliPeralurø .RnndoliPøalmra . MalaPeralurø .DiyaknpinuPeralura .DaniyangeDane . C,anndina Peralwra . Milk-boiling . CartyakNøtu¡tlø Interpretation 85 . Introduction .The PÍusic Structure .ThcProcæsio¡ts rl_1

:

. Audience P articiPtion .&røDance Conclusion 108

CHAPTER3: Pattini LLI Introduction 111 Pattini 115

turs anil the floutu .iùlourneYing .u) Dísr,ttssion The Maduwa 124 . Ð The F.jtual constnrction . ä) Tllc Phasic Strrctureanil tlrc chronology .íiil The Cosmic Whole . iù The Pattini Division .ùTluDance .lnterluile Conclusion 749 Diagram: Spatial Iayout oÍ Mailuun 153

CHAPTER 4: Kali 154 Introduction 7il Cosmic Table 157 Kali 158 Sacrificial Sorcery 762 . Sumnury Interlude Motivations 166 Conclusion 767 Diagram: Cosmic Diagram t74

PART TWO: SOCIAT VOICES PREAMBLE: The Way Things Were t75

CHAPTER 5: Prestige, Priests and Performers 179 Introduction 779 Priests, re*o1ers and the t""o*Tr;Ïal Knowledge 186

. ment .Performers Two 203 .a) .b) Relative Prestige 2æ Trounes and Incidents 272 . Retintte and PriætIY Prætige Sumnury Intqtudã . tste ø¡ttl Indiuitlual Prætige .Summary of Incidents J-V

Corrclusion 227

CHAPTER 6: Authors of Perfon¡rancee: Authors of Events 224 Introduction 224 The Origin Myth 227 Whe¡e andWhat is a Maduwa? 22Í3 Authors of Performances 231 .Venuæ ønil Cæmic Chronotop Authors of Events 2?5 .Ntual Sponsorshþ øttd C*ma .MomIVaIue . PolitiølVøIue Text, Event and Listeners/Readers 243 Dialogizing tlre Text 245 Conclusion 247

CHAPTER 7: Cosmos and Society- The Prism 249 Introduction 249 Background 257 The Economy 257 ...i) Introduction

s

.ù AudienceandPlace . Sumnury Comment SocialVoices 270 Monks - Kotte - Bellnnwila Priests and Performers Dayal

CONCTUSION: Dialogic or Structural togic 28¡ì

APPENDIX 1: The Water utting MYth 306 APPENDIX 2: Seqaential Composition of Malu Perahara n7 APPENDIX 3: The Sequence of the Maduun 374 APPENDIX 4: Food for Performance 317

BIBLIOGRAPHY 318 t-

INTRODUCTION:

Argument and Fields of Relevance

"He thought about the eye's ability to see consistent colors and forms in a unilverse that pliysicists iqrew to be a shifting qganhrm kaleidoscope" (Gleick 1988:2).

"Cosmic Horizons and Social Voices" dialogizes the relationship between the apparently 'consistent colours and forms' of the Sinhalese Buddhist cosmos and the ineluctable flux of social relations. It takes dirrete rituals and aspects of social organization as different domains of experience to be explained in terms of their inter-relationships. The dissertation is based on fieldworkl conducted among

Sinhalese Buddhist ritual practitioners and their clients in a radius of the city of

Colombo, Sri Lanka. The rel,ative mobility of ritual practitioners in comparison with

their clients' locations in both rural and urban settings Posd the question of the

relationship between the structured meanings of ritual which are the product of

specialist knowledge and the meanings of rituals as social events in the lives of those

who pay for ritual services. At the ethnographic level, there is a clear disþnction

between these facets of contemporary ritual practice which gives rise to discourse

about the relative authenticity of ritual performances in terms of the assumed

motivations of those who participate in ritual. The dissertation, which is divided into

two parts in keeping with its title, focusses analytically on this discourse. I separate

the dual aspects of ritual as they present to experience, thus providing both a

cosmological and a sociological context for the interpretation of indigenous

discourse. I show that there is a dynamic opposition between cosmos and society

which is manifested in the way Sinhalese Buddhist people constitute their world through speech. I argue from this that there is a conhadiction in the Sinhalese

1 ...ftom ¡.tly 1984 to fanuary l9f!6. 2

Buddhist conception of the self which I phrase theoretically as a contradiction between religious individualism and social holism.

The Sinhalese Buddhist population of Sri t¿nka engages in a multitude of rituals for the Buddha, deities and demons which have been anaþed by numerous scholars over time in as many different ways as there are rituals2. In recent ye¿rrs'

Seneviratne (1978) has analysed the ceremonial procession for the Buddha in the town of , tJrte ,Asta perahara, describing it as a political rite of control,

Obeyesekere (1984) has analysed the performative rite for the Goddess Pattini as a traditional community heating rite, Kapferer (1981) has analysed the rite of demon excorcism as an aesthetic performance which orders both person and cosmos in its process and, more recently (1988), he examines the ontology of Sinhalese nationalism in terms of the homologous structure of potitical myth and sorcery ritual. Whereas Seneviratne imports both a traditional/modern dichotomy and a

transcendental/practical distinction in religion into his analysrs of peralurø, both

Obeyesekere and IGpferer recognize the unity of the Sinhalese Buddhist cosmos,

arguing against distinctions such as these. However, all three scholars focr¡s

exclusiveþ on a single level of the Sinhalese Buddhist ritual compleç respectiveþ for the Buddha, the Goddess Pattini and the demons. This means that despite

Obeyesekere's and IGpferer's view of a unitary cosmology, the relatiorships between

various rituals as the vital factor in constituting a unitary cosmology has not been

examined.

I therefore examine a selection of disparate rituals including stone'laying rites

for different dwellings (Chapter 1), the AmIa perahara which celebrates the Buddha

and the male deities (Chapter 2), the nuduwø for the Goddess Pattini (Chapter 3) and

sacrificiat sorcery for the Demoness IGli (Chapter 4). By examining the inter-

relationship between these rituals in terms of the time'space co-ordinates which

2I t"f"t to many of these works throughout the thesis. 3

structure them,I argue that the Sinhalese Buddhist cosmos is articulated as a whole by the three figures which give these rites their meanings. More significantly, I argue, contra Seneviratne (J978) who constmes the contemporary perahara as an anachronism, that the pralnra is the cosmogony, and as such, it constitutes the very context in which the other rites find meaning.

Of the rituals examined, two are largescale public performative rituals. One, t¡¡e,\slaperalwra was a royal ritual, a rite of state whictr originated in its present form in the last Sri lankan kingdom in the Up Country town of lGndy bp.ciÐ' which, in its transformation, became a symbol of contemporary nationalism (Warrell

1983). The other, tþ1e maduwø for the Goddess Pattini, was a vitlage ritual held in the face of communal disease which Obeyesekere describes as almost impossible to wibness by 7975 (7984222'). Tambiah attributes this to the rise in western medical techniques 0979:72Ð. In the absence of a Kingdom, the royal monoPoly of AsIa rites in the Low Country ryralurøhas given way to a proliferation of these ceremonial areas. In addition, there has been an apparent reflorescence of tllre maduwa in recent years which entails a shift in locr¡s to incorporate decidedly urban areas3.

Furthermorq Obeyes€kere has described the emergence of what he sees as a nerv

ritual phenomenon, the formal propititiation of the Demoness IGli, by the wealthy,

educated and elite in the urban area. These are all significant transformations which

necessitate a re+xamination of the rites corrcerned.

It is clear that the earlier functiors of rituals like the peraharø and the mailuwø

cannot explain their contemporary relevance. I therefore examine the rituals in two

ways. Firstly, I treat these rites as meaningfut in their own terms, thus providing

insights into the ritual transformations which accommodate the changes. This is

3 In a footnote, IGpferer sees the reflorescence of performative ritual for the dernons as an elaboration of ethnic nationalism. He says the middledass is "...fascinated by this declining aspect of its culture" (1988:232.f,!). He also suggests that this may actount for the aPParcnt revival of deity ceremonies to Pattini, particularly in urban areas. As I argue in Chapet Ç the latter rites do have a political function, and tneir importance liec in the way ttrey afford localized status to individuals in competition fur public of6ce. 4 i*tified by the fact that ritual in Sri t^anka is the product of specialists whose reinterpretation of rituals is informed by their own understandings of reality as it is.

Secondly,I locate the rites as objects in their social context to explore the reasons for ritual reflorescence and proliferation The reasons for staging public performative rites in the contemporary context as we will see involve a complex of religious and social factors.

I explain ritual transformation in Part 1 in terms of the multiple possibilities of meaning of the figures of the Buddha (and the male deities), the Goddess Pattini and the Demoness Kali. T\e ryralurø, as I show, has progressively become the apotheosis of a tradition which celebrates and by its timing in the everyday world, it historicizes the cosmogony. In the maduwø, the introduction of a transvestite dance of the Goddess Pattini has transformed this ritual to incorporate its meanings within the of form thus transcending any limitations on its function. And, scorcery, for the Demoness Kali, elaborates the

theme of the secret and hidden nature of evil in a Buddhist universe which is the

degenerative power of Time itself. Kali propitiation, as I argue, is sacrificial,

renewing the very foundation of Buddhism.

In a Buddhist context, all people may engage in any rite, there being neither

monopoly nor exch¡sion in terms of caste, class, or gender for worshipping the

Buddha and the deities or supplicating Kali and other figures associated with evil.

This includes the act of sponsoring large'scale, public performative rites which, as

meritorious work*, is equivalent to the various Buddhist abstinencess . In this

4 de Silva describes making as a most significant motivation for action. "The vast maþrity of Buddhists [he saysl, both monks and la¡rmen, invest mudr of their time and a Sreat deal of their wealth to acquire merit and ensu¡e their status within wflslt'(1980261). He tells us that it is in the natu¡e of merit to be shared, although "...in giving som€one a chance of reþicing in one's merit, the giver does not give anything. His whole act is an offering of goodwill, of metta, of benqvolence" (loc.cit.)- The grving of merit (WttiJløtol is distinguish"d by de Silva from reþicing in another's merit ones çan"runAatu) but the creation of merit by good works is an act of the individud. It is through own merit that the individr¡al may "...resolutely pursue the "Path" that leads to the goal lof ¡enunciationl" (b íd.:2621 5

context, all ritual acts are understood to be the acts of individuals, whether they are intended to have good effects or to produce evil results like l(ali supplicatioç

On the other hand, people are brought into the ambience of perfonnative ritual in social and secular terms; they are incorporat"d by ritual sponsors. Between

the two poles of Buddhist piety and Kali worship therefore, performative rituals such

as perøhara and the maduun aru:l, while I do not consider it here, demon excorcism

(see also lGpferer 1983) are public events. And, it is almost universally the case that

men pay for public performative rites6. This draws smaller or liarger crowds into the

ambience of rituat as the cas€ may be, giving to performative rih¡al an indexical

quality Clambiah 7979). But, given the protection afforded by performative rites

such as tlrre Asala peralarø and the maduun, there is a coresponding 'obligation' from

ritual audiences to the ritual patron for his munificence in providing the rite, whether

the audience is composed of kin, friends or others. This relation of protection and

obligation is a status relation between men which, as I show in Part 2, contributes

significantly to the meaning of rituals as events in the world.

Performative ritual, by definition, requires an audience and it is the

relationship between ritual sponsor and audimce that helps explain the proliferation

of rituals such as the peralwrø and the madutu. Ritual patronage is valued as the

pious act of an individual but it functions to organize reliations of status between

5 ..albeit these are hiemrchized as Ames has shown in terms of venerating Buddha, almsgiving preaching sennons, transferring merit, giving resp€ct and providing assistance (1966:32). Ames makes a distinction between these acts which he calls non-¡eciprocal and reciprocal prestations, the former for the Buddha, the latter to'spirits'. He says that the¡e is no merit=making involved in the latter acts which do not cr€ate mo¡al bonds between individuals in the way Buddhist prestations do (iW¿.33). The distinction made by Ames conforms with the Sinhalese distinction between religion and culture and it fails to account for the contemporary incorporation of what he calls 'reciprocal' prestations into the category of merit transfer. Sponsoring ritual is a meritorious act, merit is transfurred not to monks or the dead as is appropriaæ in'religious' terms, but to deities and it is nowadays seen precisely asVinlcmtaot meritorious work in rdigious temts.

6 D".pit" attending over 40 public performative rituals, I did not once s¡Be a female sPonsor. There is apparently no rule against it, whidr is why I say men'almost' universally sPonsor rites but the fact of male sponuship cannotbe explained in terms of the rituds themselves. The dominancc of men as sponsors is a sociological phenomenon, brn of social rel,ations. 6

men. By their acts of ritual patronage, men achieve status by encompassing others in ritual audiences, defining boundaries' in the social world. The proliferation of performative rituaþ then" arises out of a competition for secular status which conespondingty explains the escalation of sorcery practice for the Demoness Kali which aris€s out of þlousy (irisirrulø,). While all rites may be engaged io by individuals without distinction, rites such as the Asala Wralura, and the maduun put cosmic glitter on their patron's s€fllar status becar¡se the rites are |avish, public and

beloved by most people for their performative brilliance. Given that the proliferation of performative rituals is a product of competition for status, the relationship

between such rituals becomes politically relevant.

The product of specialists, performative rites are texts, they are obþts in the

world which are engaged in the contemporary socio-political context by socially

situated discourse. Discourse includes the contradictory views that rites are cultural

artefacts, that there are either status pretentions or religious reasons involved in

staging them, and that they are gtorious reminders of the past. The idiom is both

cosmologkal and sociological and, as I show in Chapter 7, it either orillates between, or conjoirs within its€tl what is analytically distinguishable as a relatiorship between cosmos and society. Ptrt in another way, the discourse

dialogizes cosmos and society in terms of piety and status and, as I argue in

conclwion, thus reveals an existential contradiction between a cosmically ordered

religious individualism and the holism of actual social relations.

My argument is based on the ethnographic disiunction between the cosmological meanings of rituals which, as the product of specialist ritual

lnowledge, remain essentially the same at a given point in timd, and the social and

political meanings brought to particular rituals as events in the world. This

distinction distorts the Sinhalese people's own division of reality which embodies a

7 The tr¿nsfurmations to which I rcfened ea¡lier occur in historical time. The analyses provided in later Chaptets, by definition, stoP the flow of time by insciption. 7

belief that Sinhalese ctrltu¡e (rvlnslçutlløip). mr¡st be preserved in order that

Buddhism Øganu) can survive. Sinhalese people clearþ distinguish their religion,

Buddhism, as religion (agattu\ in contrast to their culture (ønskrutlaiyù. The term

'agamn'is used in practice to denote anything pertaining to monks, temples, Buddhist belief, philosophy and practice. Sansbutlniya, on the other hand, denotes ritual and practices associated with deities, demons and other supernatural beings, as well as secular socíal organizatíon in its various manifestations. Ironically, however, the ternr þnskrutluiy'as it is used in practice, irrcorporates into itself everything except

'religion' and is therefore synonymous with the Buddhist concept of smsara or the cycle of existence, within whictr there are, as it were, wheels within wheelss. In deciding how best to approach such an ephemeral entity as other people's experience of their own reality in this undifferentiated realm o1'snslcrutlaiya'-'samilrt',I began by methodologically and analytically separating cosmos and society precisely becar¡se the cosmos is ordered by Buddhism whereas social relations are not.

On the one hand, as I show, the tenets of Buddhism permeate all aspects of the cosmos in rites whether they are for the Buddha, the deities or demons. The Buddhist philosophy orchestrates a unitary, albeit hierarchical and holistic cosmology, which interconnects all rituals in terms of conceptions of time and sPace.

They are thus articulated wittV and ordering of, the meanings of everyday time and space as I show in Part 1. The cosmic horizons constituted in ritual are, furthennore, isomorphic with the limits of human being-in-the-world, articulated by the figures of

the Buddha, the male deities, Pattini and Kali. On the other hand, Sinhalese social life whidr has the same'shape' or'form'as the cosmology and is therefore holistic, is

fundamentally secrrlar in the Sinhalese context. This is clear from the way things are

named. Hierarchical social relations are described as pirfunra or 'retinue' which

involves a reliation between leaders tçradlunqa) and followers (piriunrøyù. As I

t i.e. there are the wheels of spiritual and temporal power and the dynamic opposition of transcendence and desire within humans which intersect in each Person. B

show in Part 2, such relations form situationally, incorporating differences in class and often tranrending the categorical relatio¡u of kÍn and caste.

Retinue, in its different manifestations is materially ordered as the form of temporal power. It derives, perhaps, from the hierarchical social organization of thc

Sinhalese royal pohty but it is no longer ordered ocdusiveþ by caste which, in the

Sinhalese context, in any case, was s€cul,ar uis+-ois the kingg. While the form of social relations is holistic, social life is decidedly fragmented in practice as discourse about rihrals reveals. Through speech, sections of the populatiorç in this case, ritual practitioners, priests, monks and ritual dients or sponsoñ¡, distinguish and separate themselves from others in a multitude of ways not the least in relation to rituals as partictrlar events in the world. With rituals like t}ire peralara and, to a lesser extent,

ttle ¡naduuta, this discourse has political implications in the definition of tradition.

However, neither caste nor Buddhism and the cosmology it permeates, expliain the

political fragmentations in social life based on retinuel0. Buddhism is not a social paradigm, it is a personal salvational religion and the cosmology it orchestrates

constitutes individuals in its terms. At the level of experience, therefore, there is a fundamental and dynamic contradiction between cosmically ordered religious

individualism and the holism of actual social relation.

Paradoxically, as I show, the e

cosmologically as an aggregate of individuals and disunites them in holistic social

9 tt i" is because the Sinhalese social organization was organized in terms of royal duty, rajalcañya, which involved caste relations between people vis+-ois the king's allocation of land for service. This form of duty is quite distinct from religious duty which, in the Buddhist context is duty to oneself. As Gunaseka¡a atgues, the Buddhist concept of dhmma signifies righteous action which applied to king and subject alike (1978:122) whereas rcjakaÅg implied obligations betuteen people oís'e' ois the king.

10 It ¡ perhaps worth mentioning her,e that Goody, in his editorial introduction to Libracy in Trdilional Sæitlty has made this point in a diffurent way. tn literate society, according to Goody "We cannot exp€ct to find the sane cloce fit between rc{igion and society that sociologists often perceive in non-literate cultures when the r€{e¡ence point is not some locally derived myth subirt to the homeostatic prlocesses of the oral tradition but a virtually indestmctable document belonging to one oi the Feat world (i.e., literate) religions' (1%8:5). He goes on to say ttrat it would be an "intellectr¡al solecism" to cûmpare, for example, Australian totemism and Burmese Buddhism and "in terms of social t¡oups, what 'fits' in Rangoon is hardly likely to ñt in rural C-eylon" (loc-cit.l 9

groupings. I suggest that the contradiction is an embodiment of the symbiosis elsewhere described as a symbiosis between Buddhism and royalty or spiritual and temporal power, dlarma and ørtlurr. I argue that the contradiction is a dynamic principle ordering Sinhalese Buddhist life; notably, without a king.

My argument incorporates J.C. Heesterman's (1985) insights into the nature of hierarchy in the Indian context. Heesterman argues against D¡mont's 0966) understanding of hierarchy, which I disct¡ss below, by qualitatively differentiating the hierarchícal ínteùlepenilence of social relations and the ínilepenilence of the

Brahmannic ideal. In Heesterman's view, hierarchical interdependence, which I see as holism in D¡mont's s€nse, organizes actual social relations between people whereas, as he says, The Brahmin ideal...relects all relations in favour of absolute y be an outside reference pointfor ielate them to each other, either er immanent in social order are irreconcilablY opposed to each other (ibid.z[4).

This opposition forms 'the inner conflict of tradition' as Fleestennan entitles his work.

As I demonstrate, Heesterman's notion of inner conflict closeþ parallels the way hierarchy and individualism are experienced in Sri lanka where the Buddhist religion transcends holistic social groupings even as it articulates each individual into the religious Path.

Theoretical considerations

My argument, and the method of its presentation by juxtaposition, is informed by the work of the Russian linguist M.M. Bakhtin. I introduce the premises of Bakhtin's work in relation to the New Ethnography by way of a critical dirussion

11 See both Trr¿ Tw Wllccls of Dlumtu (Obeyesekere et¿l. (eds. 1972) and Relígion and tle L4ititttr/;ion ol Poua (hrdwell L. Smith ed. 1978) 10

of Sar¡szurian linguistics in the work of Levi-Strauss and relevant others who employ the Stmctt¡¡alist paradigm. The Bakhtinian conception of language differs markedly

from Saussurian linguistics on whictr French Stmch¡¡alism is based. The critical disþnction between the two occurs in relation to speech.

Although there are moments when the work of Levi-Strauss, if not other

structuralists, appears to agree with that of Bakhtin/Vólosinovu, there are three

marked differences between his work based as it is on Sar¡ssmrian linguistics and the

premises of Bakhtinian linguistics which have implications for writing ethnography.

Firstly, Saussurian linguistics systematicalty excludes the individual and speech from its understanding of language, an exclusion which canies through into Stmcturalism. In contrast, Bal:htinian linguistics takes the word, speech, utterance or

discourse as the creative moment in sociat life which implies consideration of the individuat. Secondly, French Stmcturalism, as espoused by Leví€trar¡ss,

distinguishes 'social structure' from'social relatioru' and gives ontological priority to

the former, thereby describing speech as an 'execution' of a formal language that

exists at the unconscious level. Again, in contrast, the Bakhtinian insistance on the

social nature of speech invites rigorous anaþis of the particular social contexts in

which speech meaningfully orchestrates social relations. Finally, by its absolute

reliance on binary oppositions, whether or not they are valorized as in the work of D¡mont (7972) and Kapferer (1988) as discussed below, Stmctr¡ralism is fundamentally comparative at an abstract and therefore ahistorical level. In this

l2llr-nt fu*g" Mind, for examplg lævi-Strauss opposes mythic thought, which he sses as a furm of bricolage to abstract scientific thought. In his discussion of mythic thought, he says, "Their [the natives'l familiarity with ttreir biological environment, the passionate attention which they pay to it and their precise knowledge of it has often struck inquirers as an indication of attitudes and preoccuPations which distinguish the natives from their white visitors" (1966:5) [my additionl. While l.evi€trauss is explicit about not valorizing rientific thought, this binary opposition assumes that the existence of one mode of thought implies the absence of the other in given contexts; the two can only be known in opposition. If the binary principle is þored, howwer, Let'i-Strauss'(þmments about attention to and knowledge of a particular environment bears a significant resemblance to Bakhtin's notion of heteraglossia or the diversity of 'specialist'languages appropriate to different envi¡onments. The maþr difference lies in Levi-Strauss'¡rotion that m¡hic thought implies the'...cpntinual reconstruction ftom the same materials" (íhüt-:271 whereas the¡e is no sr¡ch indication of closure in the notion of hetetaglossia. 11

regard the Bakhtinian conception of dialogism assumes socially located historical actors. Iæt me expand on these three contrasts briefly. I hasten to add that I do not see the two conceptions of language as fornring a binary opposition. The differences between them profourutly affect the way anthropologists locate themselves in reliation to the people whooe lives they scrutinize arrt then describe 13.

According to tvLlvL Bakh6n/V.N. Votosinovla l'anguage must be understood in terms of the variety of socialty embedded speech acts or utterances, not as a formal

entity. In Bakhtin's words: Linguistics and the philoso structu¡alisml acl

Discourse, in this view, is inherently evaluative because it dialogizes with the

possibilities of its contexts.

The dialogical prirrciple underþing all speech, whether in its spoken or written form, is fundamental to the Bakhtinian view of language. To Volosinoç

language is social but it also creates individual consciousness (1983:111). It is social

in two s€rìaes. Firstly a word or utterance takes its meaning from a context which is

implicit in it, and secondly, speech is always directed to another. Living speech

diatogizes the two whether the'other'is somebody eLs€ or the individual's own inner

I A wonderful ¡emark made about the liÍe of a rientist involved in the revolutionary Chaos Theory s€ñ/es to crystallize tlre ambiguous pooition of the anth¡opologist who, in writing, dialogizes at the interstice between "...the world of the mind and the world of people" (Gleick 1988:159). The former can be seen to pedain to anthropological discourse, the latter to field-work-

14 ftoqnitt (1981) and Todorov (1984) both diruss tlre controversy surrounding Bakhtin and Volosinov being one and the same person. Whether or not this is the case, I shatl refer to Bakhtin/Volosinov's conception of language as 'Bakhtinian', except when I am directly referencing work published under either name. L2

voice. As Volosinov says, "lvlan's lsicl whole inner life is fornred in dependence on- the means [anguagel for expressing it...Without inner speech, there can be no (loc.aú)[my consiousness, iust as there is no outer speech without inne¡ speech" additions]. Speech acts, in in this view, assume a necessary inter-relation of both internal dialogue arul the presence of another. In the latter case, "It is the relations between...participants in the event which give shape to the utterance, making it

sound one way and not another - as a dernand or request, as an assertion of one's

rights, or ¡rs a plea for mercy, in a stilted or simple style, confidently or shyly, and so

on" (ibid.:106). Furthermore, this view does not simply aPPly to 'personal' relations between individuals. It involves the "total environment" Gbid.:707) of those individuals and thus can include the socio-economic hierarchy, political affiliations as well any discrete specialist domains which are described by Bakhtin as the

'heteraglo*sia' of social life. While the voices of individuals, in Bal¡htin's view, can,

and do, merge with "...the point of view, opinioru and þdgemmts of the class to

which [theyl belong" (ibù1.:17Ð [ury addition], they can also rebain the specificity

within the class in terms of their own inner dialogue; the one does not preclude the

other. Speech and meanin1 are always a dialogicat possibility of a plethora of different åontexts avaitrable to, and ordering ol the individual consciousness of

speakers. Clearþ the Bali:htinian view of language is about modes of knowing an

actual world and is therefore not culturespecific. On the contrary, it is a view which insists upon considering the social location of the speaking subiect which

diametrically opposes it to Structuralism.

Stmctural linguistics excludes the speaking subiect from the analysis of

language by distinguishing speech (prolò from language (langue). Speech is then

seen as thre exeantíoz of language which has formal properties. As Saussure states

...we are at the same time separating: (1) what is social from what is individua} and (2) what is essentialhom what is accessory and more or less accidental (1972:65) r.3

Saussure makes this distinction because he is interested in the scientific study of

language which consists of systematizing complexity. Although he pointed to the

arbitrary nature of the relationship between the concept (signified) and the sound

image ßignifier) whidr together make up the sign (De George lg7àvjrx), this very

notion, which co¡utitutes a basis for the comparison of formal languages, effectively

excludes the contingency of speech. Saussurian linguistics thereby constitutes

language as a systen of relations between linguistic sigru.

The Saussurian emphasis on system is transformed by l-evi-Shauss into a

paradigm for understanding the ctrltural world. hrspired by Saussure, I-evi-Strauss

developed the notion that social structure can be understood as a system of relations

between signs. He expre*ses this as follows

of the tinguis its function b ical structure the aggregate of other signs - that is the linguistic universe, which alwayïtends to be systemattc" (1977.94)

Social structure, he argues elsewhere, has "...nothing to do with empirical reality but

withmoilels which are built up after it" (1978:279) [my emphasis]. Social structure, in

other words, is an abstract system of signs in their inter-rel,ations and this has

nothing to do with social rel,ations (Ioccit.). Iævi-Shauss'view that speakers are ¿ot of the same nature as their utterances 097/:297') is completely contrary to Volosinov's. Iævi-Strauss argues that social structure is constituted from

unconscious moilels which he contrasts with nonns to make his point. To Iævi-

Strauss, and in linguistic terms, structure is "...in the realm of grammar and s¡rntax,

not the spoken word" (ibid.:T4). Conscious models, he says "...which are usually

known as "norms", areby definition very poor ones, since they are not intended to explainthephenomenabuttoperpetuatethenì''(íbitl.z?ßl).Surely,initsel'thisis

vital to an understanding of social life and the reproduction of relations of power in I4

the worldls? This point has been made by lvlarctrs and Fischer (1986) and others, to whom I refer shortly, who are moving towards a New Ethnography along the lines of the Bakhtinian conception of language.

Stmctural¡sm's methodological exdusion of the individual, sPeech, and the social relations which are the very forurdation of social life, and its reliance on

oppositions, stands diametrically opposed to the Bakhtinian corrception of language

as socially sih¡ated speectu To Volosinov "...the tme essence of language is the social

event of speech interaction, manifest by one or several utterances (1983:115). In any

social event, he argues, "In actualitytyJlnever say or Þrear worils, we say or hear what

is true or false, good or bad, important or unimportanÇ plmsant or unpleasant, and

so on" (ibid.:7}). Ianggage, in this view, whether it is spoken or written, is inherently

evaluative and valorizing. What formal linguists study, on the other hand, is the

already spoken which, like lævi-Strauss, they examine for underlying structures

almost in a causal sense which denies historical creativity (see footnote 12).

This has a paficular significance for the discipline of anthropology which

aims to represent the worlds of others. In this regard, Volosinov's remark that, "...a

synchronic system may be said to exist only from the point of view of the subiective

consiousness of an individual speaker" (1973:66), can be taken to mean that the

logical, binary oppositions of the world of Lævi-Strauss are a product of his own

selection of relevance. While he explicitly states this himself as I have shown, the

external imposition of relevances negates the socially situated valuations people use

to produce, re-produce and historically transform their worlds-

15 Of course, nonns, hence ideals, are usually only in exegesis when people are telling how things 'ought' to be. In this sense, I agree with Ler¡i-St¡auss that they are not the appropriabe guide to complde social anaþis. We might consider, for example, the problems that RadcliffeBrown's model of Aboriginal social organization caused in reLation to the det€rmination of Australian Aboriginal Land Rights which Gumbert (1981) discusses insightfully under the apt hitle Pcrdigms Lost. 15

The aspects of lævi-Strauss' approadr brought into focus here have already been properly politicized by Diamond 0974, who argues that Structuralism imPorts a false objectivity into interpretation which is itself ideological. As Diamond says,

...when anthropologists are commitments at home and charismatic, a near-utopian (ibid.:296).

Harari has also directly criticized l-evi-Strar¡ss for abandoning meaning at the level of

experience by bypassing 'the authot' and foct¡ssing on the stn¡cture of texts as

timeless abstractions (7979:21-?3). What Harari is sayit g is that, who says what, and

by what right, is important in understaruting society. Levi-Strauss,like Saussure as

we know, is fundamentally interested in a scíentífíc (hence objective and valuefree)

expl,anation of culhrre.

However, faith in the power of objectivity is the hallmark of Stmcturalism as

Diamond and Harari make abudantly clea/6. In conhast, the Bakhtinian view, with

ihs foca$ on the individual and socially situated speech, pennits political rhetoric,

exegesis and all styles of 'the word'to be taken into account as such. Furthermore, it

incorporates into its methodological scope not only the speaker and the spoken word

but also the author and the written word or'the work' (see 1981:252-?5Ð' Written or

spoken, language, to Bakhtin, is living dialogue'

Forming itself in an ¡ pken, the word is at the sanõe time deten rt yet been said but which is needed and swering word' Such is the situation in an

16 I*t q,tote here from Ryerabend (1987) who argues against belief in the obirtíve Power of 'Reason'. "In ^"conclusion let me rcpeat that relativism as presented here is not about concepts...but about human ¡elations. It deals with p,roblems that arise when different cultures, or individuals with diffferent habits and tastes, collide. lntellectuals a¡e accustomed to deal with cultural collisions in terms of debates and they tend to refine these imaginary debates until they become as abstract and inacccssible as their own discourse. Proæeding in this manner many of them have moved away from lifu into a ¡ealm of technical knowledge. They ane no longer concerned with this or that culture or this or that person; tlrey are concerned with ideas such as the idea of reality, or the idea of tnrth, or the idea of obirtivity. At d tW do ttot ßk rtout thc ldeu etl- detcil to lu;en cxístr,lræ, but ltout lhcy ete telet¿d to ccch otha." [my emphasisl r.6

What is obiectively tmq in the Bakhtinian view, is the meaning of what is actually said; either between people or between people and a work or a text. This has the consequence that he places eql¡al ernphasis on the social location of the speaker/author in the pncduction of words, works and utterances as does Foucault who, in his worlç asks

'lVhat are the modes of existence of...discourse? Where has it been used, how can it circulate, and who can appropriate it to hirnself [sicl" (7979:760)

In many ways reminiscent of Foucault's project, the Bakhtinian insistence on

the social nature of language permits questions relating to power and historicity to

be addressed in an interpretive way. This, and the focus on the individual, speech and authorship is variously reflected in the new imperatives for writing ethnography. As Talal Asad remarþ as though he were dialogizing with

structuralism as I have presented it

tes itself to a skilled reader. It meaning of what they saY cultural condition in which 86:155).

Albeit not always directlylT, the New Ethnography incorporates the work of Balùtin. In the Introduction to Writing Culture (1986), Clifford outlines the importance of the Bakthinian corrceptiors of 'dialogism' and 'listening to many

voices' in the reliation of author to the cultural 'text' about which s/he writes. He

argues that

cultural descriptiors" (Clifford 1986:15).

17 I a^ thinking trere of Edward Bruner's (1986) article "Ethnography as Narrative" which uncannily echoes Bakhtinian notions. Pertraps this can be acrounted for in terms of his acknowledgements of Foucault and some of the New Ethnographers. Bakhtin, of cource, has been significantly irrcorporated in Bruner's earlier Int¡oduction to a work on the same theme, Tetd' Pløy and Storyí984). T7

Significantly, the Bakhtinian conception of language forces us to consider the problem of authority, but not only within the worlds we describe. It reqgires sociological explication of the relationship betueen anthropological discourse and

those worlds. Clearþ ttris is where the ahistorical and paradigmatic model of

Stmch¡ralism shows its greatest wealness. Iævi-Strauss, with absolute intellectual

honesty, is quite oglicit about his proj..ct. As he states, "...actually our ultimate

purpose is not so much to discover the unique chatacteristics of the societies that we

study, as it is to discover in what way these societies differ from one anothet'' (7977:328). In other words, through Stn¡cturalism, abstraction and its hand-maiden,

objectivity, have become the basis of a comparative method in the discipline. I

therefore consider the way this comparative note in the work of I-evi-Strauss has

become an authoritative paradigm in the work of D¡mont 1972,7977,79f16),

contrasting it with the method employed in this thesis.

D¡mont sets the agenda for comparative anthropology in the following

words

...in order to tmly unile¡stønd we must be able...to search...foi what corresporxls on iheir side to wløit un acknorvledge,_ arul for what other words, corresþonds on our side to wl:øit thq aclnowledgg. -In we mrist strive to constn¡ct on both sides comparable facts (1986:3)

Throughout D¡mont's work, what'we'and'they'appear to acloowledge is a

qualitative difference between hierarchy and individualism as ideals for human

being-in-theworld. Iæt me briefly outline D¡mont's conceptions.

In Honn Hierørchiøts (7972\, Dumont introduced valorization to Levi€trauss'

notion of binary opposition. He thereby conceptualized hdia in terms of a hierarchically structured relation between @stes, in which religion encompassed

secular power and society was ordered on the principle opposition within the whole,

defined by the purity of the Brahmin caste and the impurity of the Untouchables.

The wholg D¡mont argued "...is founded upon the necessary and hierarchical ce

existence of the two opposites" (ibrd:8l). Caste structured the whole in terms of purity L8 and impurity, articulated top and bottom by Brahmin and Untouchable. Complementarity and encompassment are the active features of the whole in which 'status is determined by prirrciples independent of the distribution of authority"

(ibíd.:15).

In a later work 09m Dumont develops the notion of individualism and egalitarianism as it arose in the West, opposing it to his notion of hierarchy whidt in

India, he says, appears "...in its pure fornu exdusive and undilutd" (ibitl.z4). It ¡s in this work that Dumont first propos€s

'aety The hypothesis that t results fromthc altempt,in ø æ where'¡id¡v¡dwlism is reilomitunt, to suborilinate it to the primo.cy of the society as a u It combines,. unlowuingly, conflicting-vaíuæ (ibitt.:72) Iori6nat emphasis, my additionl.

He later extends this argument to explain the violence of Hitler's Germany as being

"...rooted in the contradiction between individualism and holism" (1986:158), a view which in my opinion could equally explain Sinhala chauvinism. In this worh

D¡mont does say, somewhat in keeping with Heesterman's argument cited earlier,

that for Buddhism "...subiective morality and ethics constitute the interface between

worldly life and its social commards on the one hand, tmth and absolute values on

the othet'' (ibid.z33). Dumont's view has allowed me to theoretically formulate my

distinction between individuatism and holism, but I should point out that it is

specificalþ based on the way people construe their world, not on the D¡montian

paradigm I am considering here.

The difference between D¡mont's method of formulating the distinction, and

my own, reliates directly to the difference between the comparative method and the

method employed in this thesis. Underþing all of D¡mont's work is the notion that

humans are human by virtue of social life. They differ in terms of the valuation they

place on themselves or society. As he puts it,

Where the individual is a Paramount value, I shall speak- of individuatism. In the opposite case, where the ¡nramount value lies in society as a whole,I sñãll speak of holism. (ibid-:251 r_9

This distinction relies on the Premis€ oll972that we can separate

1) Ttß nryiriut agent, prænt ín a;øy æciety in virh¡e of which he lsicl is the raw material lsicl for any sociology. 2) The rational being and notnatiae subjed of irutitutions, this is peculiar to us, as is shõwn by the values of eqrrality-andliberty: it is an idea that we have, the idea of an ideal (19724Ð [original emphasþ my additionslls

There are, therL two different sorts of human being whích D¡mont describes in terms of a structu¡al, almost binary, opposition between the modern and the traditional or, between modern and norrmodern parts of the world (1986:55). In the

Sri Iankan context, as we shall see, such a distinction is totally false. Individualism is a religious phenommon relating people in terms of their cosmology and holism is a social phenomenon relating people to each other. Neither can be simply described as traditional or modern because they both exist as potentialities in simulteneftylg

Despite his fascination with types of human, Dumont explicitly states that he studies texts, and not liviog people, with the corìsequence that he considers his work to be incomplete as anthropology. At the same time, he argues that this is adequately compensat"d by the "...sytematic introduction of a comparative dimension' (ib¡7.:13).

Drmont's proiect, so very similar to that of lævi-Strauss, is reflected in the work of IGpferer. In his work entitled ltgaús of People Mytlß of State,IGpferer explicitly adopts D¡mont's 1972 premise (1988:12) and adapts the D¡montian opposition of hierarchy and individt¡alism to explain the differences between Sinhala

18 This distinction is later crystallized (7971.81 as Íollows: "1. the enryiriel subject of speech, thought, and will the indivisible sample of mankind [sicl, as found in all societies 2. the independent, autonomous, and thus essentially non€ocial nønlbetng, as found primarily in our mode¡n ideology of man [sicl and society"[original emphasis, my additionsl

19 Wh.ther the contradiction can fully explain Sinhala chauvinism any mo¡e than it can the totalita¡ian virclence of Hitledan Cærmany remains an issue. Oearly, neither Sri lanka nor Gernrany are in a permanent state of conflict, a detail which can be missed by the ahistoricity of Stnrctr¡ralism and the compa.ratine method. 20

and Australian nationalisms2O. Based on a stmcturalist analysis of nyth and ritual,

Sinhala nationalism, according to IGpferer, is based on a cosmological opposition between the hierarchical order of Buddhism and the fiagmenting possibilities of the demonic which it encom¡nsses. While criticizing Dumont for engaging in nostalgia in the form of "...worship of traditionalism" (iüíd.219,1.12) in his notion that hienrchy is a property of humaru'lost'to the west, he nonethe less exdudes from his unclerstanding of ethnic violence in Sri Lanka the possibility of individualism as such in holistic society. Dumont, as I have said, sees this as a force in totalitarian violence, but lGpferer employs the comparative method to com¡nre disparate cultures on the basis of D¡mont's earlier work on India. Kapferer ctearþ distindþhes Sinhalese and

Australian culture in the way Drmont distingUished hdia from the West.

I mention IGpferer's argument to condude this dirussion of differences between Structuralism and the Bakhtinian approach adopted here. IGpferer's argument is comparative, and it is inspired by Stmcturalisrn He contrasts the comparative approach with the style of approach adopted here, which he describes as anthropological criticism and which, in his view, tends to be self-indulgent and narcissistic because it risks the import of the anthropologists' own values being superimposed on the world of others (fuü1.:2Ç25). For this reason, he conceptualizes his comparison in terms of a dialogical principle as follows

My þxtaposition of Sinhalese Buddhist and Australian egalitarian nationalism in one volume is inten religioru, as I understand them, words each is to realize its distinc

lens of other cultural ideas and practices (1988:26)-

20 t do not consider the Aust¡alian section of Kap,fer,eds work in this thesis because it is not reler¡ant tor my argument. The Australian component has been critically reviewed by Humphrc¡r McQqeen (1989) as a shallow pieæ of work and deúended against McQr¡een by f. Mimica (1990). The work as a whole has been reviewed by both E Valentine Daniel (1989) and fonathan Spencer (1989) with whose criticisms I agr,ee as I dirrrss in the condusion. 2T

This form of iuxtaposition elides the author as it aims to unite the abstract interpretive principles of SUucturalism with a correptíon of dialogic. As I have disct¡ssed here, Stn¡cturalism and the Bakhtinian principle of dialogism are totally incommensurable modes of viewing the world. In this light, arxl as I consider in more detail after the presentation of my own data,IGpferer's method of diatogizing has the effect of comparatively corutnring different worHs in obþtified stasis from the subjective position of the authoÉr.

úr contrast, and in the spirit of the Bakhtinian conception of language and the

New Ethnography, I employ iuxtaposition in an attempt to explicate the subþtive experience of others in their own social worlds. R¡rthermore, I distinguish the world

I describe from the world in which I write. This neans that, in conclusion I dialogize my own voice with other voices in the discipline uis a ois the world we all describe.

The finat critical discussion therefore includes not only IGpferer's voice, but also

Seneviratnes and Obeyesekere's, whose work I have mentioned here. The contemporary work of these three scholars stands authoritativeþ within the discipline in relation to the rituals I examine. As I argue in conclusion, their

21 Diamond's criticisms of Stn¡cturalism a¡e appropriate he¡e. Published about, and during a time of, ethnic violence in Sri Lanka, Kap,6erer's abstract comparison of two cultu¡es which have no current relations of significance between theur, by exclusion, becomes a political docrrment which denies the signiñcance of events in the world. What I mean by this is that, by not induding in this work any consideration of tlrre rcIetíofls betutætt Sinhalee and Tamils, the Sinhalese are construed in it as people fired by passilcns they cannot conhol and ttre Tamils are, by implication, construed as the hapless victims; the a-historicity of the Structuralist app,roæh allows of no solution. In this sense, the work is at least as ideological those who are directly engaged in tlre conflíct itself and it belittles attemPb to end it as I discuss in conclusion. A number of scholars have grappled with Sri l¿nka's ethnic issues as e\tents in the world (see Obeyesekere 1984(b), Gunasinghe (19S4) and Tambiah (198{t). I have argued elsewhere (Warrell forthcoming) that thes€ th¡ee scholars rather unproblematically spea.k about the Political patrcnage system in Sri Lanka, without considering tlre holistíc implications of it. I nonetheless see holism as divisive of, nther than unifying the Sinhalese population as lGpfeler's argument implies. Roberts (1989) offers a critique of Tambiah's and others' positions with direct reference to the ethnic violence. He acknowledges ttre historical oppression of the Tamils soon after independence (íbù1.:761. However, he also indicates how, since iæ beginning in opressioç the Tamil 'liberationist' mor¡ement has "...pursued their programme intelligently and depbyed cultural lrrowledge in organizing their tactics" (ibíd.:E71. In other words, he acknowledges ttreir active engagement in the Process of conflict in terms of a cultural knowledge of the total social context. While Roberts does not deny "Sinhala chauvinism" (ibíd.:78), he says that Tamils, too, have ttreir mythology (ihitl.:79) and admonishes scholars to heed orai evidence. People, he argues are -...'living documents' [andl The vktims of violence are always an important source of evidené (ibid.:77)- 22

interpretations of Sri t¿nkan ritual life are ordered, albeit in different ways, in terms

of theoretical models and so stand as the Díscou¡se of Ruling in Dorothy Smith's (698n usage. Smith argues against the objectively 'neutral' authority of the male

voice, which she sees as creating a third version of reality, the discourse of ruling,

because it "...proiects the sociologist's necessary grasp, the interpretive act, onto the

world as its mode of being its ontolog/' Gbid.zllïl. In keeping with the principles of the work of Bakhtin and the New EthnograPhy Smith argues that "Opening an inquiry from the standpoint of women means accepting our ineluctable

embeddedness in the same world as is the obiect of our inquiry" (íbitl.:7/7) whidt is

something the three abovenamed scholars fail to do as I demonstrate.

Quite clearly, it is not only women who offer a different standpoint as this

discussion, which is exclusively about men, exemplifiesz. Flowever, Clifford has

acknowledged that feminist, as well as non-Western writings, have had an impact on

the New Ethnography (1986:21). The similarity of my view to this stream of thought,

as opposed to IGpferer's, Smeviratne's and, to a lesser extent, Obeyesekere'sB,lies in

my own dissatisfaction with the practice of theoretically systematizing sociat life at a

level beyond the erperience of it. The Bakhtinian idea that living speech is amenable

to socíal analysis, for me, provides the exciting possibility of discarding externally

imposed paradigms and incorporating flux into analysis while retaining a disciplined

approach.

The pages that follow are therefore organized and orchestrated with the

Bakhtinian premise that names, words, utterances, discourse and dialogue - or living

speech in its various fornrs and valuations - can be engaged in anthropological

analysis without losing the rigour of the systemic approach2a. I rely for systematicity

- Z...and as Dorothy Smith also says.

B Thir qualification is made because, while Obeyesekere emplop Weberian concePts, tre aims to explore the Sinhala psychg albeit with a psychoanalytical model. (1981) Marcus and Fischer (1986 49,53-54) describe Obeyesekere's earlier work on ecstatic religion as an innovative attempt to explore the relationship between cultural symbolism and experience, somewhat in deconstructionist terms. They note the usefulness of Freudian analytic concePts for such an endeavour as long as they are not imposed as a paradigm which, they argue, Obeyesekere does not do. Notwithstanding Maicus, and Fischer's remarks, in Obeyesekere's later work on the Pattini Cult (1984) with which I am mainly concerned, the psychoanalytic framework does impose itself significantly on data as I discuss in later chapters. 23

on the Sinhalese complex of myth and ritual as a whole, in coniunction with what people say about their world in its environment Having borrowed the term

'horizons and voices' from Todorov's (1984) disct¡ssion of Bakhtin's worþ I embed the Bakhtinian approach in the presentation of data by the þtaposition of two parts as the title suggests. Part 1 outlines the Bakhtinian conception of chronotoPes or timespace coordinates as the basis for analysing myths in relation to rituals. I then demonstrate that the ritual complex is thoroughly inter

(welaawa). In the Conclusion, I return to the theoretical issues raised here.

The dissertation must not be considered in its sequence. The two Parts, in

their þtaposition, are expressly organized to permit aspects of reality to come into focus and fade away from view as they do to the experience. Each part significantly

forms a background for the othen iuxtaposition thus hanscribes the dialogical

principle. fuxtaposition also forms the organizational basis of each chapter. In part 1, ritual chronotopes form the background of the interpretatiors. In part 2, social

voices are dialogized against their particular bacþrounds. My use of þxtapositiou

furthermore, diatogizes my own 'inner voice'; it transcrib€s the ambiguity of my

position as both observer and participant in the fieldÆ. Cosmos and society, in other

words, are dialogized by this method of presentation. As the two parts of one wholg

the cosmic horizons and social voices are simultaneous contexts for understanding

24 I am ¡eminded tre¡e of Bourdieu's remarþ which I quote although I suggest it is not only relevant to ardraic societies. "The capacity to make entitite exist in the exPlicit states rePresents a furmidable social power. It becomes clear why the eleurmtary forms of political power in many archaic societies cpnsisted in the quasi-magical power to name and to make exist by virtue of naming" (1985:7Tl)

Æ t"ty interpretation is thereúore "..jnherently Wtinl - committed and incomplete" as Clifford describ€s itíJ98ßl.7) 24

the importance of ritual to politicatly motivated discou¡se. Analysis of this discou¡se reveals the contradictory conception of the individr¡al in holistic social rel¡ations.

I reiterate that my argurnent derives from the analytical division of the reabn of culture (snskruttuiya - nm*r¿) into its cosmological and social aspects, a duality already implied by the n¡rme 'Sinhalese Buddhist' which unites those who deem themselves to have a common tradition. The distinction is imaged by the myth of

Prince Siddhartha's choice to renounce the royal and worldly life to become a

Buddha (frontispiece) and is inscriH in the Sri I¿nkan constitution which separates the State from Buddhism as follows:

ri I¿nka shall give to Buddhism the foremost place shall be the duty of the State to protect and foster inWinslow 1980)

I now introduce the ethnographic context in terms of the division between cosmic horizons and social voices. In a sense this section of the Introduction

foreshadows the structure of the thesis. It also reflects the idea that beneath the 'the

consistent colours and forms' that meet the eye of the observer in the field lies the

kaleidoscope of social relations in which s/he participates; each is an integral part of

the other. On paper, my 'voice' exists in the interstice created by iuttaposition. In

other words, as author, I dialogize at the interstice between the two-

Cosmic geography

Sri I-anka has a population in the vicinity of 15 nillion. The Sinhalese (the

greater majority of whom are Buddhists although some are Christian) comPose some

737o oÍ the total population. Hindu Tamils comprise approximately 787' and the

remainder includes Muslims, Burghers (of D¡tch descent), lvfalays and Vaddhas

(seen as the aboriginal inhabitants of the island).26 This dissertation pertains

% Within the broad categories of Tamils and Muslims, there is a further subdivision of Ceylon (the English name for Sri Lanka) and Indian Tamils and Muslims. Some Tamils a¡e also Christian. 25

throughout to the Sinhalese Buddhist population. It is their cosmic horizons with which I am concerned as fiamed by their conceptions of what I he¡e describe as cosmic geography. With few exceptions, the places named here are both pilgrimage centres and sites of tou¡ist interesL

The Island of Sri lånka, in the shape of a teardrop, is situated off the South- east coast of the Irutian sub-continmL It has a tropical climate and an ancient history. These two features of the Island were significant in the recent development of a major tourist trade self-conriously designed to capture different streams of

Western tourist interests: nature at its tropical best and antiquity2T. I mention this because the Island the tourist meets is largeþ that which is initially presented to the visiting anthropologist as an outsider, although I say nothing about the serendipitow properties of Sri Iankan beaches for these have little significance as such to Sinhalese

except as they are engaged in either fishin8 or the tourist industry.

In introducing oneself as interested in crrlture, one is immediately directed to

the living monurnents of antiquity which beSfn to delimit the cosmic geography,

these are the ancient cities of Anuradhapurä, Polonnoruwa and especially the centre

of the last Sinhalese Kingdom,IGndy where the famous (Dalnda

MøIignn) is to be found. With a little probing, prominent Buddhist temples and

then famous deity shrines for gods suctr as IGtaragama and will be included

as l¡rown places of value to everyone. These places are the furthest horizons of Sri

Ianka, delimiting the island in cosmic terms as I describe in a moment.

Cosmic geography is further marked by a ctrltural division between the Up

Country and Low Country which is important for later analysis. The Up Country

(LLtarata) is defined not only by its hilly nature but as the home of the Buddha relic,

27 n* Ceylon Tourist Board was established in the 19í0's and it marketed Sri Lanka in these tems on the professional advice of International (Weeærn) Touríst consultants. The industry prcspered, becoming a competing b¡eign exchange earner with rubber and tea exPorts. The recent ethnic violence has serrercly diminished the tourist t¡affic whidr I am gu¡e no politician could be pleased about. 26

t¡1e Dalada. The tow

There is continuity in the cosmic geogFaphy which belies sequential histo¡y.

The relation of past to present in the self

The history of Sri l^anl

Anuradhapura, Polonnuruwa, Kotte, Sitavaka and lGndy. The last three overlaPPd with successive colonial regimes; firstly the Portuguese from 150S'1656, then the

D¡tch from 1656-1796 during the latter part of which time the British Administered the British East India Company from Ceylon until 1802 when a British Crown Colony was established in the littoral area. The last kingdom of Sri Lanka, the Kandyan

Kingdom, fell in 1815 when the British claimed all-island dominion. The colonial regimes have each, had a different effect on the island's economic and political life

(see de Sitva K.M. 1981) transforming Sri I^anka into what is now called a class-based

society and a democratic sociatist republic (upP 1978) but the antiquity of

I It is not uncommon for middledass Sinhalese to confuse the English term Uevil' with the Sinhalese Godling, Devol. This has the effect of conflating a rite for the Goddess Pattini, known as the Devol naduun, and the performative version of demon excorcism even though the latter is propetly describ€d as atløoíl because it is for demons.

D tl.t. Seneviratne argues that the facts of pre-history and actual history "...do not form part of the island's generally acceped history...This is due to dominance of what might be called the SinhateseBuddhist view of the history of the island: whictt is the historiography of the arrcient duonicle Mnhooams'(19895). In the cpntext of pelæived ext€rnal th¡eat, tre sa,æ '...whater¡er "facts" a¡e known of the past are intermingled with myth and fantasy, and a new perception is creaæd of a pa.st that is glorious, pure and exclusive. New customs, traditbns, festivities, rituals and so forth are invented in keeping with these perceptions. These are then accorded historical status and funagined to have existe¡l f¡om immemorial times" (loc¡;itl. I do not trerc pretend to assess either the historkal or political validity of the Sinhalese consciousness of their osmic teography, my aim is to simply demonstrate ttrc way cpsmic geography portrayo that consciousness. 27

Anuradhapura30 and Polonnumwa furrtiorìs ¡rs cornmon Tradition to all Sinhalese

Buddhisüs.

Anuradhapun is associated especially with a King Devanampiya Tissa, during whose reign Buddhism fi¡st came to the island (de Silva K.M. 1981). It is renowned for having the oldest tree in the world, over 2000 yæF, which is believed to have grown from a branch or sapling of the Bo Tree under which Gautama

Buddha, the present Buddha, gained Enlightenmmt. Anuradhapura is famous for the beautiful reliquary mounds, døgahas or caitiyas now being restored but built by kings of the Anuradhapura perid. Polonnuruwa is famous for gal ailnra (vílura ts the term used for Buddhist temples and has the connotation of dwelling place). Cøl aiharøare huge standing and reclining Buddha images carved from rock (SaI). These images were built by a King Parakramabahu I (115$1186) who is famous in the

Sinhalese Chronides (Mahmtams) for celebrating the Buddha relic, the ilalada, after conquest (Culaums tr39). While Polonnuruwa's ruins displuy a mingling of Hindu and Buddhist decorative elements, reflecting the then powerful influence of Buddhist and Hinduism (dóilva 1987:76), Anuradhapura and

Polonnuruwa and the two kings I have named are remembered and constituted in the present respectiveþ as the kings responsible for the entry of

Buddhism into the islanl and its protection, speaking of the need to conserve the

Sinhalese culture in order that Buddhism may shine.

Cosmic geography is further defined by Buddha and the gods. There are places associated with the Buddha's three mythical visits to Sri lånka, such as lvfahiyangana in the north-east where hair and collar-bone relics are understood to be housed and, further north on the tip of the island where the Buddha intervened to settle a dispute between two Naga (cobra) kings and a third site where the Buddha is remembered as having preached the Dlumnu for the first time in Sri Ianka at

30 In an article mtitled "History in tt¡e making" (1989), Elizabeth Nissan describes, rather cynically, the transformations in the meaning of Anuradhapura as being a conrious effort by those in power to ævive the glorious past. 28

Kelaniya near Colombo. The deities also inhabit the islant of Sri tånka by being mythically connected to particular shrines. While there are sh¡ines to the different deities all over the islan{ eadr deity has a main seat, geographically named, which are pliaces of worship pilgrim age and peralurø for all Sinhalese Buddhists. One of the mgst famous arurual pilgrimage sites is Adam's Peak (Sripada) on which the

Buddha is said to have left his fooçrint3l. At thebase of Siripada is a newly restored

shrine for an indigenous deity lcrown as Saman Siripada and the deity Saman are

located in Ratnapura, a district which falls betrueen Up and Iow Country. Aperalura

is now held there annually. Pqaharas for deities differ from those for the Buddha

and they are also held at the main seats of deities Visnu at Dewrndra, Kataragarna at

a place of the same name, and for the Godling Dadimunda at Alutnuwara. Visnu

and lGtaragama are two of of the fou¡ Guardian deities of the Island (Hatara rtørøma

datiyoP2 Dadimunda is the controller of demons on earth. Cosmic geography as it

pertairu to these deities is constituted in peraluras, rituals which themselves are

objects of both pilgrim age and tourist interest. Other main divine seats are at

Sinigama where the Godting Devol is propitiated for vengsrnce and the shrine of the

Goddess Pattini at Navagamuwa where people go to make a vow on the occasion of

PreSnancy.

Shrines for each of these deities3s, are found all over the island but the myths

and stories about the main shrines firmly embed the supernatural figures and their

powers in the locations I have named. The myths use the contemporary names of

these places and the surrounding geograph!,1or example, in the names of rivers and

other landmarks, so that the location and the region is imbued with a Power of its own, drawing pilgrims to it from all over the island. Even when ritual such as

31 S;pa¿a is also a place of pilgrimmage for Muslims and Tamils, eadr of whom place theír own signiñcance on it.

32 Th" others are variously Saman whom I have mentioned, Vibhishina of Kelaniya and the C,oddess Pattini. I explain th€ problem of having possibly six 'four guardian deities' later in ttre thesis.

33 ..and others not mentioned here for neasons of space. 29

peralnra is not performed, the stories are remembered arul repeated to visitors in varying detailby those who live in these divine places.

The ancimt cities arxl the temples, like the shrines (Winslow 797Ù vary in political and social importance at any one time. The cosmic geography as I have so far descibed it, enshrines the contemporary and selective view of the significance of the past - a past shared by all Sinhalese Budhists in the presenÇ one which renders their tradition alive with Buddhist meanings on the island in which they live. The selection of the past and the vicissitudes of temples and shrines are the product of relations of power. Nonetheless, wealthy or poor, temples and shrines have their own cosmic nature and this is embedded in the Island as cosmic geography.

I have marked all the places discr¡ssed here on l*lap 1. These are holy places and I want to draw attention to the bodily symbolism in this cosmic geography which is reproduced in each and every Buddhist temple (vílurøl where relics @latu) are housed. There are over 9000 Buddhist temples on the Island it is to these that the visitor is next directed to gain an understanding of Sinhalese tradition. Each is a metonymic symbol of the Buddha by virtue of the dlntu which, like the hair, collar- bone arul eyetooth relics of the Buddha symbolize the ever-renewing power of the bodily absence of the Buddha. Such representations of the Buddha, his absence signing Niruøtu, are deeply embedded in the Island of Sri Ianka and constitute the basis for the opposition between religion and culture, nirtntu andsmsra.

The cosmic geography is ordered in terrrs of royal and religious places of the past. Presented as apparently without power content, these places form the most universal or outer limits of Sinhalese Buddhist cosmic horizons in which the past is alive in the present. As we move doser in time, the unity of the cosmic geograPhy gives way to diversity and divisions born of history but based on contemporary power relations. An example is the relationship between Up Country and I¡w

Country. 30

The most hmous of the twelve I(arulyan Kings for contem¡rorary Sinhalese is one Kirti Sri Raþsinha.s Kird Sri instituted the famous religious processioo the peralnra which celebrates tlrre Daladn or the Eye Tooth Relic of the Buddha in the rnanner of paral

Country was followed by the Sitavaka Kingdom which fell to the first colonials, the portuguese who were succeeded by the D¡tctr- The Kotte Perid which includes

both of these kingdonu¡, spanned the years 7377-7597. It was between 1'169 and 1815

when the British finally established all-island dominion, that the centre of Sinhalese

political power moved to IGndy in the Up Country'

The site of the Kotte Kingdom is now the centre of political and economic

power and in the flight magazine of the national carier Air Lanka contemporary

Kotte is described as having been "...the centre of Sinhalese Power during one of Sri

Ianka's most glorious ems, a period of peace, prosperity and the flowering of Sinhala

culture" (1984:9). Ironically, perhaps, the cover photo of this magazine depicts a IGndyan dancer (althougb as I show in Chapter 2, these dancers have become

synonymous with theperalura). In 1982, the old Capital established by the British in

Colombo was moved to Kotte, and renamed. A new Parliament House was built

fronting an artificial lake on the pattern of the Kandyan Kingdom.

From the last kingdom in IGndy to the new capital of Sri fayawardenaPur:a, differentialclassformation(Roberts1982)hasplacedthecityofKandyandthe

administrative and economic centre located in the vicinity of the Kotte Kingdom in a

il When the British did üake over, pretenders bearing Kirti Sri's name weæ brought forward to try to re*ablish royaltY. É The region in which I worked is outlined in Map 2 and it is discussed further in

Chapters 6 and 7. However, in the interests of anonymity for the people with whom I

worked, I have excluded all personally identifying details wherever possible

throughout the thesis. 31

rel,ation of competition which was encomlxrssed not only politically by the famous

S.W.RD. Bandaranaile in the 1950's but socially by his maniage, as a Low Country man, to a wornan lcrown as Sirima Rat¡n¡att¿ of an aristocratic up

Here, it serves to locate my fieldwork in the context of the political division which Ís encompassed by the larger horizons of the cosmic SeograPhy.

Field Relations

The aim of the fieldwork was to understand the role of traditional ritual in a modernizing ro.i"tyho this end, fieldwork was conducted amongst specialist rituat practitioners and their clients. I worked with ritual specialists who are highly mobile

in their work and data was collected in a variety of ritual sites in both rural and

urban ar@s. Moving from the outside presentation of Sri lånka to the context in

which I worked, is a movement to the inside - to the diversity and complexity which

urxlerlies a valued and immanently ordered past.

The context in which I worked was not delimited geographically. I did not

work in a community; rather, a contextual coherence became defined over time by a

network of relations between ritual practitioners and their climts who were located in both urban and rural settings. The network extended from Kelaniya, near

Colombo on the Western coast, to Ratnapura which lies inland and is considered to

border the Low Country and Up Country. Ritual clients ranged from wealthy

merchants (mwklali) to middtedass businessmen (also derogatorily called mulalalî)

to politicians, bureaucrats, criminals and the poor. Ritual venues thus included

domestic dwellings of varying wealth, schools, villages, towns, and even public

stadia as well as Buddhist temples arut deity shrines. The limits were set on the 32

network of relations by two major Buddhist temples which host annual peraluras, gfving the impression tlrat the networks enranated from these temples. However, I found that networks among ritual practitioners thernselves also cross

After the aclcrowledgements below, I begin Part 1 by introducing the

chronotope, followed by an anatysis of rites of stonelaying for the construction of

dwellings follows in Chapter 1. I argue that these rituals constitute everyday sPace in ternrs of cosmic time and thus provide a meaningful context in which I then analyse the Asala peralura, ttre nailwm for Pattiní and the supplication of the

Demoness IGli. Part 1 ends with a diagrammatic depiction of the unitary cosmology

constituted in these diverse rituals.

Aclcnowledgements

I dedicate this dissertation, with respect, to the ritual practitioners of Sri

Ianka who so generously shared their lcrowledge and their world with me. I want

to thank Sandoris |ayantha for the beautifully illustrated, framed certificate he

painted and presented to me which entrusts me to "...instil in the minds and hearts of

people in other countries throughout the world the diverse, rich cultural heritage and

traditions of Sri Lanka". I hope I have not Êailed.

My deep gratitude goes to Elaris, L.R. and Soma, who surounded me (and my three children) with love and support at a personal leve! I shall always

remember. Without L.R's diligent assistance - even coming to work when it was 33

raining - and the insights of each of these people, I could not have understood the

way I do.

I also thank the many people in Sri Iånka who wannly and generously

welcomed me into their homes, making the more tiring aspects of fieldwork seem the

less so. My special acknowledgement is for the fun I had on Sri lanka's buses!

Iastly, but by no meanɡ least, my thanks goes to my Supervisor, Dr. Kingsley

Garbett who, through thick and thin" aryt with a delicate understanding of the

shrdent's temperament and infinite patience, always supported and encouraged me

with my work (and my comPuter!).

Language

During my fieldwork, I became reasonably proficient in simple spoken Sinhalaønc"tl'/ in relation to the areas analysed in this thesis and domestic affairs - those heteraglossic domains in which I was most closely engaged. However, I worked very closely on the rneanings of the names and phrases interpretively employed in this thesis with an invaluable assistant who had a BA in Sinhala from the Colombo University and who had an excellent knowledge of English vocabularly and grammar, albeit he had never spoken English until he worked with me. His translations were consequently often in wl-rat I understood to be a Sinhala idiom and we had rnany intense (and enjoyable) cliscussions to get to the core meaning of central words and phrases. Of my Sinhala, he said that I thought too much about the language instead of just using it as my children

quickly learned to do. That said, I take full responsibility for any errors of spelling,

translation and meaning in the following pages. 34

PART ONE COSMIC HORIZONS

PREAMBLE

The Chronotope

According to Heidegger (7978), Time is the basis of Being itselÊ Time is the fundamental premise of life but it is through words and language that things first come into being and 'are' in the world of ocistence and perception (ibiil.z). However, as relativity theory has established, we cannot consider time independently of spacel.

Time manifests in space, rendering the world fourdimensional even though sPace may appear to be threedimensional (Capra 7970. Together, time and sPace constitute a phenomenal world which we lcrow, as Heidegger suggests, through names. h this context, Bakhtin's focus on language in corutituting chronotopes, or time.space co-ordinates, becomes a useful starting point for understanding how people experience their being-in-theworld. The way people name time and sPace and the meanings they give to these phenomena, I argue, are vital to our

understanding of the quality of erperience.

The irseparability of time and s¡nce for deriving meaning, informed by

Bakhtin's notion that "...every entry into the sphere of meaningÞ is accomplished

through the gates of the chronotope' (1981:258) is the premise of Part 1. Bakhtin is

concerned with literary chronotopes, especially in the way the novel, as a literary

genre,achieves its novelty. Dealing with words can eqgally reveal novelty in culture.

In literature, Bakhtin argues are fused into one carefullY it were, thickens, takes on flesh,

responsive to the movement o intèrsection of axes and fusion of chronotope" (ibü1.:84)

1 For a comprehensive philosophical discussion of the ptoblems of spa.ce and time in the Western history of thought, see Smart ed. (1%4) 35

To Bakhtin, language itself is a "...treasurehouse of images" (iffi.:?51) which is fundamentally chronotopic and I take it as such, particularly in the practice of naming.

While my analytical emphasis on time, space and naming derives from the work of Bakhtin, it readily lends itself to ritual analysis in a Buddhist context because through it, the very absence of a Self in Buddhist thought can be considered phenomenologically. Coomaraswamy tells us that in Buddhism, as in India, "...it has been consistently maintained that our tn¡e Self can only be described by a negation

of whatever qualities (relatioru) can be predicated oli¡"(7g77r411). It is not necessary

to delve into the philosophical intricacies of this position2, except to point out that it

clearly distinguishes a conception of the religious anr¡l social possibilities of human

being-in-the.world. Nonetheless, if we accept that words are the names of things,

whether they describe Being and Time in Heidegger's usage, or attemPt to describe

the concept of 'no-self (ttuttd in Hindu and Buddhist thought, it is clear that we

only ever have words to describe what is and is not.

In this regard Eastern mysticism and contemporary Western physics are very similar. Both conform with Bakhtin's views. Capra (1970 has argued that physics

and Eastern metaphysics may atnost be seen to merge insofar as both see space and

time as nothing but names. Iæt me q¡rote from his comparison of the two. He

indicates that, whereas physicists now argue that "...relativity theory implies that the

space and time coordinates are only the elements of a language that is used by an

observer to describe his lsicl environment [to Eastern mysticism] sPace and time'are nothing but names, forms of thoughÇ words of common usage" (ibuf.:183) lmy

2 Rahula (1978) for example argues that it is a rnisconcepion to say that P€oPle must totally deny social life to be a good Br¡ddhist. Clearly distinguishing between the religious Path for the individual and social relations, he says, "There arìe numerous rederenæs in Buddhist literature to men and women living ordinary, normal family lir¡es who suctessfully prac1ised what the Buddha taught, and rcalized " (íbüt-:77). The diffe¡enæ between the monk and laypemon is, therU a matter of degree between how much time is spent on individr¡al spiritual and intellectual dwelopment and the worldly Êfe.Gbid.:7B) 36

additionsl. There are clearþ parallels between these views, as described by Capra, and Bakhtin's conception of the chronotope. It is at the level of words, then, that Part

1 explores the importance of chronotopes or time-s¡nce co+rdinates in the Sinhalese

Buddhist ritual complex.

Throughout Part 1, thereforg interpretive emphasis is placed on the way things are named. Naming, a!¡ we shall see, imports vital symbolic content into the chronotopes of ritr¡al performance. This is particularþ so in view of the stonelaying rites analysed in Chapter 1, which meaningfully constitute the world for the actors who live in it. These rites constitute the everyday, taken for granted meanings of

space in terms of the cosmically ordered ritual dronology. More importantly, these

chronotopes become the context for, and are manipulated by, other public

performative rites. Sinhalese Buddhist ritual practice is meaningfully articulated as a

unitary cosmological sctrema precisely through the gates of the chronotope as

Bakhtin would argue.

The ultimate chronotope articulating mortal life within the cosmology is

astrology. As it is practised in Sri lanka, both the time and place of birth are vital to

its calctrlations. As Kemper has also observed, Asian astrology treats time and sPace

as integral to the peËon (1980:744). Notably, as he also says, all ¡rersons, male,

female, young, old, high or low caste, are rendered equal by astrology (loc.at.)s. It is

through astrology that personal names are derived, individuating humans within

their socially ascribed place in caste and kin terms. Through astrology, humans are

cosmically located in the social-historical world. They therefore participate

dialectically in both cosmic (kaleya) and social |irne (welamn), the one encom¡nssing

the other. Both are aspects of identity.

3 Yal^"r, (1%3)29 states that, at ñrst menstú,utiory a girl has a new horoscrcpe drawn. In keeping with Kemper's argument, howerrer, I was advised that this is not, and has never beery the case. This may be a sign of regional variation. 37

Astrology is an important aspect of stone'laying rites. It also determines aspects of the timing of both tlre maduwa for Pattini and tlrre AsIa peralutø. In each the case, it inter-relates human social life and the cosmos. The use of astrology in rites of stonelaying clearly articr¡lates humans in rel,ation to the cosmology and everyday sFrce as I now describe. These rituals continually reorient the present to a particular conception of the past, dividing the world into four dasses of space which corresporul with fou¡ categories of being-in-theworld. As we will see, in the absence of a kinga, the cosmology in no way orchestrates hie¡archical or holistic relations between human beings

4 S.e th" preamble to Part 2 (, Errata To the untrained ear, the doubled consonants common in Sinhala are almost indiscernible. Therefore

for gøIlø read gala for Wahalla read Wahala for kotoruwø read kottoruwa for gurunønse read Surunnanse CHAPTER 1

In the beginning there was the demonic.

Introduction

For Sinhalese Buddhists, tJ-pomt space is ritually constitutd in cosmic time.

There is cosmic order in the everyday world corutituted by rites of stone'laying for

Buddhist temples, deity shrin æ (mul gallÍnungøIqa) and, domestic dwellings

(Bhairaanpujù. In this chapter I show how the chronology which orders these rites transforms space through ritual bourularies into meaningfuity distirrct places in the world, creating interstices in the body spatial known as 'middle'space' (mülulee). By their chronology, these rites assrüne that in the beginning there was the demonic. But, by their use of boundaries, the rites actually delimit demonic sPace in the everyday world.

As I demonstrate, the chronotop€s of these rituals inter-reliate the world as a

cosmic body', hierarchized in the form of Buddhist temples, deity shrines, domestic

dwellings and demonic space. Correspondiogly, there are four cosmically ordered

categories of being-in-the-world, namely monks, deities, humans and demons. In

hrrn, the supernatural beings, Buddha-maledeities-Pattini-Kali corespond with 'human nature' composed as it is in a Buddhist context of mind (citta), wtll

(chanda/cetøtu),body (angù and desires (tanlølþama)r' seen in relation to the four-

fold nature of the body spatial, there is a distinct isomorphism between these

different aspects of the . I argue from this that the Sinhalese

Buddhist cosmology values the individual, not the social whole. That is to say, the

Buddhist religious persona is individualistic and must be clearly distinguished from

1 I.r hu-ar,s, the mind, body, will and desires activate what is otherwise an aggregate of the five elements of matter in the univers€ (pachdhetu) as I discuss ín Chapet 4. 39

D¡mont's vision of India's cosmically ordered 'lnmo hierardictt! as described in the

Introduction.

My argument in this chapter employs the concept of chronotope, but it also owes a great deal to the phenomenologicat brilliance of Van der Leeuw. In relation

to the liatter's worlç we ann begin to separate cosmology from social life, highlighting

the implications of hierarchy in the Sinhalese Buddhist context. In his volumes

entitled The Plunommology of Reliþn, Van der Leeuw í96n examines religion in

what he calls its essence and manifestation. The religious essence, to Van der Leeuw

is a numinous, mana-like power which derives from God or the idea of a godhead; it

manifests in phenomena. Accordingly, Van der I-eeuw argues that time and space

are not homogenous rìasses, rather he says '?arts of space...like instants of time,

have their specific and independent value" (o967 Vol.2:393) and space thus manifests

power and becomes a place when man occupies it. Van der Leeuw goes on to say

that the household encloses power behind its front door where'The possibility of

eating and drinking is experienced precisely as a divine possibility, and its position

estimated as holy" (ibid.:397) He then describes the hearth as the most sacred spot in

the house which he calls the central point and the'toüality' of the households Power

(Ioc.cit.). Power, to Van der I-eeuw is neither ethical nor spiritual but dynamic (1967

Vol.1:28).

In such a view, the dominant religious Power, the godhead, may be seen as

encompassing progressiveþ lower manifestations of Power reciprocally, perhaps,

with the hearth. For Sri Ianka, such a view conforms with exegetical evaluations of

place as ordered in cosmic time in terms of the Buddha, Gods and mortals, but it

excludes space for the demonic. Such an exdusion, in the exegesis, not in Van der

Leeuw's lvork, signs the former as an expression of the consciousness of the way

things ought to be; it represents the ideal. I propose both here and in later chapters

that, contra Van der lÆuw, notions of power embedded in the rites of stonelaying

are both spiritual and ethical in relation to human beings. In this way, it is possible 40

to understand the inherently unstable or agonistic potentialities of human nature as a relation between the demonic/desires and the Buddha/transcendence. The ideal

forms of the world and the individual are isomorphic but humans are,by definition,

volitional beings whose actions oscill,ate ethically and spiritually, albeit they are

iudged precisely by the ideal order.

Throughout Part 1, I explore Sinhalese Buddhist cosmic horizons as these

constitute limits for human being in the world arul I wish to make dear at the outset

that the order of the cosmic hierarchy in all its different manifestations is an ideal. It

does not explain the empirical relationships between different temples, various

shrines or the status of domestic dwelling;s and the rel,ationships between either the

categories of being who occupy these nor indeed, relations between actual people in

the everyday world. The element of social power unexamined by Van der Leeuw

and excluded from my own analysis of the cosmic horizons, distorts and disorders

both the ideal hierarchy of dwellings and relations between humans in the world.

While this Chapt"r rhorrc that there is at least minimal correspondence between the

categories of human being and types of dwelling pLace, as I argue in Part 2, even

these are disordered by the often forgotten element of social Power.

The time'space co-ordinates or chronotopes of stone-laying rites corutitute a

cosmic foundation for aspects of daily life, very much as Van der Leeuw suggests.

The rites are performed ubiquitously and may be conducted by anyone; they do not

necessarily require the services of ritual specialists although specialists are often

consulted about the appropriate way to conduct them. This is extremely important

because of the relative taken-for-grantedness of these rites in comparison with the

great performative rites like the ruilwn and galmrø. In the Latter, the everyday

meanings of time and space are manipulated to articulate with cosmic timespace.

I now begin by introducting corrceptioru of time and aspects of Buddhist

belief which, as I argue, are as relevant to the rites as they are to my interpretation. I 4L

examine three types of stone-laying rituals and briefly discuss the categories of being coresponding with each. In this way, the Chapter as a whole stands as a context for the others at a multiple of levels. Firstly, it is a context of meaning which is

implicated in all other rites as zubsequent analyses show. Secondly, it sketches, in a

preliminary way the chronotopic basis upon which we can see the isomorphism between the body spatial arrl the body human As Part 1 unfolds, it reveals differing

aspects of a four-fold cosmology which is here shown to be the basis of the spatio-

temporal organization of the everyday world. 42

Buddhist Beliefs

The chronology of rituat is inspired by religious corrceptions in which time is fourfold and cyclical. There are four aeons (yugaY and the present is the Y:ahYuga. IGli, as I show in Chapter 4 is the archetypal representation of the evil of degeneration; the eternal tn¡th of Time itself. Within the IGli Yuga, there are four

Agæ (tøIpa). These are Buddha Ago, eadr defined by Buddhas who, in Sri l-ankan reckoning are called lGlcusanda Buddlra, during whose age in myth the Goddess

Pattini came into being, followed by Konagarna Buddha, I(asyapa Buddha aruC the present Buddha, Gautama. The present, in these terms is encompassed by and emerges out of the IGli Yugø which contains the KaIW.In this schema, the demonic Y,dhYugø is the pre

integrity, breaks down into isolated phenomena and obþts, making of them a mere

abstract conglomeration" (1981:146).

For Buddhists, the integrity of relations between past and present is

maintained in the belief that there is an essential oneness or inter-relatedness to

reality. In the Buddhist world there is no original causative agent or event (Sproul

7979:794); a Buddhist world is characterized by the notion of Dependent Origination

rqaficca samuppaila) (Bardwell-Smith 1978:61). In such a context says Bardwell-Smith, it is ironic that "...the establishing of boundanæ (sittu) is the removal of all boundaries. It is man's way of sanng that, in order to see continuity, to experience

reciprocity, one must establish distinctions where in reality none exist" (ibid:63). This

has metaphysical implications for conceptions of human nature as being merely an

2 It Sri [.anka, these are listed as ¿{t¡¿ru Yuga, MnluYuga, Badta YuSa and IQIíYuga. 43

aggfegate of forces and energies, in which, as I argue, the world is merely human potentiality writ large but it also highlights the importance of ritual boundaries to the effective consummation of Sinhalese Buddhist ritual.

All Sinhalese Buddhist rituals establish' boundaries in time and/or in space.

As I show here, ritual boundaries must be understood in relation to the contexts they delimit. In this case, the boundaries clearþ locate t¡rpes of dwelling in relation to the rotations of the earth/moon dyad around the sun which qualifies tyP€s of space. In the everyday world, nobody confuses a Buddhist temple with a deity shrine or the l,atter with a domestic dwelling and yet they are inter-related in cosmic time in terms of the rotations of the sun, the moon and the earth which orchestrate ritual chronology.

The full moon celebrates the Buddha who is symbolized by the sun. Full

moon days (poya itmns) are public holidays and are reserved for ritual associated

with the Buddha. Reciprocally, the Buddha is mythically connected to the historical

entity which is Sri tånka. In the well known myth called tllre Dhamnu Dip or Island

of Dhamma myth, the Buddha flew over the Island of Sri I¿nka and conquered the

autochthonous demons Qalhù in order to make Sri tånka the home of the Dlnmttu,

the Teachings of Theravada Buddhism. Given the practice of celebrating the Buddha

on fult m(x)n &yt, this myth articulates a relation between the moon and the earth.

However, the sun, the Buddha's symbol, creates the appearance of a full moon and is

the pivot of its wax and wane. The sun also produces the earthly diurnal cycle of

light and dark day and night. The chronology of Sinhalese ritual is concerned with

dividing up the cosmic unity determined in this way by the sun, in terms of the

moon's rotations and the earth's own revolutions around the sun and on its own axis.

As we will see, the dynamic force of the cosmos is the axis on which ritual

chronology depends. 44

Stone layi"S fuut galla) rites for Buddhist temples and icoru, deity shrines and domestic dwellings in their timing and ritual boundaries encapsuliate the powers

of the sun and moon on earth dividing an inter-reliated reality into what Van der

Iæeuw would argue are distinctly valued places. Articirlated by the figure of the

Buddha who is symbolÞed by the sun, each rite assumes the pre+xistence of the

demonic as this is inscribed in cosmic conceptions of time fuIqù, the phases of the

moorù theDllølmnu ilíptrllyt]|.arul the relation between day and night.

Cosmography

The three ceremonies considered here are distinguished hierarchically by

their timing and ritual boundaries which differentially oäent them to the sun. They

are united and separated in its terms. The full moon which 'holds' the light of the

sun is reserved for rituat associated with the Buddha: this is a rel,ation between sun

and moon. The waxing moon is the time of diviñe potency and its waning, of

demonic: this is a reliation between moon and earth. Furthermore, the earth has its

own relationship with the sun and this produces daylight and dark which is divided

into time for humans and the times of demons (smun welaaw), the latter being at

the interstices between day and night - evening, midnight and dawn - when the

powers of the sun and moon are in transfornration. These are times when bathing in

particular is avoided in the everyday world. Whether celebrating the Buddha on

full-moon days or avoiding bathing at particular times, the time'space coordinates of

ritual impinge on aspects of daily life such that they are cosmically ordered.

My analysis of the stone-laying rituals is focussed by the relation between

ritual chronology and the bounding of space, showing how these articulate with the

rotations and oscillations of the sun, moon and earths This is what defines everyday

3 .-precisely that whidr is involved in calctrlating individual horoscopes. 45

space and, as we will s€€ in later chapters, constitutes the the primary chronotopes or time-space co-ordinates for all Sinhalese Buddhist rituals.

There are clear conceptiors that the space on which people erect dwellings is composed of lanC for the 'feet' of the Buddha, deities, humans, respectively called

Brahma or Buddha pda, ilan Wdn, manus* pda. (Wda' represents 'feet'). The exclusion of a'pada'for demons is telling.'Some people assign a place for 'spi¡its of the dead', pereta Wda, in this classification of space. These spirits are lcrown to 'hover' and their inclusion in the classification merely signs too great a proximity to already estabished human dwellings (see Chapter 4). The ass€ssmentof Wda derives from astrological considerations which take into account a relatioruhip between the proposed inhabitant and the piece of land for the dwelling and the auspicious moment for laying the main stone (mul galla). There is, therefore, a direct and very personal relation between person anrd place which pertains to each category of dwelling be it for monks, deities or humans. The notion of Wda only applies to individual pieces of land and cannot apply to a whole nation. Nonetheless, the ubiqulty of stoneliaying rites across all classes and castes serves to render their meanings universal.

Stone laying ceremonies come in two forms; as preparations for the construction of dwellings for the Buddha and deities, they are called nungaleyas which are auspicious generative rituals concerned to unite usually distinct phenomena4 while those for humans are classed as pujas or offerings. Despite this difference, all stone hnog ceremonies are concerned to clear space of the demonic.

They herald the construction of a meaningful dwelling and may thus be seen as the

4 N! na¡galcyas have the function of uniting. In zubsequent chapterc, I demonstrate this in terms of the pc¡ahøe which unites Buddha and deities, tla ¡¡tduun which unites deities ar¡l mortals. Weddings, which unite male and female, cosrne8 and society are also known as nmgalcyas. Mnngaleyas may be contrasted with euøwugallø whidr have as their aim disuniting - an example is e¡

moment of the birth of new forrr which is ubiquitouslt' symbolizecl by the act of milk-boiting in clay pots over fire, the conduding moment for each of these ceremonies.

Buddludwellings

Ritual+tone laymg precedes the constn¡ction of all Buddha dwellings; the tempte (ailnra), the preaching hall (ba¡u rv,Ila), Budduge or dwellíngs for Buddha statues and the ilagabas which house Buddha relics and even the monks' residence

(øuaxgò. I use the term'dwelling'advisedly here for each of these buildings is us€d

to house metonymic symbols of the Buddha by the synechdochal logic of the Triple

Gem in which there is equivalence between the Buddha, theDlumrnø (his teachings)

and the Sangln (the Order of Monks). These stone'laying rituals occur on full-moon

days (poya ilawasa) and the precise moment for laying the main stone (mul gøIIa) rs

ascertained astrologically from the horoscope of the Chief Monk of the temple. I do

not describe the sequence of these rites as this would confound our understanding.

Instead, I contextualize the major act of the rite, the stonelayin& in three ways; by

the sound of drumming, by the construction of ritual boundaries and by the activities

of monks in relation to the event, all are orchestrated by the ritual's chronology.

The ceremony cornmences with drumming. Starting at 6 a.m. on the full

moon day with a 'sound offering' (fuddln puja) lor the Buddha, Hett isi drumming

continues throughout the full moon day playing a sound puia lor the deities hour by

hour (nrring wara) until evming when another sound offering is made for the

Buddha. Starting at 6 a.m. and concluding at 6 p.-., moments of temporal transition,

this sound circumscribes the sun of the full-moon day and only at the end of that

day, in the evening, is the ritual boundary constructed.

5 TLe rite of milkåoiling accompa.nies a wide variety of rituals which have a commonality in berngnungaleyas. Milkåoiling is also a central item in New Year Celebrations, marking the moment of relighting the extinquished hearth. Even though the New Year is a social event, not a religious one, it unites familiee in temporal timeþudøtn), not osmic time(kaleyal- 47

The ritual boundary Ghnntù for the mul galle nangalrya for Buddha dwellings is square, representing the four directions. Four is the number of Sri I¿nka's Guardian deities (lutarmnram datíyù. The boundary is constructed from hanging young coconut leaves (gokrøn) at approximateþ head-height and eight

offering baskets called kudas onu:ment the square, one at each corner and one on

each of the four sides of the boundary. The space so defined approximates the swe of

the proposed dwelling. What is singular about the use oÍkudas in this ceremony is

that theyface outward from theboundary.

The fully constructed boundary is two-faced; facing inward and outward.

The inner space is in the shape of the four directions. Tl.te htdas facing outwards

represent the Celestial Deities of the eight directions of demons. These are deities

who transcend the earth, sun and moon and whose province is the demonic which

preceeds the Buddha in time and mortals in space. The outward facing fudos on the ritual boundary symbotize the exdusion of the demonic from the inner sPace.

However, this is the purpose of the entire rite and it is not achieved simply by the

construction of a ritual boundarY.

The ceremony is further circumscribed by food offerings to monks which

must be seen in relation to the rituat as a whole as a further context. In the evening

of the full-moon day, while the ritual boundary is being constructed, monks are

offered a form of light refreshment lnown as Gilam Paesó. After the milk-boiling

which concludes the rite on the following morning, there is an eliaborate almsgiving

(dane) made to the monks, followed by another at midday or lunch time after which

they are not permitted to eat until the followinBday. These food offerings are made

to monks on a variety of occasions, but they are integral to the stonelaying rite by

6 This consists of tea, and an offering c¡illed bulatuitt¡¿ whidr includes betel leaf (bulat)' atø betel leaf represents the earth (rcgc ntû Qutoek), tobacco (ilum bla),lime past (lunu) and spices. The lotra), ¡he areca nut, VismaLarma, the divi¡re architect, and lime Pasþ, the Br¡ddha. The tobaco and spices are to appease the senses with arcma and flavour, not substanæ. 48

virtue of their relationship to the sun and the chronology of this ritual ordered in relation to the full moon

MuI galla mangalqa for Buddha dwellings simply involve the laying of a stone by laymen in a particular place within the ritual boundaries I have described. This occurï¡ at dawn and the precise moment for it is ascertained in terms of the Chief

Monk's personal horosco¡re. The actual stone-laying is performed by by temple donors Øayalas\ who are socially anonymor¡s for the purposes of the ritual by being called 'the four leaders' (latara ryrwñ. They are ideally from four surounding villages in keeping with the symbolism of the directions, in relation to which the

Buddhist temple is seen as a centreT. The laymen perform Buddha puia imedntely before they lay the stone and the conch is blown as it is laid. A ceremonial milk- boiling follows. Both the sound of the conch and the overflowing of milk symbolize and herald a beginning which, in this case is the beginning of the form of a dwelling to house Buddha icons.

Stonelaying rites for Buddhist temples begrn at dawn on the full-moon day and conclude at dawn after the night of the full moon. The rite as a whole therefore encompasses the entire full-moon day and artícul,ates a relation between the sun, its light in the full moon and the earth. The full moon is reserved for rites for the Buddha and monks are not permitted to eat after midday hence the light refreshments in the evening. Almsgivings for monks, like the ones offered during this rite must always ocqrr between dawn and midday at the time when the sun rises to its peak Monks do not perform the stonelaying - laymen do that - but they are connected to the ceremony by the almsgiving in the light of the sun arxl through the horoscope of the Chief Monk which determines the precise moment at dawn when

the power of the full moon traruforms into the sun's ascent.

7 Numerologicaþ insofar as life is a compoeiæ of the five elements of the univerce, this symbolizes a whole. The number 5 is the number for humans as I expLain in detail in Chaper 4. 49

The stone is taid as the sun begins to rise. The sound puia for the Buddha surrounds the sun on the'old' day, signing the transcendence of the Buddha but the stone is laid at dawrV capturing the moment of the sun's ascent. As Campbell says, the Buddha's teaching is symbolized by the "..Sun Wheel and the reference of his doctrine is to a state that is no state, of which the only appropriate image is lighf'

(19762?l,5). The saffron robes of the monks speak of the light of the Buddha which, by the chronology of this rite, is'captured'in space, constituting the Temple (and by extension the monks) as a whole. The Buddha, the monks and the Teaching, the

Triple Gem in other words, transcend the world of gods, mortals and demons as the sun transcends the moon and earth. In a Buddhist cosmology the sun contains what

Van der l-eeuw might call the Power of the 'godhead'. Ordered by the sun, the

Buddhist cosmology is based on physical phenomena. Little wonder that Wirz (1954)

is able to describe the whole of Sinhalese ritual practice as 'healing ritual'. As l,ater

chapters show, it is precisely through ritual ctronotopes that the 'physical'

dimension of the cosmology is reproduced and transfonned.

The stone-layiog rite for Buddhist temples as I have described it, itself is a

cosmic birth process with the light of the sun penetrating the earth through the full

moon. The sun and moon are archetypal symbols of male and fernale principles, the

one being activated in terms of the other. This is precisely the symbolism of the

dagafu, the central icon in Buddhist temples (see Chapter 2 lor detait)- The stone

laying rituat for Buddha dwellings irrcorporates the symbolism of the døgafu into all

temple building+ encapsuling the active male principle, the sun, within buildings

which, like the fugfu are thereby rendered equivalent to the womb. The rihral is

explicitly a unifiying process, a mangaleya. The success of the cosmic union is marked

by the overflowing of milk

In a context of belief in the interdependence of all reality, the sun transcends

both moon and earth and where there is no sun, and no Buddha age, there is the

demonic and the Kali aeon which is the time of primal darkness and chaos. 50

Boundaries, as Bardwell-Smith (qgoted above) has pointed out, are necessary to distinguish the inseparable in a cosmic cyde. The rites for Buddha dwellings capture the power of the 2n, reflected through the full moon. The next ceremony of stone-

6yi"g for deity shrines is concerned to capture the moon's waxing Power in relation

to earth.

Deíty shrínæ

Stonelaying rites for deity shrines are also called mangalqas and even though

their boundaries are identically constructed, they are clearly distinguished from the

rites for Buddhist temples by their chronology. The rite is conducted during the

moon's wax (purupaks¿) and the auspicious moment is ascertained by reference to the

deþ priesÉ for whom the shrine is to be built.

All auspicious ritual other than that for the Buddha, and any other auspicious

activity such as marriage to name one example, should be conducted during the

waxing of the moon. The phases of the moon order many aspects of Sinhalese life.

Astrology is lunar based, and the bodily rythns of all humans (not only females) are

thought to be affected by its waxing and waning. The no-moon day (truse pya) rs

considered to be especially dangerous and any ritual associated with demons,

especially scorcery, is, for this reason conducted arvl thought to be more effective

either when there is no moon or when it is waning @unrylcsù. These beließ are

widespread and the moon's activity is regularly printed in diaries along with

generalized auspicious times arxl the like-

8 Tlre excepion to this is if the shrine is to be built within temple precincts in which case, the Chief Monk s horoscope is used. 51

The n¿l galla lot deity shrinæ @anleP rs a rungaleya which unites the power of the divine in the waxing moon with earttrly spce. What is important in layíng a stone for deity shrines is that the auspicior¡s moment mr¡st fall between the hou¡s of 9 p.m. and 6 a.nr According to ritual specialists the rite is explicitly an attempt to catch the power of the deities which comes qt¡ickly, like lightening, only between these hours during a waxing ux)on. The rite's power is further enhanced if it is conducted on a Wednesday or Satr¡rday whidr are days of intensified divine Power

(kenmuradaysl

Deity shrines, when complete, are called 'ileuøle', a name which has the

connotation of dwelling like 'uiltnra'used for temples and temple buildings. A deity

shrine often houses a deity statue, as aBudtlhuge houses statues of the Buddha. After the dwelling is complete a rite surrounding the painting of eyes on statues is

performed. Gombrich (7966, has described the magical power of this rite for Buddha

statues and I suggest that, for the deities, eyepainting transfers the power contained

by the stonel,aying rite into the statue itself.

However, unlike the Buddha statues whose purPose is to be contemplated,

therefore appealing directly to the mind, deity statues are concealed from public

view in the inner sancta oÍ danlæ and deities are propitiated for material concenls- Only priests may enter the inner sarrcta of deity shrines as mediators between

humans and the gods, their mediation is between categories of being, divine and mortal and thus differs from that of Buddhist monks who mediate death, an

interstitial moment for mortal existence in a contiuous cycle of life. The differences

bevËen the Buddha and the deities and monks and priests is inscribed in the

respective chronologies of the two rites of stone laying. Buddhist temples, as we

9 Th" osci[ations of the moon are associated with a half divine half demonic being called Sutriøtr Daabtm who may be propitiated as god on the waxing moon and mediate scorcery on its *"r,è. S,roiy"m is an exception iñ ttr-e Sinhalese pa.ntheon where no other gods have a demonic aspect. I mention Sunþm because-I am uncertain wtrettrer sùonelaying ccremonies for his shrines are identical in timing and nature with those for other deities although it is only in his divine asPect which is associated with the waxing moon that he is'entitled'to a shrine at all. 52

have seen, pertain to a relation between zun and moon, they are cosmically beyond the earth and the world of humans. Deity shrines, on the other harul, are erected in a ceremony for whictr the chronology locates the divine in a relationshiP between the

waxing moon, the earth and the days of the week (Wednesday and Saturday) in the

everyday world. In the same cosmic rhema, the stone-l¡aying rite for domestic

dwellings is embedded by its chronotopes directly in the everyday world of humans

anddemons.

DomæticDuellings

Stone.laying rites for domestic dwellings (and any other dwellings for human

or worldly concerrrs such as business blocks, schools, shops and so on) differ in name from the other two. They are called Bluirmn pujas and in comparison with the

mangøIeyas which differentially unite the powers of sun and moon with the earth,

Bluirmn pujø disurtrtes the demons anC earth thus cleansing space of the demonic.

The difference is seen in both the ritual chronology and the ritualboundary.

Tjrte shnautø or ritual boundary for blwiraun puja ts comprised of coconut

leaves like all ritual boundaries, and it is built on the square, but in contrast to the

other two rites, it has the eight htdas facing inwards. These eight offering places are

explicitty conceived to connect with the sþ and earth, grving a total of 10 directiotu

and this is symbolized by the number of eggs used to propitiate Bluiran in the

ceremony. A separate yalana or offering place is erected within the square for the

deities who are invoked and propitiated as protectors as they are in fact in everyday

life. They are thus signed as absent in relation to the core of the ceremony which

zurrounds the figure of Blaiøvn.

The chronology and spatial organization of this rite is quite different from the

others but it is integrated with them in terms of the cosmic importance of sun, moon

and earth as the prirnary timespace coordinates, or chronotopes, of Sinhalese ritual 53

as a whole. Blairiun,like the other demons, is considered to pre+xist the Buddha, deities and mortals. In myth, he is a demonic figure who guarded the earth in waiting for its l¡rd, the King. As the name suggests, Btuir¡un Wia ß an offering to this figure and it implíes an 4ssrüance that one will care for the earth as Bluirøun would wish

Blníwn puja rs conducted in the daytime and the rittral boundary is built seven days prior to the stone layi"g. The moment for stonel,anng is calculated from the horoscope of the dwelling's proprietor. Milk-boiling follows the actual laying of the main stone. Overall this rite claims possession of a part of space lrom Bluäun as it invokes the power of the gods while sPace is cleared of demonic Presence

The use of eggs is significant for they are elsewhere used as sacrificial (billø') offerings @udù, either cooked in excorcism or offered whole in sactifice to the Demoness IGli. An egg is buried in scorcery-breaking rites. A total of ten eggs is us€d in Blniraunpuja. One is placed in each of the eighthalas representing the eight directions whence demors come. Two are held for l,ater use. As the Prirnary offerings they are all are buried outside of the ritual boundaries immediately before laying the stone. The use of eggs makes Blairfu¡a puia a type of sacrifice (bílln). In

Sinhalese Buddhist ritual practice, a sacrifice is conceived of as both a bait which draws the demons close, and as an offering which placates them. The egg is a primordial symbol of unity and fertility; eggs are laid by both birds and snakes - they are thus of the earth and the sky, mediated in this rite by the number 10 which incorporates the eight directions of demons. This offering symbolically ensures the renewal of Bhairaun, hence the demonic, outside of ritually bounded space, and correspondingly outside the domestic dwelling place. The stonelaying and milk- boiling which follow and complement the offeringlo Bluirøun signs the absence of

the demonic for as long as the dwelling built uPon it exists. 54

The fuIîlraun puiø s perfonned in its totaüty only once. The integal connection created astrologicatly between the resident of a domestic dwelling and

the dwelling itself is, however, recreated through the use of astrology. When a new

resident moves into an established dwelling s/he does not repeat the Blaíraun Wiø, but does ceremonially boil milk at an astrologrcally auspicious moment for him/herself. In other words, this ensures a personal coniunction with that Place at

an appropriate time and this consrurunation is also signiñed by the overflowing of

milk.

Summary Interluile

Each of the stone.laying rituals I have described is different and yet, in their

chronotopic unity realized in their timing and bounding, they bespeak a cosmos

inter-related in terms of the sun, moon and earth. Boundaries (simsun), however,

serve two different purposes, thereby inter-relating time and space. For Buddha and

deity dwellings, these rites are intended to capture the powers of sun and moon which by deñnition sign the absence of the demonic and the rite for domestic

dwellings clears its presence from earthly space. In each casg the premise is that in

the begiruring there was the demonic in both time and sPace. The dernonic exists in

time, in the IGli Yuga and.in the darlness of night except when divine Power shines

through the waxing moon onto the earth itself. The demonic exists in s¡race, on the

Island of Sri lanka, and in op€n, uninhabited sPace even in the daytime as the Bluirmn puja shows. The chronotogy of each of the three stonelaying rites is

orchestrated in terms of the relatiors between the sun, moon and earth and the ritual

boundaries serve to hierarchically delimit everyday sPace in their terms. These

rituals, therefore, constitute the primary chronotopes of the body spatial and this is

embedded in the everyday world through the different functions assigned to the

dwellings. 55

Metaphorically speaking, the body spatial has the temple as its head, deity shrines as the will and domestic dwellings as the bodyro. The demonic is'outside'of dwelling places as co¡rceived threedimeruionally, h¡t in relation to temples, on a vertical axis, the derronic is internal to the body spatia[ providing a fourth d,imension. The boundaries and distinctions created in terms of the chronology of these rituals sewe to delimit the eveqyday world in terms of a chronotopically inter- related cosmosll. The same bourdaries serve to categorise being-in-theworld. If space is divided into terrples, sluines, domestic dwellings and streets, the coresporuiing categories of being are monks, deity priests, mortals and demons, respectiveþ symbotizing mind will, body and desires.

Categories of beingin-the-wotld

In Buddhist terms, all peopte are la¡people in relation to monks. Monks are born as social beings like other humans, and choose the Path to salvation. The

categories of deity and derron, are also, in belief and myth, conceived to have

emerged from the mortal state. Even the Buddha arose from the mortal condition. The mortal condition, in other words, is the origin of things. However, the

constitution of temporal space in cosmic time gives rise to a division of labour

between monks, deity priests and exorcists but, as we shall see, monks are not of the

world like priests and exorcisþ they stand as a category which tranrends even the deities. The ritual division of labour articulates with but is errcompassed by the

categorical division of space and being. I introduce the division of labour here

because it structures various dimensions of the cosmology as I present these in later

f0 My understanding of metaphor does not deny the'r€ality' of what it describ€s. Lil

11This is elaborated in Chaper 4 wtrere I argue that Kali is the Mother of Time itself. 56

chapters. My immediate concern, however, is to show how categories of being are cosmically ordered. I thereby reiterate the point made @rlier, that the Sinhalese cosmolory orders humans as individr¡als in its terms.

Bu¡ldha arul Buililhist tttonþs

Monks dwell in temples. The Buddhist monkhood is reproduced through

time in its practice of pupillary succession. Monks, Heally, sever all kinship and

social ties and they are thus separated from the temporal flow. Pupillary succession cleatly signs atemporal continuity røríthin an asocial order. The se¡nration is

zustained'insofar as monks are given religious names, they dress differently from the

lay-person and they are addressed differently. The severing of kinship ties is

sometimes seen to symbolize the fact that monks are'outside' society but they are

integral to it in the way the sun is integral to life on earth. Even by their robes, the

monks are a metonym of the sun, like the Buddha and his Teachings. As I stated

earlier, there is an iconicity between The Triple Gem and the sun. Clearly, the mode

of pupillary succession also separates monks from the 'social' the world of deities,

mortals and demons; the world of samsrø/*nskrutlniya which is transcended by the

sun. In addition to the timing of meal-taking for monks anril the timing of rituals in

which they are involved, like the peraluru as I argue in the next chapter, pu¡úllary

succession creates an image of apparent perPetuity in a historical world

characterized by flux

DeitiÆ anil Deity Piests

Deities dwell in shrines. In myth, deities are legitimizud by receiving uwøm

or a boon from the Buddha. In practice, it is believed that deities arise from the

human condition as a result of exemplary mortal lives. There are particular myths

concerning the origins of certain named deitiesl2 but to my knowledge there is no

12 SeC for ocample, Chapter 3, wtrerc I describe the origin and birth of the Goddess Pattini. 57

coherent mythic corpus relating a cosmic origin for all deities. Apart from the fact that they are taken as a given, the common attribute of deities is that they arise out of the mortal condition. They differ from humans, however, because they are uru¡terstood to exist in vast el

Deity priests, on the other hand, dwell in domestic dwellings. However, they derive legitimacy from a real or mythical line of descent from the founding ancestor of a sh¡ine or from possession of the divine ornaments of the Goddess Pattini who herself emerged as a d.ivine being at the beginning of the present cycle of Buddha

Ages. This line is called alapu Wrßmryrmn or priestþ line and by this, as I discttss fully in Chapter 5, they are histotícølty tinked to deity shrines and thw separate

themselves from the category of exorcists whose work involves the demonic.

Demons and Exorcists

Demons inhabit the streeg uninhabited space and the crevices of the earth as

detailed in Chapter 4.. Like the gods, they are often reLated in myth to kings and

princes, signing their mortal origins. unlike the gods however, who in myth are

born of illusion (see Chapter 3), demons are born into the world in monstrous human

forur either not having mothers or devouring them after birth (Amarasingham 7978r.

They are an imrption from the human condition but they are conceived to have

existed for all time, even pre.existing the various Buddhas. The theme that'in the

beginning there was the demonic is reiterated in every way.

Exorcists dwell in houses. Their work concerï¡s the demonic, and, like deity

priests, they have conceptions of legitimacy as ritual practitioners in terms of remembered or legendary Wrømryrawa but this term refers only to historically teachers and proponents of the ritual arts and skills. There is no connection

whatsoever between therr pramryrøuns and supernatural beingp. 5B

Sumnury Interluile

It can be seen that the order of the ritual division of labour derives from the hierarchy of being but does not corres¡rorul exactly with it. This is becar¡se each category of being is aficulated differently in both sPace and time.

Deity priests and exorcists are located in historical time through their ideas of succession. Deity priests are laymen who work with the deities ard while they have connections with deity shrines, they do not live in thenr- Shrines are dwellings for deities. As laymerç deity priests live in houses like everybody else. Similarþ, exorcists do not, by virtue of their worh live in the streets. Like othe¡ mortals, when a deity priest or an exorcist builds a house, he performs the same stone'laying ritual as anybody else, defining himself as human. As for other humans, the divine and the demonic are the potentialities of their existerrce in the world. Both deity priests and exorcists retain a sense of personal history by maintaining social relations with historically named mothers and fathers; this is thebasis oÍpramprøttn. Tllts ten¡r is not used exclusivly by them; it is one which articutrates all mortals in space and historical time.

Here we can see the significance of pupillary succession for Buddhist monks.

Monks sever familial ties, mortals locate themselves within a Wromryrøu,ø socially

defined by males in the'line'which is mediated by women for whom the ideal is the

queen, and without whom according to Seneviratne (1969) there can be no hero king.

Demons devour their mothers. What is significant here is the position of the female;

woman mediates past and present in the social world but the demonic destroys its

matemal heritage. This mr¡st not be taken as a sign that women contain the demoníc,

rather it is a sign that feminine encompassment is vital to order, an image which is

appropriate to kings and is inscribed in the compositíon of the dogoh and reinscribed

in the apparently feminine robes of the Buddhist monks. This irnage may be seen to

invert the order of relations between sun and moon and yeÇ the light of the moon is

an encomlxrssment of the sun. Monks, by virtue of their separation from the world 59

of mortals by denying familial ties, stand separated from the earth as unity of the sun and moon. More importantly, they exist, as I have suggested, in apparent perpetuity.

What, then, of the demonic. Dwellings involve encomPassment. Buddha dwellings, deity shrines and domestic dwellings encomPass the category of being for which they are built The demonic inhabits the open space of the streets; and in myth it destroys its feminine encompassment. Parts of this space are delimited and deared of the demqnic príor to the erection of dwellings, be these temples, shrines or domestic dwellings and each time space is deared of the demonic, the demons are further denied encompassment. The demonic is an irmption from the world of existence and is a pre

The demonic is an eternal threat to order in times and spaces articulated in terms of the relations between the sun, the moon and its wax and wane and the oscillations of day and night on earth On earth, dangerous sPace is demonic sPace which is interstitial space in the body spatial, defined in the cosmic horizons as the dark and uninhabited places. In time demons also occupy the interstices, the moments of transition between day and night. The temporal transitions which mediate humans through historical time, birth, menstn¡ation and death are also at risk from demonic attack Demoru exist in and attack through all the interstíces of

mortal life, even those which are essential to its continuíty. Little wonder that

boundaries are so important.

The creation of boundaries is an encompassing act and without such

boundaries, distinct phenomena could not exist in a context of belief in the inter-

relatedness of all reality. Within the outer horizons of the sun, moon and earth, ritual

stonelaying constitutes the order of the empirical world. It corstitutes the body

spatial. The sun, the temple, the monk and the human mind are each metaphors for

the other. Similarly, there is iconicity between the waxing moon, the male deities, 60

deity shrines, the will. Pattini, as we shall see in Chapter 3, represents the body and

the domestic dwelling. The gender of this deity is vital in the mediation between divine and mortal realms. Finally, the waning moon and total darlrress, which is

equivalent to uninhabited space, is the reahn of the demonic. In empirical tenns, the world is divided into temples, shrines, domestic dwellings and all other sPace includ,ing the streets and the earths own crevices which are the places of the

demonic. These places are known as middle space (mùlulæ) which is interstitii¡l

space in the body spatial. In these terms, the body spatial constituted in ritual is

isomorphic with the body human.

The Natu¡e of Humans

In a context of belief in Attactrment as the basis of existence, and in terms of

the relationship between the Buddha anrd the demonic in conceptions of both time

and space, the demonic represents the desires. As Bardwell-Smith (1978) has

suggested'in relation to the DllørmnøDipmyth,the relationship between the Buddha

and the demonic ambiguously refer to the power of the mind to conquer the evil of

desire within oneself.

On the fourdimensionat grid of the body spatial, which is hierarchically

valued for its'power'in Van der Leeuw's tenns, the Buddhist temple, diety shrine,

household and open space are literally encompassed by, arud oscillate with, the zun

and the darkness of the demonic located 'inside'the body spatial. This sun is the 'godhead' in relation to the categories of being-in-theworld but for humans, as

individuals, the sun represents the possibility of transc$ence, agonistically opposed by the darkness of desire, hatred, and greed. The opposing possibilities of

transcendence and desire represented by mind and the negative emotiors translate

into ethical imperatives for mortals. This implies that there is an isomorphism 61

between the cosmic horizons and the timits of individual hurnan being-in-theworld, a theme I expand throughout Part 1.

Conclusion

In this Chapter whictr stards as a contoct for the rest of Part 1, I have drawn attention to the embeddedness of what is a very sophisticated cosmology based on

the relations and oscillations of the sun, moon and earth which give meaning to the

phrase 'in the beginning there was the demonic'. These relations determine the ritual

ctrronology of stone.laying rites and order cosmic aspects of daily life. Both the ritual

chronology explored here and the meanings of temporal sPace res'ulting from the

stone.laying rituals are utilized and manipulated by the public performative rites I

analyse in the next three chapters. Pen¡reated as the rituals are with conceptions of time and space, the cosmology constituted in ritual becomes a meaningful

chronotopic context in which the historical unfolding of human life takes placeß.

The ong, as I shall argue in Part 2, does not encompass the other; each participates in

the other in a dialogical process.

In analysing the stonelaying rituals, I have shown that the everyday

distinctions created by them also divide the world into categories of being which are

a metaphor for human being in the exorcists world. Each category of being describes

an aspect of the cosmic potentialities of all hurnans, be they monks, priests, exorcists

or even women. In cosmic terms, each person has a mind, will, body and desires

corresponding to temple, shrine, domestic dwelling and streets. The former set of

terms is the basis of ethical evaluation in the world which is why I distanced myself

from the purely phenomenological position of Van der Leeuw. Furthermore, while

nq)ne would disagree that the Buddha is superior to the gods, gods to humans and

lil As Bakhtin arguues'Historical ¡eality is an arena for the disclosing and unfulding of human characters - nothing more" (1981:141) 62

humans to demons, when it comes to the categories of monks, priests and humans or even particular temples, shrines and domestic dwellings in the everyday world, this ideat hierarchical order becomes only a defining moment in the forceful order of secular power. Clearly, a d.istirrction between the cosmology and social relations is therefore demanded so that we do not risk anaþing the world simply in ternrs of nonns as l-evi-Straws, cited in Introduction, points ouL

In the next Chapter I examine the ceremonial procession for the Buddha and the

Gods followed in Chapter 3 by an analysis of the figure of the Goddess Pattini in public performative ritual. These two chapters show how the cosmography described here contextualizes performative rites, which, in turn, magnify the cosmic horizons. As I show, performative rites do this by manipulating conceptions of time

and space to achieve their effects. Then, in Chapter 4 following an analysis of ritual

for the Demoness IGli,Ibring together the theme introduced here; that there is is an

isomorphism between the cosmic horizons of space and the limits of human being-

in-the'world which constitutes each person as a monad. 63

CHAPTER 2

The historicization of the Cosmogony

Introduction

The ,4nla peralura is an annual coûrmemoration of the Buddha and celebration of the gds in the form of a ceremonial procession through the streets.

Centred by and emanating from the Buddhist temple, an,4sla Peralnra climaxes on the night of the full moon of Asla in a brightly lit procession of richly caparisoned eþhantsconveyingthereliccasket (dlatulcarøniluun) of theBuddha,weaPonsof the deities @yudha) and ornammts of the Goddess (nrbarana), preceded by whipcrackers and fire wheels and surrounded by musicians, costumed dancers, flags and emblems. In this Chapter, I examine the symbolism of perølara to argue that the

Amla peralur¿ is the cosmogony. I further argue that, by its name and its timing the perlura historicizes the cosmogony; it constitutes and reproduces the possibilities of its own context, articulated as it is in a calendrical cycle which orders the everyday world.

T\e peralura unites religion anrC cosmic aspects of culture in one glorious moment, reconstituting the world in which it is embedded. As a whole it describes

the potentiality of being-in-the'world and is thus hegemonic in the cosmic horizons both in the ritual hierarchy and at the level of the individual. Based on the

separation of Buddha and the deities in the everyday world, its overall aim as a

mnngalrya is to unite their opposing powers, generatively uniting the symbols of

Non-Existence and Existence, ninntu and smsrø, religion Øgøttu) and culture

(*nskrutlniya). In this way, the perølarø renews the world.

As a temporal event, however, peralura historicizes the cosmogony. The

name 'AsaIø/locates it in the annual cycle of full-moon celebrations of the Buddha * Alternative names for ,nr, ritual interpretation is based on Bellanwila Temple Perahøra' differences between the two are the processions are those used at Kotte. The major subjectofChapterT.Itshouldalsobenotedthat,intheanalysisoftemplesymbolism' or anywhere else precisely no reference is made to the particulárities of Bellanwila relevant the ritual and its because only certain shrines, as discussed, are to

interPretation. 64

(Sanglò. and its timing is premised on the ritual cycle of the Buddhist Monkhood \\e peralur¿, therefore, is deeply embedded in the everyday world and yet it constitutes the cosmic basis of that world: it canonizes cosmic possibilities. This is an important point to which I return in Chapter 7 where I contextualize particular peraluras. Here I examine the cosmic and universal symbolism of the ¡rerformance of the ritual its€f.#

There is no agreement on the origin myth of the ptalura as such which is significanL The ritual's historical origins in the time of King Kirti Sri Raþsinha of

IGndy are sometimes proferred but more of¡en AsIa Waharas are s€en as having

'always been'. Before the inaugural Asla Walura, such festivals were for the gods only as described by Knox (1681) for example and it was only during the reign of

Kirti Sri that the Buddha Relic became an integral aspect of the whole. Often, various myths relating to an aspect of peralura, the water

myths of the whole. Wirz interprets the fairly ubiquitous water-cutting ceremony of which accompanies the Walura for the god Kataragama as being ""'in memory Skanda's (Kataragama's) victory, when he conquered the asurø with his lance"

(1966:55). The notion of conquering is present in other myths related to the water-

ctrtting ceremony. Seneviratne í97Ð di5¡sses these as follows Myths about the Perahara that are extant among the Sinhalese ¡úaanists fit both the warlike character of the Perahara and the fertility meanings. One zuch myth refens t9,_the_ water

I draw attention to the fact that Seneviratne conf-lates these myths associaterl

with the water-cutting rite, which accompanies other rituals with the origin myth of

AnIa perøIura. In my own experience, stories of Gaþbahu and Visnu are sometimes 65

apart from cited as one of the'reasons' for the watêr

Furthermore, I was given an entireþ different story about the water-cutting 1' ceremony as it fits into the ,Lfflla peralwra ritual comPlo( which I 'tell' in Appendix

Myths associated with the water-cutting and the 'reason' for penlura, in my view, must be distinguished precisely because the lack of an origin myth lor galara

bespeaks the immanence of the ritual as a whole'

As a series of processions, the AsIa PerøInra ts a wordless ritual performed is for the contempliation and joy of the spectator. An annual ritual complef it rotation significantþ unbounded in space, but articulated by time in terms of the full of the earth/moon dyad around the sun. culminating in a magnificent parade through the streets of caparisoned elephants, dance¡s and musicians, the yralurø which proceeds through the interstices of the body spatial as a ceremonial procession in engages the mortal senses at the level of the head; through the mind power of contempl,ation of the Buddha, through the eyes which view the displayed of the drum the divine weapons and through the ears attracted by the primal sound follows and through the mouth by ingesting food in a collective almsgiving which

the processions

While peralurais wordless in performance, its names constitute it as an obiect in creating in the world and my analysis focusses on the constitutive Power of names time; it orders the meanin gof.prølura. I show thatpetalur¿ orders sPace in terms of a Buddhist the present in terms of the past and it constitutes the very foundations of in cosmos in these terms. It makes sri Iafika the home of Theravada Buddhism, divine which the Buddha's Teachings are the Mind of the total population for whom

potentiality is the potentiality of life on earth. An AsaIL peralura is an object of mav pilgrimage so I argue that these themes aPPly to each and every individual who As a contempliate anrd participate in the þy of the origins of their cosmos' 66

conìmemoration, theperuIurahas a mnemonic function, it allows people to remember

(nalalcay, and thus embody their past which is constitutive of the present'

I begi" by briefty summarizing aspects of Buddhist belief relevant to the anaþis. Then, after describing the ritual's ambience arul the rich symbolism of its host, the Buddhist temple, I offer an interpretation of the name 'Asala'- I then an outline the component parts of the ritual as a whole. The extent arrl complexity of pøalura precludes the full ethnographic presentation of it here but my analysis demonstrates that there is a significant chronotopic relation between the names of

rituat parts and the ritual use of space which is the single most im¡rortant factor in

understand íng peralurø, subsuming all other symbotism within itself'

Buddhist Beliefs

To describe ttreperalunas the cosmogony in the context of Buddhist belief is

seemingly contradictory because Buddhism is based on a belief in the denies the Øniccù or perpetual arising and decay of existerrce which fundamentally

possibility of first c¿rus€s or origins. As Sproul (7979) cited earlier shows, in her

comprehensive anthology of the world's creation myths, the Buddha was uninte$ted

in the origin of the universe. He reiected any idea of a personal creator god precisety (1959) as a proof against the then prevailing Hindu beliefs $hü1.:794). Conze clarifies

the situation for our purposes by explaining that the Buddha is not the name of a

person but designates a type giving rise to two types of time which he calls historical

time and cosmic time. Cosmic time measured in aeons is the result of what Conze

ç¿lls "...repeated irmption(s) of spiritual reality into this world" Gbùl;7Ð and

historical time is reckoned in The Ages of named'irmptiors' which are Buddhas- As

I said in the last Chapter, the present in Sri Iånka is conceived to be the historical age

of the Buddha Gautama, precisely that which the ptalwra constitutes. 67

Another Buddhist concept which is important to understanding peralnrø rs the conception of the inter-relatedness of all reality, discr¡ssed in Chapter 1. Urilike the rites analyzed in that Chapter, prølura is not bounded in space although boundaries are significantty enrployed as aspects of the ritual's Process. Boundaries

(sit¡uun) create d.istinctions ard, peratur¿'s bourxttaries are precisely those predefined in the constitution of everyday space. The world, in other words, is the ritual conterct

for prøIura. Related to this is the fact that the ternple and its meanings in everyday world are incorporated by the ritr¡al in its unbounded use of everyday sPace'

Iastly, there is the significance of naming which, in a Buddhist context of In belief in the illusion of all worldly form, has more than theoretical significance.

Buddhism, the material world is given form by name; it is the world of name and

form (nana-rury). Coomaraswamy describes this as "...the intelligible relation that

subsists as between the forms, ideas, similitudes, or eternal reasons of things fuann)"' (rupa)..." and the things themselves in their accidental and contingent aspects (7977:77). Naming, then, is particularly important to the contingent appearances of particular eternal possibilities and, as I show, the names r¡sed to describe or denote

processions, define their meanings within the context of the whole peralura ritual

complex.

Let me now describe the ritual ambierrce, following which I describe the

symbolism of the Buddhist temple in detail. The religious beließ, the ritual as ambience, the symbolism of the temple and the meanings of the name AsIa' I

provide them, are facets in the meaning ol pøahøra. The performarrce or peralum, in

other words, finds its meaning dialogically with its background. 68

Ambience

I present tlrre perøIur¿ ambience ar¡ a social situatioru very much in the Gluckman mode. Social situations, Gluck¡nan says are the "...raw material of the anthropologist They are the events he [sicl obseroes and from them and their inter- relationships in a partiorlar society he [sicl abstracts the social structure, relationships, institutions, etc., of that society" (1958:2) [my additions arxl emphasisl.

Situations, he goes on to say, are "...events linlad by my Presence as an observet'' (ibid.:Ð. Gluclcnan's notion of a social situation differs fundamentally from Bakhtin/Volosinov's. To the latter, a social situation is the total context of an utterance, text or word. It is "...the circumstances or conditions of an occurence [sicl"

(1983:113 f11). Nonetheless, it is as an observer ttut I describe the ritual ambience. In

Chapter 7I locate perøIuraas a 'text' and describe the conditions of its occrurence.

An Asala peraharø may be attertled by as many as 200,0001 people over a

period of up to 14 days. The crowds arxl the numbers of participants swell in size as

the ritual progresses as does the number of performers arul other participants which

can exceed 1500 on the night of the Mølu Peralura. The meanings of the Buddhist

temple are an aspect of the ambierrce because it is the peralura's venue and centre.

Throughout the festive period, the temple is a hive of activity, often including the

daily routine of Buddha pujas and. deity propitiations2. In the event, the ove¡all

initial impression o1. a perøIura's ambience is one of mayhem'

1 Seneviratne (1928) gives this figure. My own estimates of the larget Ffurus I attended in the Low Country cor€sPond with it.

2In fact, at one well known temple there a¡e additional rites ñtting into the overall fralwa monks complex. For example, pnlum is p,receeded in this temple by non-stop pfrútlr dranting by the is the dtanting wtrictr is followed by a ái*t"æ rite called Deoa Dutha and Do¡al¡nile Asr¿. Pirítlr chanting of (s|.lf4) for protection. The ùnkd4 As''s rite involves a )toung boy to be riüralþ the separated from hís family to be prepared as Messenget of the Gods. He goes in procession to rcæive MLsageof tfreGods*ti"t ir hr"fud"Astu. Forfulldescriptionof Piåthandsomeaplicationof the meanings of Dø DutlølDonldaÂøe see Lily de Silva (1981)' 69

In the temple precincts, there are constantly milling throngs amongst whom a are space ope¡ìs only for the hallowed saffron robes of the Buddhist monks. There people whose dress and demeanour is baditional i.e., saronged and bare'foot, who are mostly the rural arul u¡ban poor with their wives often in frocks, and those whose dress is traditional but whose demeanour is not anrcl the trousered and

Westernised' gentlemen whose wives and daughters are bedecked with gold crowds are colou¡fuI tray vendors iewellery and wearing safis. Mingling in the peddling wares such as sweels, tropical fmit and betel-nut packages containing

areca, tobacco and lime for chewing. The itinerant balloon seller is also a familiar fiSrr", twisting balloons into monkey shapes to entice people to buy for their

children.

In the temple grounds also, the vehicles of dignitaries are parked, and a is be found. There is temporary police station giving Presence to the modern state to

a First Aid unit manned by volunteers from the Young Men's Buddhist Association3.

off in the darker regions of the temple, mahouts who are mostly druntf tend their cards, elephants while hundreds of perfornrers make costume preparations, PlaY and In the by-ways of the engage in ioking behaviour in peripheral temple buildings. temple precincts there are temporary stalls (s. tndæ, pl. kadaunD; peanut stands the compete with icecream and soft drink carts, trinket and toy stalls. lust outside

main temple mtrance, beggars congregatd.

Opposite the temple, across the street which is the peralura route, there is a fairground. Behind the equally dense crowds outside the temple, there are more starul, as many as 1F20 deep' stalls lining Parts of the procession route. The crowds

3 ...which is based on the principles of the Christian youth groupr l 'lCA.

is both { I do not say this to be derogatory. It is a *idely treld belief that keeping elephants requircs enonnous arduous and dangercus work and that drink is 'necessary' to it. Anything that therefore dissipata, expenditure of energy, dancing in ritr¡als is another o

5 Ttre cosmological sig¡r.ificanæ of beggars is discussed in Chapter 4. 70

10.30 or often waiting for hours because the nightly processions rarely start before to have 11.00 p.m. More peopte sit on the temple fence and those forh¡nate enough homes or friends in the vicinity sit on nearby rooves and'pour' out of office windows along the procession path (the Matu Peralura can extend up to a mile and hal0' the Among those on the ground, the policq who do not trave the invisible shields of monks, forcibly make sPace, often wielding batons to disperse people or stop arguments about position- I tuve even seen them prevent the crowds from spilling very feet of onto the procession route by riding slowly on motorbikes almost over the the waiting mass of humanitY.

. D¡ring the wait, it is common to see grouPs of youths parading up and down and lay the procession route in what is clearly a form of male displat'' Other youths

functionaries of the temple, dressed in white and wearing official badges and/or the carr),ing 'walk¡talkies' conspicuously admonish the former, paficipating in for these same display while advertising their importance to the occasionT. Except about youths, only the media has the right, if not the freedom of the monlcs, to move

that the officials and Police do.

Other privileged participants in pøølura are the dignitaries and tourists who paying for do not have to wait uncomfortably. Respectively, as either invitees or by vantage tickets, they occupy arranged seating which is specially erected in the finest general spot for viewing the processions, fenced in, and thus separated from the

melee.

Adding to the overall impression of disorder, there is a continuous

cacophony of sound accompanying peralmrø. Raucor¡s non-stop pop music emanates

out to me who, enen 6 I *", assured that this is an appropriate view and I had girls pointed shyly say hello" as when standing with their families but who a¡e known to these youths, giggle and th€y pass.

of 'modern' 7 S"r,i.ri""t ,u (1978:142) gives a good account of the status implications of the use the tectrnotogy whidt technolqty sr¡ch as the telephonJbut it Jhould be noted that what is modem is says nothing about the Person who uses it. 7L

from the fairground outside the temple, competing with the sound of the drum which heralds the commencement of ritual segments. The l,atter precipitates a virtual swarm of people towards it but boü drum and popmusic are often drowned out by a loudspeaker booming overhead making announcements and speeches, chanting pírith and otherwise infornring people about Buddhism, Sinhalese history and the peralurø. The auditory ambience of the peralura is quite extraordinary and does not abate until the end of last of the nightly processions.

Visually, pøølara is a glitter of light against the darlcress of the nights.

Within the temple, coloured and sometimes flashing lights ornament each and every

sacred dwelling. The dagaba is prettily decorated with white lights strung like tear

drops, Buddha dwellings are decorated with alternating yellow and orange lights.

The main deity shrine is topped with a single white light on its bell-tower, with a

single row of yellow lights next and a row of blue lights beneath thern noodlights

are strategically placed in rel,ation to these sacred areas. The floodlights and the hierarchy of coloured lights provide the key to understanding t}lre peralurø's

ambience in cosmological terms. The white lights for the dagaba represent represent

Buddha and the light of the sun, the yellow and orange depict the monkhood and

blue is the colour of the Guardian Deity of Sri [ånlo, Visnu. The incorporative

power of the rite itself is denoted by the solitary white light, and the single string of

yellow ones on the upper reaches of deity shrines which are identified by the colour

blue. The sacred areas of the temple are brightly lit, fading to alnost total darkness

in the temple's nether-regions where uP to 100 eþhants graze'

E people behave in the dark¡ress quiæ dif5erently f¡om the way they do in the daylight. perahara time is no exception. I witnessed an arr€$ one night whidr, it transpired, was for sext¡al ,miscpnduct'. This is apparently not uncþmmon in the dark and quite cornem of llr€-rz¡aløra ambience' 72

All people are irxlividuated as Buddhists in rel,ation to the cosmic ambience of peralura as to the Buddhist Templee whidr centres it. Th¡s is clearþ symbolized by the hierarchy of light and sound whidr makes the ritual ambience iconographic with everyday space. Beginning with the white and yellow lights of the ilagafu and

Buddha dwellings, f.diog into the darlrress of the temple's nether regions into the unlit streets to the multi

arranged in keeping with the cosmological meanings of space. In relation to the

itagafu the fairground is on the periphery, it is outside the contemplative and þyful

concerr6 of the rihral and is the appropriate place for revelry and gaudy tights.

Similarty, the middte,space rented out to food and b:inket stall traders by monks is

cosmologically interstitial and thus a suitable place for the conduct of mundane

activity. Peripheral and interstitial space is space for the demonic, as I have shown in

Chapter 1, which is precisely why peralara processions meander or snake their way

through it conveying and celebrating the Buddha Relic as I describe later. The

lighting and the use of space complement these embedded meanings of the ritual.

Summary Interluile

What this description of the peralwm's ambience shows is the way that

performers (and mahouts) who ocqrpy the nether regions and outbuildings of the

temple are spatially located uis ø ak the temple as the fairground is to the temple

complex. The description therefore raises a series of qraestions in relation to both the

exegetical validity and analytical utility of a traditional/modern dichotomy. The

performers and mahouts are described by the middledass€s ¿ts 'traditional people'.

The fairgrounds are seen as moderru Both are dis-valued. In this regard, can the

carnival atmosphere ard popmusic of the fairground be seen as modern in contrast

9 People venerabe the Buddha as individr¡als. The Buddhist temPle mediates death for tha individual. Buddhist salvation is for the individr¡al. This cannot be simply be pushed aside if people do not believe in the proæssions as sr¡ch. The point is, both low md high status peoplè believe in Buddhism, hencc the nurnen of Buddhist monks. 73

with the 'traditional' sound of the drum? How can Itre brcadcastíng of Buddhist

6¡x5. fçirith) be understood in relatíon to the sate of goods in stalls, the presence of

the modem state in the fonn of police and the Westernization' of the first aid unit

and yMBA. How can an observer evaluate the qgality of belief brought to the

occasion by the uìany thor¡sards of people, mereþ by their dress and demeanour?

Does the simple presence of tou¡ists deñne the rítr¡al as a form of national display? And, most importantly, why should dignitaries, who are praised in the public

announcements on the loudspeaker, whose sons wear white and carry walky-talkies and are active in the YMBA and whose wives very often participate in floral

preparations for the processions, be excluded from the cosmological schema of an

occasion they have largely been responsible for? By what criteria can we draw a

distinction between what is to be seen as traditional and what modern? I suggest

that it is futile to try to understand the meanings of the ritual perfonnance in these

terms.

As an observer, what I see in in this ambience is not a traditional/modern

dichotomy, which is both a theoreticat fallacy and a middleclass Sinhalese ideology,

but the basis for viewing the contemPorary Power struchrre in a cosmological

setting, a rnatter I take up further in Chapter 7 where I examine the significance of the flow of money in constituttng petøIurø. Here, it is enough to rernark that

performers are employed directly by monks and paid through the beneficience of preciseþ those who act as officials and appear in the MaIu Perølura as the

prestigeous bearers of the Buddha reliclo. Mahouts are donated, with the use of the

elephants they keep and sleep with, as an act of merit by the elite and wealthy who

can afford to own these huge and expensive animals which are so vital to the overall

prestige arrd success of peralmrø. These sociat relations are, I suggest, precisely what

permits the rriddle

this which is signed by their relegation to periperhat buildings and the nether regiors

10 TL"r" ir.oonnous status for politicians and the elite to be dressed in traditional costumes of royal office nílønu and,participate rn theprclutc alongside the tuslcer conveying the Relic. 74

of the temple. Dignitaries arxl large donors, on the other hand are all Buddhists like the waiting throngs as are the police, and members of the YMBA but the former especialþ occupy brightly lit places in the organization of space, their vehicles have

permits to drive or park in the temple grourrCs and their sons have 'wallcy-talkies'.

Only the tourists are outside the cosmological schema and this is signed by their

pu¡chase of tickets for what is, for everybody else, a free religious occasion provided

by the dignitaries who theurselves receive embossed invitations. While tourists sit

alongside dignitaries, they are separated from ther¡r by the purchase of ticket þt as

clearþ as they are physicalty excluded from any rel,ation to the teeming crowds on

the streetsll.

I make this point here to highlight the analytical significance of se¡nrating the

cosmological and social dimensions of culture before proceeding with the

interpretation of peralura. All the people who attend perahara, even the tourists as

Fabian (19S3) might suggest are coevals. And, even though some people may be

more Westernized'in terms of their personat dress anrd habits, if they are Buddhists,

they are all incorporated by the same cosmological ieality, encompassed by the

Buddha. The Buddhist temple, with the doSfu at its cosmic centre and the main icon centre peralutø ard., of Wrølurawhich is iconographic with it, the Relic of the Buddha, both visually and spatially, ritual audiences are ordered to petalura in these terms.

The ambience of palurais very much taken for granted and varies little from temple

to temple or from peraluratoperalara.

nary seating whidr is available to memb€rs of the public grounds that I was not Sinhalese and that I wouki not be heap tickets. The purchase of tickets IS a sþ of anonymity in the audience which is absent from l.ow Cnrntry p:talum* 't5

The BuddhistTemPle

The Buddhist temple hosts peralura. The temple is ordered in relation to everyday sPace as the Buddha is to each ifrtividual. A metonymic symbol of the

Buddha, the temple is the silent centre and possibility of the world' The temple must be understood as inner space, it is the axis mundi of the cosmosz.

Most temples are surrounded by high walls, often ornamented by elephants'

The entrafpes are arctred by the figure of the lvlakara, a dragon-like being associated with planetary forces (see Chapter 3 for the symbolism) and the main entrance is adorned on either side with the familiar sun and moon symbols. Buildings within a

temple are pragmatically scattered, having been built at different times. However,

the inner space of a typical Buddhist temple irrcludes a reliquary morrnd ot dagabø icons containing a Buddha rehc (illutu), a number of Buddha dwellings with various

of the Buddha in sitting, reclining or standing positions (Buddhugò,, monks'dwelling a spire place QMnmge) and a Bo Tree ßhdi pahar. T\e døgaba is dome shaped with arched on top. The Bo tree is normally fenced and other Buddha dwellings are firstly like the main entrance with the figure of the nalcarø and secordly lined with diminutive figures called Bluirauta, the demonic earth protector, otherwise known as above unfiranawho here takes the forzr of mortal suffering supporting sacrd abodes milk in the head. A row of swaru, which are believed to be able separate blood and

water, is sctrlpted above Iheunmana-

(naga) This is not the full extent of temple iconography, which includes cobra

figures or watchers on headstones at enhances and royal figures on the external mortals walls of some Buddha dwellings but I wish to stress its depiction of suffering and the earth, water, btood arut millç moon and sun' These symbols and the

Buttdhùge are incorporated within, and articulated top and bottom respectively by,

llcredagaba and the Bo Tree.

12 Th" sun symbolism, with the implication of enetgy, is app'rogiate here' 76

The symbolism of the dagah is a metaphor of the Buddhist philosophy. In a single entity, its square base signifies the , the dome smsta and the spire the Eightfold Path to Enlightenment (de Silva 1974:62). Its name derives etymologically from two words, 'dlløtu'meaning s€men and'gharfu'meaning womb.

Containing the Buddha's relic, t}rre dagafu is a tomb, but its name bespeaks the womb.

It therefore combines in itself conceptions of life and death, womb and tomb and the whole of life according to Buddha's teachings. It is neithe¡ fenced like the Bo Tree nor arched like the Buitdhuge. It staruls opposed to the Bo Tree with the Buililhuge in between.

The Bo Tree, separated from the hubub of everyday.life by its fence, is embedded by its roots in the darkness of the earth but its branches are the roof of the worldß. The spire of the dagøba by contrast, represents the Path to Enlightenment and the pinnacle penetrates the sky, pointing to the sun, rePresenting Enlightenment itself. T\e døgøfu encompass€s the Budilhuge which depict the Buddha's teachings in

the mortal world and these mediate the symbols of life and its possibility, the Bo Tree and the dagaba. Together then, the fuSafu and the Bo Tree circumscribe the temples

inner space at the top and bottom. As I show later, the meanings of the ilagøb ate

deployed by the peralura's central icon, the Dlutu Knranduua or Relic casket of the

Buddha and the meanings of the temple's inner sPace are manipul,ated by the

processions.

Deity shrines are separated from the temple's inner sPace. Wherever they are

located, they metaphorically surround the inner space or axis mundi. Deity shrines

also have the nuþ,nra figure above their entrances. Malcaras may also ornament the

stairwell leading to the entrance. The lvlain Shrine for the god Visnu (MoIa Danle)

13 C-rr,ar"rwamy dirusses the inverted naturc of sr¡ch trees when he describes the Brahma- tr€e "...eíther as rooted in the dark gound of the Godhead and as standing up and branching out in the manifusted Cosmos, and therefo¡€ inverted, or as cpnsisting of a continuous stem having two Parts, ot which one extends as the Axis of the Universe hom Ea¡th to Heaven, while the other b¡anches above the roof of the world in Paradise" (l9T7Yol.l:377). 77

has a bell-tower on top and symbols of the full pot Qun knlav) tnay adorn the four corners of the roof. Respectivety these are symbols of sound and fertilify representing the very vibrance of life in contrast to the stillness of the cosmic centre.

Deity shrines contain within themselves inner and outer sPace. They are composed of the ilige or anteroom which is separated from an inner sarrchrm called the 'palace'

or'Matigaan'where divine statues or insignia are hidden from view behind curtains.

Unshod, humans may enter the anteroom but not the'pal,atial' sPace from which they are se¡nrated by doth"

In the areas þing between the temples' inner sPace and the deity shrines, people may wear shoes, albeit within the temple's precincts demarcated by the

perimeter wall. This, and all the temple grounds not marked as sacred by entrances

and arches, is middlespace or midulee which is symbolically equivalent to the space

of the demonic. It is identiÍied as such even during the processions by the use of cloth

and the wearing of footwear.

The most important building to the meanings of peralura is the Dlutu

Manilirqø, otherwise known as the Dlntu lvlaligmn or Paliace of the Dlutu ot Dlutu

nanilap. The term 'mandapa'has the connotation of 'mandal,a' and is thus symbolic

of the circle of unity already described as the property of the temple's inner sPace.

'Maligaln',on the other han{ lil*e 'nuniliteya' mears '¡nlace' and speaks of the choice

made in life by Gautama who was born of a King to be a world nilet (cal}øtnrtiùbtt

instead became a Buddha. Because of the name of this building,I interpret this myth

in relation to the performance as the origin myth of peralurø. The Dlutu Mønilireya,

used almost exclusively Íot peralwtar4, ts vital to its performance because it becomes

the temporary abode for the central rituat icon, the dlntu karandwn but only until the

end of peralura. T\eDlutu lvlaligmn imports the symbolism of the Dalada Maligaan

or Temple [sic] of the Tooth as it is lcrown where tlrre AsIa ptalura celebrating both

14 I ut der"tand that this building may be opened for significant politico-religious occasions but I never saw it so used during my 18 months of ñeldwork I doub't, in any cas€, that thre Dhdu Yatwdutn would be moved to it for these sorts of oaasbns. 78

the Buddha and the deities originated. The significame I pl,ace on the Dlutu MoWtm abode will further unfold in relation to the meanings of AsIa to whích I now turn.

Aperaharaby aoy other name would not be the same

I should fitstly make it clear that there are rnany tyPes of peraluras in Sri Lanka. There is the Axla peralurz mmtioned above at the famous Temple of the (79ffi) Tooth in Kandy which has been analyzed by Seneviratne (1978). Wirz

provides an analysis of the famous one for the god of the same name at IGtaragama

which PfaffenbergeÍ and l¿Fleur (7979\ have analysed as the object of pilgrirnage in

relation to the work of Turner (7974, on this subþt. Obeyesekere 09n and 1978)

has analysed this same rite in terms of social change and Bakhti religiosity the Protector of respectively. There are Wralwras not yet researched; one for Visnu, (Sri the Island of Sri lånka, another for Saman, the God of Adam's Peak Padò ar'.d

yet another for the Godling Dadimunda at Alutnuwara. I am concerned only with

the fonrr of the ,4mlaperaluras in the Low Country which directly commemorate the

Buddha like the one in KandY.

The word 'peralwÍa' does not carry the significance of the Anla prøIurø. Lily

degilva translates the term 'pralura'as follows: '?rocession as an organized body of

people advancing in formal or ceremonial mannet'' (1981:136) She goes on to give a brief etymological account of the word including connotations of 'respectful

circumambuliation' and 'piþrimmage' but indicates that in the Chronicles, earlier

celebration of Buddha relics contained no word to denote the ceremony. Ariyapala

(1968:76) says that the word is derived from Sanskrit in which it means'protection'

and'safety'. In common use, the word peralura refers to any moving file of people. It 79

is interesting that monks always'proceed' kt¡adínnø¿a - - they do not walk - mltnç yønøn), in this rnanner, one behirurl the other, a fact which is quite picturesque on postcards. Despíte the thematic hint of protection in the word 'perøhfurT', at the time of fieldworh there was a Líptons tea-bag advertisement on television in which hordes of people moved forward dangling the tea-bags up and down which was' with a smirk described as'tu pralura'. The word 'pøaluta' therefore caries litle meaning in itself, and although any Walura, even those for the deities mentioned above, incorporates the therne of protection, it does so precisety in terms of the figure it celebrates. The name 'Asalr' is significant, thereforg precisely because it

conìmemorates the Buddha Gautama and those features of his biography and myth

which speak of beginnings in relation to Sri Lanl

Firstþ in Sinhalese mytholoy, Aela conunemorates Gautama Buddha's

conception by his mother QUeen Mahamaya. In this well known myth, Mahamaya

dreamed the corrception as she slept beneath a Kohomba Tree' The name 'lvlahamaya' means 'the Great Illusion'. Ashla also commemorates Prince

siddhartha's renunciation of the world which led him to become a Buddha rather

than a world-ruler. It commemorates Gautama's setting in motion the Wheel of (Rahula Dhamma or Truth in his first sermon (dtummacaldapptnttana-sutúø) 1978292)-

Again, in myth, ás¿l¿ commemorates the Buddha's visit to Tavatimsa heaven after

Enlightenment to preach moral law Øbidlumma) to his mother, this time known as

Matruithryarajah ar:d the deities. Here, metaphorically doser to the present in the

Buddlu,s mythical biography, the Buddha's mother's name has changed and can be

interpreted as the Royal Divine Meazure16. A mixture of religious history and myth,

the events AsIa celebrates in this group en.body a movement from originary

'díuf means 16 In Sanskrit, 'na' is 'to measure out' (Zimmer 7974203r- In Sinhala, the term 'divine' and'raid means'¡o'"îl'. ln keeþrng rvith this, matru = mother which is a metaphor for form as I argue in Chapter 3. f R"uders familiar with Sri Lanka will know that this myth is explicitly enacted in the monk's ordination ceremony, ttre upøsømpødn. That this is so neither exhausts the

possibilities of the myth nor prejudices my argument that this myth is immanent in

perahøra. On the contrary, as a myth of monks, it is entirely apposite that it should

implicitly orch es trate the perøhar ø's higher mea nin gs' 80

conceptions of Illusion, the Buddha'E'earthly choice'arul the origins of Buddhism as inscriH in the Wheel of Dhamma to moral law in the realm of Form which is the measured world.

The noct evmt co¡nmemorated by Asola is often seen as historical, thus continuing the metaphorical movement in time. This is the inaugural Great Council of Monks (Dlumnu,snghryaruun|- . Finally, AsøIa locates the events it conrmemorates in the temporal world by commencing the period of utas or the monk's retreat which defines theperølwtø or festival season.

The event, Anla peralurd, occuns within a period which symbolizes, by the monks' retreat, the temporal cessation of Buddhism. The name 'Asalt' distinctly describes the origins of Buddhism in the form of the mythico-religious biography of

Prince Siddhartha/Gautama Buddha and it is this, particularly the Buddha's choice

to become a Buddha, which is celebrated in Asola peralnr* The name of thls ritual

foreshadows its cosmogonic function. But even more, the name historicizes the cosmos by locating the Buddha's biography within an annual cycle of

conìmemorations of the Buddha-

Each of the lunar months of which Asata ß one celebrates an aspect of the life of the Buddha. de Silva (1980, Chapter 14) provides a list of the main events

celebrated by each lunar month. All are celebrated at every Buddhist temple on full

moon days and some, such as Vmk, celebrating the Buddha's birth, Enlightenment

and passing away (Maluparinirzn¡u) are publicly celebrated in the streets: Íor Vmk

hugepandals are erected (usually at þnctions which are middle'space)- All drinking of alcohol is banned during Væakand the population at large may freely partake of

food at dana-sllcs or offering halls which are provided as a meritorious acts by the pious. Væktakes on the colouration of the Christian Christmas, if only insofar as 8r-

greeting cards are sent. It is fotlowed by Poson the month in which Buddhism was officially introduced to Sri Lanka. These months are preceded by those which celebrate the Buddha's three mythical visits to Sri l¿nka to the places which now

form part of the Islarrl's cosmic geography (c.f. Introduction). It is not my intention

here to analyse the full cycle but it is important to note that de Silva lists the lunar

months, beginning with December-january in accordance with the Western calendar.

What my discussion suggests is that they take their logic from the begirutings

symbolized by Aula, the three mythical visits to Sri Iånka end the cycle whictr is

commenced by AmIa.

This is why I presented the meanings of AmIa in terms of their metaphorical

'distance' in time from the present. Conceptualized vertically, it is clear that these

meanings are 'inserted' into the present precisely in the context of the annual full-

moon cycle begun and ended each year by the ritual cycle of the monks. AsalL ts

thereby historicized. Furthermore, because peralnras occur in the context of the

temporal cessation of time, the cosmic significance of the use of the Dlntu Mnligaun

emerges more dearly as rePresenting Prince Siddhartha's choice.

AII peralurøs occur during wøs, tlire annual three month period of retreat for

Buddhist monks which begins with the lunar month ol AsIø and the performance of

AmIa perøluras has a chronology determined and aficulated by the full moon of the

same namelE. It is this coinciderrce of name and timing which make pmlura lhe

cosmogony, and the performance manifests it in the material world. I now outline

the entire ritual sequence before offering an interpretation of the ritual performance.

As I have already said, the social importance of peralurø is discussed in Chapter 7

where I also analyse socially situated discourse about these rites as events in the world.

t8 +ahFrahøaçdo not necessarily coincide with the full moon of AøIa, those on which I base this interpretation coincided with the Níti¡i and Bi¡¿n moons within tlrc zrc Period but, as we will see, it is the name,¿{sal¿ which carries the symbolic intent of the riæ. 82

Outline of Ritual Sequence

can take between three The ,4sla Wralurø, as a performative ritual complelç and 21 days to complete. Here I simply summarize all the segments of the ritual complex which are listed by name and in sequence. I dnw attention to the days and times of day on whictr each segment occt¡¡s as this is iurportant to the interpretation which follows.

Kap Hitruteema:

peralura is commencedlg with an act of vow-making which takes the form of planting a pole called a bW. It is performed by deity priests outside the on temple precincts in the eveninp a transition Point between day and night usually (k¿l¿ a Wednesday. It is completed with the erection of the Tree of the Torch of Time pønilan gøIò.

KumfuIPeralurø:

The name describes a pot also l¡rown as Knlagdiø, which is carried in

procession from a Potter's house some distance from the temple, bringing the

knlagediya and other pots for r¡se in tlrre ptalurø to the temple' I(humfuI peralura

commences in the afternoon on a Saturday' or the third day of the ritual'

MnlPeralnrø:

On the fourttr, fifth and sixth days there are three flower processions called

mal peralurø. They proceed inside the temple's perimeter wall.

19 This is the commmæment of the acttral perforrranæ. There are ottrer activities which occur well prior to the event itself but I discuss the6e with rcftßence to the social dimension oÍ pøahøa rn Chapter 7. 83

PmadaPerøInrø:

Pauda peralurø occurs like the køp planting, on a Wednesday. The term

beneath displayed Wúv¡todescribes a ritually washed white doth caqpet which is laid deity weapons and ornaments in this and other processiors. Known alæ as ,4da

Weediperalurø or the half+treet Wralura,it speaks of the ritual being hal.f-way.

WeediPøalnra:

Held on the Thursday, this is the full street peralura, otherwise called the

Farcilíge or howdah peralurø whictr conveys tllre ilhatuþaranduun or Relic Casket and deity weapons atop the caparisoned elephants for the first time in the series of processions.

RandoliPualnrø:

On the Friday, on the second last of the night-time processions, an enclosed palanquin called tlrre randoli which contains the ornaments of the Goddess Pattini

þins what has been a progressively larger and more spectacular procession each night. The name of this procession, like the others, denotes its function as we shall

see.

MnhnPeralum:

This is the Great Procession, held on the Saturday, one week after the lúumful

procession. Commemorating the Buddha, its central icon is the dlutu larøniluwø. It

circumambul,ates the entire temple in a clockwise direction, on the streets outside

and is timed to conclude within the hour of midnight on the full moon nrght which is

reserved for the Buddha. 84

DiakapimaPerølara:

There is no denouement to the processions. Rather, on the following day in the forenoon, a water

DatìyangeDane

This is an almsgiving participated in by hundreds of people before the final procession.

C,eutadimaPeralura:

This is the ñnal procession. It occurs in daylight hours on a Sunr¡lay and summarizes the meanings of the ritual complex. 'Geundinu'literally means'entering a new house'.

Milk-boiling:

Milk is ceremonially boiled over in clay pots, signifying the generative power

of peralura.

&raiyakNatuma:

This is the darrce of the benign demon Gara Yakka. His overt function in this

dance is to clear away the evils of the mind (hitaunhn>, the eyes Øsualn) and the earc

(þ,anaualu)and mouth (tathnuatn). That is to say, to cool the passíons aroused by the

sight and sound of the perfection and beauty of pralura- 85

To conclude this outling I should point out that the caste duties of the Potter

caste (fudalufia fulal- and Washennm ßndalerip) are important elements tn peraluta. Apatt from this, alt rítual associated with the Buddha and his relic casket is

perfonned by monks, and that for tlre deities by deity priests and their assistants and

performers. The processiors otherwise include the specialist services of performers

from a variety of ritual traditio¡u throughout the country as well as the particþtion

of many volunteers. These are social aspects ol peralura which do not impinge on the

cosmic meanings of the performance.

Interpretation

Introduction

A pralurø may take as little as 3 or as many as 21 days to complete. The ritual on which the following interpretation is based took 12 days to complete but

perøIurøcan be reduced or expanded because either or both the times of day and the

days of the week can determine its process. In this case, the Pøølarø commenced in

the evening on a Wednesday with the kap planting ceremony. The processions then

commenced on a Saturday evening with the KtumfuI peralura, followed by three, earþ night-time, flower processions. From the following Wednesday to Saturday,

the processiors took a different form, climaxing on the night of the full moon with

the Maha perøharø. The water

gauadimaperalara on the Sunday, thus signing the whole as a resulting in the

ritual spilling of milk In its manipulation of 6me, Peralurø's cosmic meanings are

embedded in, but transcend, the everyday.

The ritual's timing is cosmically embedded through the use of astrology.

Unless he practises astrology himself, the Chief Monk approaches an astrologer and

advises the approximate time (kaleya) within ams during which t}lre peralura should

take place. The astrologer's work is to ñnd a good time (horulnwelaaun) from the 27 86

hot¡ses of the mo

Within this good 'time' for the ritual complex, particular aspects of it are auspiciously timed. These include the planting of the ?,ap pole and the water

Buddha, the auspicious moments in the ritual are when thedlatukarøniluun is placed atop an elephant for the first time but this, and all others, are subsumed within the auspicious moment when ttre illutu knranduun leaves its usual room (Dlutu lØmare) in the monks' residence to be placed in the Dlutu Møligruût.

I emphasize the importance of timing to the overall performance of perølura, not only in terms of the name Asala but also in the determination of the ritual chronology because, using astrology as a key,I now separate for analysis what I call the phasic structure oÍ.peralnraand its chronology. The phasic structure includes the first two ritual segments listed in the outline of the sequence and the water-cutting ceremony which complements them. These provide a context in which the significance of the named night-time processions dearly emerges in relation to my discussion of Buddhist beliel the name 't4rvr/ø.'and the Buddhist temple. The interpretation highlights the importance of pots in the phasic structure and the ritual use of cloth boundaries in the chronology. The phasic stn¡cture is to do with the

20 He must avoid bad naleds and. bad times (Vp, these are wisli, s¿ddlu, Ieøun and tsre) which occur in each of the days of the week and the times associated with the dragon figure Rahu whose head and tail complete the astrologiral chart. Certain da1æ a¡e mo¡e auspicious than othem, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday are good, Sunday, Tuesday and Saturday bad. As it will be seen , (xcurs¡ this conforms with the timing ol prclun. Wednesday is a good day and the kaP planting on it in what is the temporal werydãy. Saturday is a bad day and is the day o1 the MaIu Perahøa and Sunday which is *or* in astroto6calconsiderations (and people are quite mindful of these things) is the day of renewal. As far as I understand it, Sinhalese astrology is always lunar based and pays little or no attention to the sun in its calcr¡lations. Sinhalese astrology, therefure oPerates in terms of the sun's reflections on the moon in the same osmic rythm whictr celebrates full-moon days as the days of the Buddha.

21 Unfortunately, I am not sure when this takes plaæ, whether beforegalur¿, as a sign of zrs itsell or during the ritual. What is certain is that this auspicious moment is determined by the astrology lorpelwa. 87

earth and the deities, the chronotogy is concerned wíth the relationship between the

Buddha and the deities.

ThcPltasic Structu¡e

The phasic stmcture of peralurø is compoeed of the køp planting ceremony, which includes the planting of a secorul pole called the Tree of the Torch of Time

(kala pandam galu), arul the Ku¡nht peralura, both of whidr precede the series of night-time processions and the water

events of the phasic-stmcture are metaphorically described as mul gølln, or laying the

main stone hintiog at the nature of the processions which is to 'build' the cosmos.

The phasic structure is for the deities and I present it out of sequerrce precisely

because it begins and ends as a context for the night-time processions. It should be

noted, however, that as I follow the ritual's internal logic rather than its sequence, the

water

in the next section and tlrre gatndiru or daytime procession which summarizes the

meanings of the ritual.

The phasic sbr¡cture ritually suspends temporal life. It commences with a

type of death but is overtly characterized by sexual and fertility symbolism. The first

and last of i¡g three ritual segments is articulated by ttreknlagediya or ceremonial pot

which is brought to the temple by the seconl. Iæt me begi^ with the kap planting.

lcaphítøuteena: T\ekap planting is begun outside the temple precincts in the

temporal evening and on a Wednesday. After ritually cutting the pole and thrice

encircling the Bo Tree with it, the deity priest 'plants' tlcre kap in a ritually prepared hole in the earth near the deity shrines. It is then covered from view. Verses

accompanying the planting speak of this act as a vow (fura\ and entreat every

conceivable divine being to be present. tater in the evening, around 8 P'tn on the

Wednesday, deity priests, dancers and drummers perform in costume in a ritually 88

demarcated area where the Tree of the To¡ch of Time is then erected by laymen, conduding this section of the ritual

fr. kry pole is s* (mílla lupinu) from the brandr of a lactiferous tree. It is symbolically ldlled and sh¡ouded in white doth like a corPse for the procession which circumambr¡lates the Bo Tree. T\e F,ap is a fertility symbol which, when ptanted is erplicitly decorated to resemble the human Penis with two fresh young coconuts arr¡l two torches at its base sitting amongst coconut flowers. It is tmderþ

planted in a prepared hole in the earthla surrounded by betel leaves, oil lamps and

coin offerings fqanderu) and hidden from view. The planting is an act whidt is

discussed in hushed voice. A clay pot is upturned on its top and a piece of camphor

is lit upon it after the verses are sung, signing the presence of divine Power. T\ekap

pole's overt appearance is the erect phallus but it emerges out of the earth and points

to the sky. It is, therefore an inverted sexual symbol. Thebp planting symbolically

suspends temporal time. The word 'lury' s etymologically related to'løIp'or'Age',

symbolically connecting it to the planting of the Tree of the Torch of Time. As a vow,

køp planting stands as a promise to unite what is temporarily disunit€d in the upside-

down phallusa, the everyday world, the earth and this Age'

The planting of the Tree of the Torch of TimelLpecially for the God Visnu,

the Guardian Deity of Srí Iånka. It continues the theme of the sus¡rension of time,

this time being the time of Sri lanka. Made from the trunk of the areca, this pole is

lnown as the material of the Divine Architect, Vismakarma and thus it represents the

body of the world (detailed in Chapter 2 in relation to Pattini). The pole is prepared

by performers and erected by laymen who represent the people of Sri Lanka who are

the participants of peralura. Dancers perform before it on this and each of the seven

2 fire earth is a feminine symboL associated with a little-known ñgure called Bwnad@i whooe Buddha. body is understood to be b,uried in the ground and whoce four arms ¡each upward towards ttre Hensymbolism is described in relation to tte Goddess Pattini in chapter 3.

Zl T'his interpretation is made from a ftmale perspective! It conforms with the idea that the earth is'feminine 89

procession nights. flowever, they change from their elaborate costumes to wear white cloths called 'lungalla'on the second night of the flower processions. This use of costume or cloth marks a bourutary between the living world anl the world quite cleatly suspended by these two acts of pole planting which complement the cessation impliedby the period o1.u¡as.

Hrutflbal perahøru2 On the following Saturday in the afternooru the ceremonial pot or kJumfuIa,better known as the kalagedig, is conveyed in procession

from the Potter's house to the temple where it is held in the shrine of Visnu or the

MnhaDantefor the duration ofperalura. The procession is timed to Pass through the

temple gates in the evening (hû?tfrs\ The theme of the suspension of temporal life is

further conveyed in this procession.

There are 35 pots provided in all. \\el,alagediyø encompasses them all.

.i;{ As a pot of water, theknlagediya is the Full Pot

and the container [sic] of the waters of life. It contains water rituatly drawn from a specially prepared well in the everyday world and the containment

symbolizes cessation Thirty-two pots (32 is the number of bodily marks identifying

a Buddha) are placed at the entrances of both the inner sancta of shrines and their

outerdoorways and filled with coconut flowers and day lamps, all to be disposed of

tltre knp pole to be used after Wralura. The other two are those which accomPany during the water

water

of the Visnu shrine, o

Drring the period of the processions, ihel,nlageiliya remairs, as I have said, h

the Visnu shrine and the 32 other pots constitute a boundary between the everyday world from where the waters are collected and the outer sacred limits of temple 90

space. The pots mediate, at the entrance to sacred sPace, deúurcating it from the earth which is why the main pot b held in the Visnu shrine. The other two'loose' pots mediate the køp planting and the watercutting. The water

To anticipate a little, the water collected in th€ two medium+ize pots during the water-cutting is poured into the cupped hands of waiting supplicants who wash their faces in it and the remainder þins the freshly drawn water in the kalagediya. The water from the old pot is thrown onto the Bo Tree. The new lalagedia then remains in the shrine until the next year. The themes of the kalagediya foreshadow the meanings of the water-cutting ceremony.

watet'anttíng cercffiony; The water-cutting ceremony occurs on the Sunday in the forenoon after the night of the MaIu perøIura. It is preceded by a procession sometimes called the daytime procession (daul pralurø). The processiors overt purpose is to convey thelapa,again shrouded, to a waterway while the priest astride an elephant conveys the sword of lGtagaragama held erect and uncovered. At the rear of the procession is a palanquin (ranilolÐ containing the ornaments of the

Goddess Pattini. I will discribe Pattini's ornaments in detail in the next chapter and the meaning of the palarquin will become clearer when I discuss the nightþ processions shortly. Here it is sufficient to say that the erect sword of Kataragama is

to Pattini's ornaments as lingam rs to yoni. However, the actual ceremony, whidt

takes place in a cloth-enclosed raft or small boat with a hole in it, involves the

penetration of the ?,apa into the water after it has been 'cut' by the priest at the

auspicious time upon which water is collected in the two pots which had previously

decorated it The hole in the boat is prepared with a bed of betel leaves in the same 91

way as the hole in the earth where the knp sløllcd inverted during the week of processionsu.

The priest hinrself has his head and body shrouded with white clotlús as he mters the boat with only the sword visible. Upo. his rehrrn to shore, he is gfeeted by the demon Gara who appears twice in the overall ritual complex Here his function is to clear away the impurities of wtut is tantamount to cosmic sexual union The death of life symbotized by the knp planting ceremony is here reve¡sed and the promise of the erect phallus fulfilled. The potentiaüty of what was an inverted phallus has penetrated the water in a union of the divine arxl earthly

domains. The newly collected water is then taken back in procession to the templg but this time, the sword lays together with the ornaments of Pattini inside the

palanquin which leads rathe¡ than follows in the return procession. The stilled or

'stopped' water of the earth in tlrre kalagediyn is then enlivened as described above

with the fertile product of this cosmic union of the earth and the divine.

It was necessary to leave out much of the rich symbolism of the phasic structure, which, unlike the processions, includes verse as a constitutive ritual

component as well as music and dance but, the verses, dancing arul the different types of dmmming which accompany different aspects of it, reinforce the interpretation given here. The conch, for example, is blown at the moment theka/ø

pmetrates the water, signing a beginning or a conception and this is immediateþ

followed by magulbøa,admmming sound which heralds commencements, from on

shore and in the float. The commencement, as we will see liater, is enacted in the

gamdiruprocession which connects with the return procession of the water

The water

4l an relylng on exegesis for the actr¡al e\rents in the watercutting boat. The water'cutting was described as dangerous and the priest gave this as tlre reason for not allowing me on the float- paelsrcofficials on one occasion, howerrer, even shooed me away from the shore saying that this was no place for a woman. Water

25 ...like a pubertat girl in rites of first menskuation! 92

whole. It is clear that the phasic stn¡cture of pralura might easily stand as a rite of renewal in itself but it renews only the earttU encomPassd and protected by Visnu and, as such, it is merely a ritr¡al context for the series of night-time processions which define AmIa peraluÍa as a rmewal of a Buddhist cosmos'

ThePrææsiotts

T\ekapplanting occuñ¡ on a Wednesday, the KumbIuI petalura on a Saturday and the water

temple. The latter are wordless processíons which crrlminate in the Mala Walara on

the full moon night. The final processioç thegamdima (rcurs around midday on the

Sunday after the water

around the world in a giant ci¡cumabulation of the temple. The image is one of the

Wheel with the axis being the Buddhist temple. If the wate¡

earth, the ritual complex renews the cosmos and the night-time processiors are

concerned to 'build'it from a union of the Buddha and deities.

mal peraharuz The three mal peraluras% commence at around 8 p.rn each

night. They are preceded by deity worship in the lvlain Shrine. Emanating from

ã I do not describe the composition of all of the processions for neasons of space and because I am primarily interested in the movement of the ritual as a whole. The /t{¿l preluras, as the name sugiests areprocessions of flowers carried in as many as 5() trays called nal td;tuan- The word 'tdtutx' alJdenotes stairs as well as the contairs used to politely offer Wl þulat tattuun). Tlre processions as are a whole therefore imply an upward movement. Following tle heutisi ilrumtnets, thee processions headed by deíty priests who carry trap of betel leaves, incense sticks, camphor and a bottle of rose water as to the om"rlt gr of the bloosoms. The ¡G¡e-water is periodically sprinkled on obsen¡ers.""*^p"r,i-"nts 93

there, led by heur¡s¡ anrrrmingzT, and confined within the temple precincts, these processions ambul,ate in front of the various temple buildings in a clockwise direction and then encircle each of them individually twice before sequentially layin$ the floral offerings on the third round. The leading (pndlnnqa) flower bearers proceed urrcler a canopy which is not conveyed into religiousty empowered spac#.

T\e mat pqalurûs folur a floral 'chain' linking the inner sPace of the temple with the shrines but they invert the meanings of the temple's inner sPace while, in their s€quence, they leave the order of deities intact Let me erplain this with reference to the everyday sequence of Buddha and deþ worship in temples'

In everyday temple worship, worshippers begin with the Búhipuia,throwing water on the Bo Tree, they then offer flowers and incense at each of the Buililhuges

and pay obeisance at the dagababefore attemling the deities, starting with Visnu- This is a movement from the symbol of eternal life in the Bo Tree up to and acknowledging the numinous power of the Buddha's tomb, the dagaba representing sPace. Ooly his death which Fves life, thus following the logic of the temple's inner

after this do people worship in the shrines.

T1¡e mal perøImrøs rever€€ this everyday seqgence and incorporate the dlulu

manilireya which is not included in it They commence at the ilagøba, include the

dlutu tundireya where the replica of the dagaba resides during peralurø, then move to

thebuddhuges in order. They then bypass the Bo Tree anC instead go directþ to the

deity shrines where flowers are laid in the usual híerarchical order beginning with

Visnu. The Bo Tree is therefore rihrally excluded (although some people sumrnarily

acknowledge it themselves) and this breaks the bottom 'boundary' of the temple's

ll nent¿s¡drumming is a type of drumming associated with temple ritual in particular. It is usually only heard at tempies and in Fretutrc and it always precedes, a¡rd otherwise accompanies monks in theirvarious travels abroad in the stteets.

28 I ured to ponder the significance of this each time I saw the canopy bearers dash f¡om the point of entry after tlre l,ast flower bea¡er had passed under the canoPy into this sPac€ to the p'rocessionu þi"t aefurttrre f¡om it. The canopy is a protective cover whidr is reasonably not required in sacredly"f empowered space. 94

inner space allowing the everyday hierarchy of deities to be incorporated by the

'chain' of flowers into the ambience of the Buddha's immanently powerful death symbolized by the dagafu. Failure to acknowledge the Bo Tree in these processions is consonant with the other signs of the suspension of life whidr augers pralura. They

are preparatory processioru.

There are three flower processioru on three zuctessive nights. The secorud or middle one takes place only after a white doth Qíriwtlul ptovrded by the Washerpeople is suspended from the ceiling in the outer part @eege) of the deity

shrines. This coincides with the dancers' change of costume to the lungalla or white

cloth in their regular performance before the Tree of the Torch of Time. Orì this night

also, cliay lamps in the 32 pots of coconut flowets at shrine entrances are lit for the

first time and first pndøu or coin offerings for the deities are ceremonially offered at

the auspicious moment in what are thus transformed rnto petalur¿ shrines. The

flower processions are accompanied by songs in praise of the Buddha and the deities,

signing the process of unification they begin

aila uteeilí or paoøda perahara: \\e pauda peralura occurl on a Wednesday,

one week after the kapplanting, and the procession commences around 9.30 pm,

slightly liater than the flower processions. It begins and ends by encircling the Bo

Tree. Where the malperaluras moved in front of the various sacred dwellings, Wnda

peralurø circumambulates only those buildings constituting a temple's irmer sPace,

completely errcircling them three times. The procession is composed of the illutu

þ,nraniluunat its head, conveyed on a cushion which is its normal resting place on the

cloth

hierarchical order. These include a brass statue or sword for Visnu in the lead, and

often both for Kataraganut, a wheel weapon lrrown as C-alikauyuilah for Vibhishina,

29 An offi"ialsinaørr¡cllrlrcare male. As I discuss in Chaptet 7, there is disp,trte as to whether frmales should even be involved in the proccssions. 95

the bow and arrow of Samaç Pattini's anklets and bracelets and a stick (mugnra) fot the Godling Dadimunda. Of these, the statues are placed on the cloth covered-heads of priests aryl the others are exposed, hand held, on white dottu There are two components of this Wralura, one for the deities aru¡l one for the Buddha which is marked by the r¡se of two doth carpets ot puadt which grves the procession its name. Each component commmces separateþ.

For the deities, there is a tlwmn, a rite of fanning the gods which gles blessings to the people before the procession. After the thcmtn the head priest, @rrt'ing Visnu's icon backs out of the entrance of the main shring other priests following in the order of the divine hierarchy. The procession then moves under canopy and priests are sometimes in a trarrce-like state called attraction Ørþ,ns¡u) or trembling 'ureuu)ala'denoting the presence of divine Power in the weaPons imbued in thethewn Dancenr, who precede the priests, actually darrce backwards, facing the

oncoming procession of divine weaPorìs signing their power.

The relic casket is always haridled to the accom¡raniment of pirith chanting. Pirith is most frequently associated with transitions, especially death although

different texts (sufføs) are appropriate to different occasions. Before the casket is

moved onto the cloth-covered head of the waiting bearer, the of

Abstinence for Everyday Life (Pan sit) are observed over loudspeakers. Its

movement is then accompanied by Malu lvIøngala Phitlu. Of this text de Silva says

"...when this sutta was preached...countless devas were present and countless beingS

realized the Truth" (1981:116). Lily de Silva describes this partictrlar pirith as

emphasizing "...a code of social ethics of a very high moral ordef' (Lily de Silna

1981:1Ð. The relevance of this text to the poadapenlura, with the Presence of 'danas' is fairty obvious. This chanting also reminds tÞre peralura participants of the as the myths of Buddhist code of ethics, 'taught' to the dans by the Buddha '4sIø describe, even as Buddhism itself is temporarily absent from the world. The use of

pirith nurl

The theww aru:t the pirith clunting occur simultaneously in different parts of the temple, the everyday separation of whidr is marked in the procession by the use of two ptndas, one for the Buddha and the other for all the deities. Deity priests dressed in vividly coloured costumes which they call nilame or officer costumes become the bearers of the icons on o e Woada zurrou¡ded by costumed dancers, until they are þined, outside lhe illutu ttuttilíreya, by the illutu learaniluun on the other, also zu¡rouru:led by dancers. The differerrce is further marked by the use of

different costumes for dances which have different monings. The procession then

appears as one, with the dancers and drummers, barefoot and off thepznda, dancing

alongside it. Like the flower processions, it circr¡mambulates three times but only

around the Buddhuge, not t}rre dagah and not the deity shrines. It begins and ends,

as I have said by encircling the Bo Tree; dancing to use a metaphor, on the roof of the

world.

This explains why, unlike the flower processions, the canopy over the deity

icons in ttre pawila procession is not taken down as the procession enters sacred

space. Even though there are two sections of this procession, the puadas, as cloth

carpets, mark a separation from below whictr must be seen in reliation to the use of

canopies. \\e pvaitas and the canopy together co¡rstitute a 'corridor' of divine Power moving into the temple's inne¡ space þined in procession with its metonymic symbol, the Buddha relic, still covered with layers of cloth on this night.

First Summary Interlude

It is worth recalling here the notion of the inter-relatedness of all reality to

realize the importance of boundaries in ritual. The use of doth in this and other

rih¡als, whether ceiling cloth, carpet, canopy, parasole or even costume and maslç

whether underfoot, above the head or on the body, is a key to understanding

separation. The ptnda procession is also calted the 'half-way street' or ada weeili

procession. By its boundaries it signifies a movement uP, by its other name it speaks 97

of the ritual beiog half-way and it is the fourth in the series of seven night-time processions, that is, precisety half way, above the Bo Tree and on the roof of the world.

\\e poada pralwais on foot, the hie¡archy of deities and the Buddha and the separation of both from the everyday are marked by cloth. T\epttada procession is artictilated with those that follow insofar as all four processions following the flower processions coûìmence at the sound of a shot whidr annor¡nces the indusion of the

Relic Casket. Flowever, the last three processions circumambulate only once and they are preceeded by whip

we saw. lirte pauada proce*sion which starts about 9.30 p.m. also circumambuliates three times, but it encircles only the inner space of the temple and the usual

significance of the Bo Tree is ignored by both the flower aml the ptnda processions-

In the last three processions, caparisoned elephants convey the relic and

weapons and the elephants tread the ry:adas. They begin progressiveþ later each

night, they get progressively bigger and more elaborate and go progressiveþ further,

extending outside the temple and onto the streets but they circumambulate only

once. The divine insignia, revealed in the paudaperalura are subsequentþ concealed

as the upward þurnef0 oL perølura reaches a plateau above the world of humaru as

signed by the introduction of elephants.

Before going orL I refer the reader to the interpretive description of the full composition of the MøIu Pualmra which is provided as Apperulix 2. The

il I .rse th€ term þurney appropriately whe¡r it is considered that the Fimary music of pcralwc is the lszrisr' drumning playing what is called, genun @. Thts has been called a military marclr, but I was informed that it is simply walking music - gaíßrtl is a word used to describe short tripo snch as going to the shop fpdi ganau) or taking longer þurneys (lofu geruw). 98

performative items in each of the following processioru are essentially the same as for the main procession ard it would be un¡recessarily repetetive to describe each procession in its entirety. The following disrssion only highlights important differences between the three remaining processions and should be read in iuxtaposition with the Appendix.

tansìlíge or arceilí perahataz The Relic casket and deity weaPorìs are conveyed together in howdahs kansíIígel which are conveyances for two or mordl in

the Weeiti peralura or full street procession which, with the use of elephants, imports a s€nse of arival into the þurney. The tenn trowdah' denotes the plurality of the Buddha and Gods in the one procession. But, only the insignia of the male deities are included. Whereas for the previous processioç there were two physically and spatially separate but simultaneous preparations for the deity weaPo¡ìs and the relic

casket, on the night of the howdah processioç there is no PreParation for the deity

weapons. The relic casket is handled in precisely the way I have described on each

night but the deity weapons for this procession are perfirnctorily conveyed, albeit

wrapped, into the Dlutu Mnnilirqø from which the howdahs on the elephants are

loaded. This is not for the practical purpose of reaching the elephants as I was told -

there are other ways of doing that - but because in this procession, the heavens, as it

werg, have been reached, signified by the use of the caparisoned elephants. Notably,

however, none of lhe ransiligæ or howdahs are liÉ2.

rutiloli peruhøru: The penultimate procession in the series is differentiated

from the preceding one and derives its name from the inclusion of the røniloli or

palanquin containing the ornaments of Pattini and by the fact that the the howdahs

31 I ha.r" taken the English deñnition of howdah and palanquin ftom the Concise Oxfod Dictionary. According to that sour:ce, these terms have deriræd from Sanskrit for tlre l,atær and Urdu for the forurer.

32 I was told that this was to save the elçense of power. Howwer, it sæms in keeping with my interpretation that ttrey need not be lit on this niglrt bæause the lighting on the following night s€ems to continue the p,rogression upwards. As we shall see, on the ñnal night, all the howdahs are lit but only the elephant carrying the Buddha's relic caslcet tr€ads the P.æd¡. 99

are lit. A palarquin is a harxt-held covered litter for onels, arxl in perahara it is an insignificant reddoth

þ,nraniluun. The inch¡sion of tlrre randolì, hence the divine ornaments of the Goddess, enlivens this procession with the potentiality of life arxl this is srgnd by the bright illumination of the hitherto unlit howdahs.

Asala tnaha peraharuz In the MalM prøIura, ttre dlutu lcnrøniluun is the central icon The Maha peralurais timed to encompass the midnight hour, beginning around

11 p.m. and ending at about 1.30 a.m., earlier than the other street processions which sometimes last untill 3 a.m. Tlte MnIu peralarø differs from the raniloli procession by name, timing and the larger number of performers. Only the tusker conveying the relic treads on aptnilabut all the howadahs are again illuminated. [¿t me describe the appurtenances of the tr¡sker.

1ftte laraniluzro tusker is surround"d by cobra hoods, pearl umbrellas and gold and silver spears. It is framed by attendants with yak-tail fans. These are the appurtenances of royalty. In the IvInIu Pøalura, this elephant is preceded by whiP crackers, firewheels and teams ollvu¡isi drummers headed by a corch blower and a flute. They dmm the gama-pada or þurney beat. Buddhist flags follow the hø¡isi drummers and next are pantheru dancers who are singular in that they sing songs in praise of the Buddha. Immediatety in front of the tusker itsell and lining each side of the ptnda, a large group of up to 20 or more dancers lrrown as W¿s dancens

ß One is told laughingly that Pattini may rpt ride the elephants which convey the lit rczsfl{ce in the same procession because she is a wornan. This does not explain why anothet palanquin, the mugute or stick of the male Godling Dadimunda the tamer of demons on earttU is sometimes included in proesion behind Pattini's. Dadimundas mnddí always follows Pattini's and does rþt detract from the significance I give the former in the cpntoct of the ritr¡al as a whole. The use of the term rmdolí is in keeping with tt¡e singular natur€ of both of these divine being". There is only one Goddess among the guardian deities of Sri Lanka and therc is only one demon tamer who is known for having potected the Buddha against temp,tation when he achieted Enlightenment. 100

resplendent with the silver headpieces which give them their namda, perform to the accompaniment of as many dnunmen¡. At least one of these perfonns backwards, facing the tusker. Dignitaries parade alongside the eþhant,located in relation to it as are the dancers.

The word 'W¿s' means mask3s arxl as sudr signifies a boundary. There is already one beneath the tusker, separating arrd elevating it above the rest of the processior¡ including the deities whose elephants walk on the ground and there is another in front and alongside it in the form of the W¿s dancers. When thte illutu karøniluun is conveyed on the ground, as I have said, it is always covered with an umbrella or parasol. I^ MaIa perøIurø, by contrast, it is significantly housed in a

ransiligewhich, as a word, denotes the casket of the deads.

The ilhatu karøniluun is a replica of the dagfu. The word 'þaranduun' means casket as does 'rønsilige'. The relic or illatu therefore is, symbolically speaking,

doubly encased in death in the Malu PqøIura, importing yet again the theme of

cessation into the ritual complex. However, the timing of the Malu perølnta on the

full moon night oÍ Aslaunites this theme of death with one of origination implied by

the name ,45¿¡taitælf. The Maluperalurø is timed to coirrcide with the midnight hour,

the interval between the temporal yesterday and a new day which is Sunday (Iri¡la)'

the day of the sun (irø) which is the light of the Buddha-

In this context, the ambiguity in the name of the dlutu nunilireya as palace arxl

temporary place for the dtutu knraniluun imports a senee of the Buddha's choice into

the ritual. Placing the dhatu lurandrun in this palace must be seen in rel,ation to the

night and the period of uns which sign the absence of the sun, the temporary absence

{ We"dancing is now almost synonymous withpnhøedancing and yet as Seneviratne (1978) notes, this dance furm was not inch¡ded n ptelwa until early this cenrury. It derives from an Up Country ritual known asrheKohomfu l(anbriya.

35 D"mot masks are called 'æ nr¡¿t¿' or face-masks.

S TLe t"rm is especially associated with funeral caskets for monks. 1_0r_

of the monks and the consequent absence of the Dlumru which, together, are tantamount to the cessation of life in keeping with the earþ phases of the phasic stn¡cture ol peralura. And yet, the Maha peralwa dearly celebrates the Buddha. The symbols of death which penneate peralnra are symbols of potentiality in a context of abelief intheperpetualarisingaruldecayof life. Theuseof the dlutununilirryaand the royal appurtenances of the tusker conform, in this contoct, with the meanings of

Asala which deterrrine the ritual's duonology. \\e lvInlu pralura's timing on the midníght hour is the moment of traruformation when the power of the Buddha penetrates the world.

This interpretation explains the leather, fire and sound which head the procession. The whip

Sri Iånka on a leather rug to quell the demons in the Dhamma Dipa myth. Fire players Qini-lcarryo) come no

Buddhism before the primal sound is followed by motion in the form of dancing.

Only after these components of procession does the h¡sker appear, framed by mortals and the zr¿s dancers.

*conil Sumnury Interluile

The main procession extmds over a mile in length and I have seen the end of the procession preparing to leave the temple gates þt as the head is about to re enter them. In other words, it forms a cirrcle which emanates from the illntu 702

nandireya,departing through the temple's front gate. Strictly speaking, however' it peter out does not'retutal' through this or any other entrance. All processions merely at the front entrance to the temple. Furthernrore, nothing is ceremoniously or ceremonially returned to its place, not even the deity weaPons or the dlutu reason we þarøniluun. This is because the ritr¡al complex is not yet complete. For this head must now look at the relationship betrueen the relic casket on the tusker at the its of the procession arrl the ranilolícontaining Pattini's ornaments which constitutes

tail.

as of the T\e Maha Wrahora literally vibrates in the world a Parade

possibilities of life. It is the house of the cosmos, suspended from the temporal world In in the early part of the ritual, but embedded in it by the ritual's timing and name' Pattiní' this context, on the vertical axis, in the hierarchy of Buddha, male deities and the the raniloli at the end of ttle MaIu peralwra articulates the top and bottom of or cosmos. On a horizontal plane, in relation to the køp planting and water

peralurø.

The Møla peralum is the wheel of life's potentiality in its positive aspects' It

display+ in ideal form, the potentiality of being-in-the'world brought about by the from Buddha's choice and the month o1 AxIø which celebrates his mythical birth which follows it' The Queen lvfahamaya which preceded it and his first sermon

Buddha's teachings (Dlummd are rePresented by the sun and this is why theperalura the monk's retreat takes place at night. The ritual Plays on absences; it is the time of real and night-time which is without the sun. Night is the time of Truth in the world in which the demonic precedes all else whereas day is the time of Illusion, the Illusion of worldly form. It is this truth which is articulated by the Goddess Pattini (see whose ornaments represent the world of form; sky, earth, and sea next chapter)

thre It remains and which have, throughout ryralura, been enclosed within mnilolL the relic now to see how the return from the water

casket in the final procession. I then briefly disct¡ss the audience's relationship to the ritual and the final rituat segments, the ceremonial milk-boiling and the dance of the demon Gara whichboth stand in relationship to the ritual as a whole.

geutailírna perøharu; Pattini's randoli containing not only her ornaments but the sword of l(ataragama leads the procession returning from the water-cutting site-

The procession stops at the Bo tree or the dagafu where all the deities weapons and

Pattini's ornaments are taken out of the palanquin and laid alongside the illntu

lcnranduwø on an alter or 'øsana'usually used for tributes to the Buddha. Monks and

priests pay obeisance and worship both and when the procession re-forms, it is called

the gamdimaperaharø.

Theliøranduum, in gaoadinu is not covered although it does proceed under a

parsol and on a patnila, thereby once again being separated from the world below.

But, no longer encased in the casket, it is signed as the metonym of the Buddha by

theuseof theparasol. Theword'ganndima' denotestheceremonialenteringof anew housdT. In this procession, it is singular that the sword of Kataragama and the

ornaments of the Goddess Pattini flank the dhatuknranduun. If it is accepted that the

Iuranduwa,being a replica of the doyofu represents both tomb and womb, the divine

weapon and ornament represent penis and vulva. It is the ornaments of Pattini,

waiting on the shore that receives the water collected by the sword of Kataragama

and through her, it enters the world. After this rather short procession, the relic

casket is returned to its normal abode, its own room in the monks' residence. The

procession thus splits and the divine component of it then encircles the Bo Tree

before entering the main shrine of Visnu where thekalagediya awaiF.. I have already

37 the use ...'ge' = house and,'udiñs'is a fomral tel¡r for Ìraving entered'. I am intrigued by of the past

described the way the collected water is handled, after which the divine insignia are unceremonially returned to their respective shrines.

Final Sumnury Intælule

Quite clearly ttre gatndima procession is entering a house renewed by the ,rebirth' of the Buddha Gautama. I have demonstrated this by contextualizing the performance in a number of ways. Firstly, in relation to the Buddhist beliefs in impermanence, in which the Buddha's choice stands as the beginning of this Age.

Secondly in terms of the inter-relatedness of reality, which provides the logic of ritual boundaries. Thirdly, in terms of the idea that things in the world aPPear as contingent manifestatiorc kupal of eternal principles (naru), eachryralura gives fornt to the ideas embedded in the name 'Asala', Finally, the series of processions which make this ritual an Aslaperalwrøwere located in a ritual context which I described as

the phasic structu¡e. From this we can see that the ritual is speci-fically embedded in

everyday time and this is the time of sri lånka as rnarked over and over again by

importance placed on the God Visnu. The chronology of the ritual moves not only

from past to present in the vertical rel¡¡tion between Asla and the period of uns, it

moves on a horizontal plane within the everyday from Wednesday/Saturday to

Saturday/Sunday as a movement from earth to the divine realm and back again.

The timing precisety locates the movement as one from the evening of one cosmic

day (the kap planting and ldumbat Walural, to the midnight threshold of the full moon in the MnIu peralarø to the midday on the day of the sun, Sundafl' The gnndima peralura signs the cornmencement of a new cosmic day. This ritual

S It i, interesting that the Sinhalese terms br this day, as described earlier, have the same connotation as theEnglish word. 1_ 05

manipulation of everyday Frne (wetastm) allows peruIurø to take as little as three days or as uvrny as 21 as I said in the beginning3g.

Auilimæ Pørticiplbn

The aud.ience participates in the ritual process in a variety of ways; by coin moment offerings @ndarul to the deities in the shrines Uansfonned at the auspiciotts tnto pralnra shrines, and by cleansing their faces with the water brought back from the water

Datiyønge Dane or deities' almsgiving. Occurring ideally before the gatndima

procession, this is an act of commensality structured into the ritual as a whole-

The almsgiving is not a part of the phasic structure of rihral, it literally

incorporates people within the cosmic moment of renewal. For the almsgiving,

people are first offered a glass of water, an incorporative geshrre which precedes any

meal among Sinhalese Buddhise. The almsgiving involves offering the'deities food', including oil cakes (lcaçm), a plantain (L,æelgediya)and milk-rice (kiri-fut0' a

consecrated portion of which is fi¡st offered to deities. The almsgiving may involve a

meal as well, but the items specified are cosmic foods, offered only at beginnings,

after the stonelaying rituals described in the last chapter, at the Sinhalese New Year,

at a girl's first menstruation ceremony, and, as I show in the next Chapter, where I

analyse their symbolism, at the conclusion of rites for the Goddess.

What is singular about the almsgiving in peralnra (and the madmn) is that they totally ignore the social status of participants. In peralarø five people are

39 Th" numemlogy of polumis farinating. Twentyone days is the ideal time for this rirual, and is a multiple of 3 x 7. A pralun may take as little as th¡ee days but still have seven processions, (4 albeit mr¡ch smaller in scale. in the interpretation here, four p'rocessíons ci¡cumambtrlate 3 times + 3 possible multiplication of 3 x 7 = 7) and the other thlee, once, g"i"S a total of 7 p¡ocessions, making a = 21. Four is the number of di¡ections represented by the deities and 3 rcpresents orientations in time - past, pr€sent and future. The numbers 4 and 3 aPPear systematically in palum in different combinations. The water

randomly selected from the crowds, withotrt refere¡rce to gender or status, to begin what is often the feeding of multitudes who simply queue for the pleasure. The number five, as I said @rlier, is a symbol of unity and equality. It represents the four directions and a centre and most importantly, this equalizing Process signs the fact that the ritual participants benefit as an aggregate of irullividuals.

The term 'athura' dmotes what I have called ritual beneficiaries or participants in ritual processes. The terrr is descdbed by Obeyesekere (19&4:3Ç37) to simultaneously mean'¡ntient', 'audience'and congregation. Whether the ritual is a demon exorcism, a rite for the planetary deitíes (fuli thtuiD, t}lre mødrtw for Pattini or ttre peralnra, the ritual bmeficiary is called the athura (p. athureyù- What I am proposing is that this term incorporates people in relation to a ritual and thus tranrends their everyday sociat identities. This is yet another way that cosmos and society are distinguishable. As the alhureyo,people are rendered socially anonymous by the almsgiving inperalura; they are rendered as a moral community of individuals in terms of the ritual's process. Neither social identity, nor gender as I further demonstrate in the next two chapters, is integral to either the performance or the effects of ritual. All people are'athureyo' to pralnra.

The effect of the ritual is renewal signed by the ritual over-flowing of milk which follows ttre galadirza procession. This concluding act signs the nurturing power of renewal. Overflowing milk (usualty coconut milk but not necessarily) is a symbol of the fullness of breasts and the milk-boiling is appositely performed in the name of the Goddess Pattini. It may almost be seen as the physical outcome of the kap planting and water

milk in the precincts of the Buddhist temple is yet another sign, not only of the

temple's centrality, but that everbody benefits from the effects of peralura- 107

Ctra dance

Humans particþte tn pralura as an aggregate of Buddhist individr¡als and their very participation provídes the logic of the dance of the benign demon C¿r¿

Yatd@. Gara's overt function is to clear away the z¡ør' or the evils of the mind, eye, ear and mouth of humans who have participated rnperalura. I have suggested that humaru participate through the mirul, in contemplation of the Buddha relic normally concealed from view in the monks' quarters, they have þyously viewed the displayed weapo¡ìt¡ of the deities normally concealed in the inner sanctum of the shrines behind cloth curtairs and they have heard the primal sound of the drum on the streets, especialty tlrre heutisi drum which normally only accompanies rituals within the temple precincts. They have signd their own voluntary and individual participation by making offerings arul cleansing their faces as well as by partaking by mouth in the atmsgiving. The meanings of peralura are embodied in these ways and it is little wonder tl:ølt peralara is understood to be so beautiful that it arouses the desires which Gara is meant to clear away. Furthermore, the beauty of the whole of peralura can be descrated by the bad words of the few which Gara can also clear

away, thereby protecting all.

The overt meanings of the Gara dance are clear. However, they take for granted the use of mask in this dance and the meaning of this is less obvious insofar as the demonic is automatically excluded Írom peralnrø by virtue of the presence of

the Buddha. The Gara dance is performed in a number of different contexts, not the

least in relation to the water-cutting ceremony. As the final act of peralwra, the mask

is used in a particular way. The dancer enters the dancing arena with his mask on,

he clears zms quite explicitly in the dance and then climbs onto a special swing

associated with him called ttre aille. He then swings frantically to and fro on this r.0 8

before breaking the 'H'bar of it and iumping to the ground, enteríng the world. In his earlier appeararrc e rn peralura, as in tlrre nudtun for Pattini, he removes his mask after clearing the was at:d then participates in the world of humans unseen, as it were, like the demons in general. In peraluru he retires, still masked, behind the swing and the removal of the mask is not part of the performarrce. This suggests that his role here is to mediate between the cosmic world of pralura and the mortal world whictr" as a demor¡ he usually inhabits. He breaks the connection between heaven and earth created by human participation rn peralurø arrd orders the mind and desires of humans who may have been aroused by it.

Conclusion

My interpretation of peralura follows the logic of the ritual throughout, and

does not pretend to speak of the attitudes of those who actually participate in it or

view the Gara dance. In this, I am in agreement with Evens (798n who argues that

the logic of the event must be seen as different from the togic of the intentions of

those who participate in it. In part, this is the basis of the division of the thesis into

two parts and it provides the logic of my presenting the ryralnrø as the first in a

hierarchy of other rituals.

T]ne peralura, as a series of processions is a wordless ritual for which the

various myths of the water-cutting component of it cannot be taken to explain the

whole. It is clear from my presentation that there are no warlike comPonents of the

contemporary peralura and there is no evidence that the symbolic meanings of

peralwra involve a clash between the forces of good and evil as the watercutting

myths i^ply. On the contrary, the very presence of the processiors on the streets

signs the absence of demons in thei¡ path and the world is thus renewed. r-09

I argue that the dearth of an origin myth for peralura speaks volumes in itself about the relation of this ritual to the everyday world. As I have shown, theperalurø is deeply embedded in everyday conceptions of time and space; it exploits the same chronotopes. It is orchestrated by monks, whose knowledge reproduces the meanings of Astnand who treat the astrology ol peralurø very seriously, actively co- ordinating the events and the auspicious times. To reiterate, astrology is used to time

ttre peralura itself: the move¡nent of tlrre dlutu loraniluun or relic casket from the

monks' residence to the temporary'¡nlace'from where it þins the processions, the

first movement of the casket onto the tusker, the planting of the lcapø, and the water-

cutting are all astrologically timed. With similar care, during perølura as for the

maduum, rites for the deities are permeated with requests for forgiveness for any

mistakes rnade in the process. Clearly the process of 'constihrting' a new cosmos in

peralwrøis as fragile as it is powerful. But it is neither warlike nor conflictual.

It is the name,4sak which constitutes the historicization of the cosmogony

which thrs peralarø clearly is. The ritual is primarily concerned to display the Buddha relic in what I have argued is tantamount to a re-enactment of Prince Siddhartha's transformation into the Buddha C'autama. T\e '4sla perahara ts orchestrated to coincide with the full moon in the period of was which marks the

temporary absence of Buddhism from the world. Little wonder this is the festival

season. The name, Asal.a, and the use of the Dlutu Mnndireya, a palace'like building

used only on this occasion suggests that there is no explicit myth lor peralutø

precisely because the myths it celebrates are immanent in its name and performance.

The AsIa peralara is the cosmogony. It therefore stands in reliation to other

rituals as their premise. T1ne pralura provides a canon for all other rituals and, as

Chapter 1 demonstrates, these are all interconnected by, and articulated with, the

phases of the sun, moon and earth. Furthermore, the relatior,ship between the

peralwra and the rituals for Pattini to which I now turn, and those for IGli which follow, is isomorphic with human being-in-the-world. Thre peralmrø is concerned L10

with the head, the Buddha mind and the divine will of humans Pattini, as we shall see, is concerned with the human body and IGli with the desires. Each ritual, as an aspect of the cosmic horizons, i:n its own way constitutes a limit for human being-in- the-world but all are ordered in terms of the Buddha arul a belief in Buddhism which orders pøalurnand penrreates the entire population. l-1_1

CHAPTER 3 Pattini

Introduction

The Sinhalese Goddess Pattini is portrayed in myth as the pure daughter of the world and its noble wife and yet in practice this virginal and celibate deity is contradictorily lrrown as ?attini Mother' (Amma). Between myth and practice, pattini is a complex figure who, in a performative ritual called the maduwø, substantializes in the transvestite costume of a male deity priest. In this chapter, I

argue that transvestite costume resolves the contradiction in the nature of the

Goddess Pattini. I show that the priest's dance which is the pivotal performative into a item of t¡1e mùluwa, effects a transformation of the mythical wife and daughter

Mother figure. I further argue that this transformation defines tllre maduun as a rite of

renewal.

The analysis focr¡sses on the meaning of the priest's costume and dance,

revealing a play on illwion which constihrtes the Goddess as the cosmic cipher.

Through its use of costume, this dance articulates three levels of transformation.

Firstty, being a ritual innovation, the costume denotes a transformation in the rih¡al

itself. Secondly, it actuates the transformation of Pattini from a mythical space of

purity and celibacy into a tangible maternal source. The third transformation results

from the other two and is a function of them. This is the existential transformation of

the ritual audience from the states of siclcress to health, misfortune to fortune,

fragmentation to wholeness effected by the dance of Pattini. Pattini in the maduun ts

a cipher with significance who articulates past and present by ocorpying the sPace LI2

between the distinct real¡ns of male and femalg mortal and divine as she incorporates and transcends them through the oscillations of dance and costume.

I render transvestism analytically problematic in the context of ritual performance. Obeyesekere (19&4:19) has described and discussed priestly transvestism in the nuduun tradition. However, he takes it as a Stvm in reliation to ritual performance because his inte¡pretive interest is directed to understanding thê psychological propensity of priests to traruvest (which I discuss in Chapter 5). In contrast, I follow the ritual value placed on the costume and dance by ritual practitioners and audiences alike, as they are the ritual devices which pivot the entire performance of the maduwø. T1ne mailuwa is enacted to the accompaniment of verses selected from a collection of texts which I discuss shortty lorown as the Pantk

Kolmura. In the p.st, Marø lpailhna,a ritual enactment of Pattini's resurection of her mortal husband Palanga is said to have been a vital aspect of performance. Tlte Marø

Ipadima is rarely, if ever, performed today.l Priestly informants say that this is because the enactment of Mnra lpødirø¿ involves death. Death is impure and it should therefore not confront the divine presence of Pattini [sicl in themnduwø2. This comment proclaims what the performance, and the following analysis of iL demonstrate: the costume is more than an aesthetic device, it substantializes Pattini

in the mnduun. But, the transvestite dance is an innovation'

According to the priests who wear the costume and the ritual practitioners

with whom they worþ the transvestism was introduced into the maduun within the

last 50 years. They name the person who incorporated the costume as a result of his

1 E.r"r, Obeyesekere who describes this enactment in some detail says he has only seen it th¡ee times, twice in 1956 and once in 1960 (798Á246)-

2 A counter-claim to this by ritual practitioners is that Pr€s€ntday priesæ simply do not know how to perform this ritual segment. This may be true but should the priests wish to perform it, they may learn it from these same practitioneñr as they do other aspects of the nadwn work. r. r.3

experience of another culturat dance traditíon3. These informants, nurny of whom were in their forties during my fieldworlc also recalled attending maduuns when they were childrerç which differed in many ways from the contemporary performance particularly insofar as priests neither dressed as, nor danced the dance of, Pattini.

Instead, rihral practitioners danced /or Pattini while the priest displayed the divine ornaments. There are areas where this is still the case4. The innovative dance, which is now synonymor¡s witt. ¡tuduuns in the cultural region in which I worked, constitutes a ritual transformation which accommodates the contemporary context.

This requires explanation because it is precisely in terms of the ritual transformation that the figure of Pattini transforms in the ¡¡udurtn and the madwn itself effects a transformation which is a renewal. The contradiction in the figure of

Pattini consequently bears anal¡ically upon the relation between myth, ritual and everyday life. In all her representations, Pattini is beautifulr pülÊ, good and whole.

But, whereas to men she is wife, and to women, sister and daughtef, in her highest form even as Obeyesekere (19&4:t161) remarks, Pattini is Mother to all humans and thus encompasses all of humanity.

3 Geyesekere's description of transvestism in the twduwa falls within the time frame of 50 years. The ctrltural tradition the informants a¡e referring to is the PoPular tr(ohrz dancing which involves tranwestism and mask to very amusingly render weryday and topical situations ridiculous. The person who himself claims to have introduæd the transvestism tells his own st'ory: he ran away as a child to a Kolamdance troupe and returned later to be taught how to do tndutu work fiom a ritual practitioner and became a very famous dancing priest. These dancing priests a¡e known as Pdtíaþala- The priest I speak of was still performing the Pattini dancc in his eighties and had recently introduced seveñ dancing futtinir in tlre context of one ritual, a matter of some debate at the time. He suffered a severe stroke not long before I left the field.

4 I witnessed rites like this at Elakkola and Maddegodalla, both of which were outside the ritual 'ñeld' with which I am concerned but which weæ frequented by the same performers as those desc¡ibed here.

5 Pattir,i is respectively related in this way to men and women in the rites of horn-pulling (ar tdia) and first menstruation (m¿l vnta) as I discuss elsewhere (in preparation). For an analysis of cn lc/liya, w, Obeyesekere (19&4Chapter 12). The first-menstn¡ation rite br Sinhalese girls has been analysed in relation to the same ritual amongst other ethnic g¡ouP6 in Sri L¿nka by Winslow (1980) who de€crib€s the difference in terms of the supernatural figUles relevant to each. LL4

Significantly, Pattini is the daughter arul wife in the written texts of myth. In themaduwø she is the maternal source as I show here and she is propitiated in shrines as a mother figure. Tercts, as written doct¡menùs, do not fundamentally change.

Flowever, their interpretation in both rítual and shrine practice can, and clearþ does insofar as there is no direct correspondence between the mythical texts and the performance of the ¡¡utluuú. However, if we treat the ñtual as a text, as a work in

Bakhtin's sense, which includes the written texts within itself in the form of verse, we can involve both íts authors, the ritual practitionens, and the listener/reader, the audience, as actively constitutive of its meanings. The author, as Bakhtin says, is

"...outsíde the work as a human being liviog his own biographical life" (1981:254) and the listener /reader participates in the creation of the represented world in the text (ibid.:2|\. The fact that both ritual practitioners and their audierrces live in a simultaneous historical reality permeated with Buddhism, then allows that reality to be included in the meanings given to the figure of Pattini.

For this reason, I invert the structuralist method for the analysis of myth. In other words, I use the texts as a context in which to understand ritual rather than interpreting mythology in terms of what Iævi-Strauss describes as its "inventory of contexts (7978:36)...[includingl ...ritual, religious beliefs, superstitions, and also fachral knowledge" (loc.cit.) [my addition]. Furthermore, again in keeping with Bakhtin's conception of language, I present the mythology in na¡rative form, as

stories, which is how they are described in practice (Pattini kattttn) and I interpret

them chronotopically. Although I rely somewhat on structural oppositioru, such as

male:female::mortal:divine, in the following analysis of ritual, I emphasize that I do

not see them as homologies. Instead I see them as dynamic oppositioru which

6 See Obeyesekete (19&4:32-34). 115

inco¡porate everyday meanings as they oscillate in the figure of Pattini in the maduwø. The traruformation effected by the maduunis a product of this oscillation.

I begin, by presenting selections from llrre Pantís Kolmura which portray

Pattini as daughter and wife. I then describe the constmction of ritual sPace and the structure of ritual performance. All three, the latter two explicitly so, are contexts.

Put differently, mytlì, dtual space and symbolic structure all form a background against which the Pattini dancing, which articulates the entire maduwa, will be iuxtaposed, interpreted and explained.

Pattini inMyth

The entire corpr¡s of Pattini mythology is contained in a collection of texts called the Pøntis Kolmurø7. As Obeyesekere's (1984) detailed translation of them reveals, the texts are selectively us€d in different areas and at different times. While all the texts pertain to the madratn, not all are directly about Pattini. The selection I present below portrays Pattini as daughter and wife. The myths fall into three categories respectively concerning Pattini's origin, her births and her celibate marriage to her mortal husband, Palanga. The latter, stylistically, are journey stories.

The interpretive discussion concluding this section on myth focusses on this

categorization with the aim of highlighting the nature of Pattini in myth as a basis of

comparison with the Pattini in the nu'duun.

7 I ¡"f"r the reader to Obeyesekere's (1984) detailed translation of these texts and his discussion about their historical entrance and diffusion in Sri Lanka. I have benefitted from, and drawn orç Obeyesekere s worlç especially for relevant quotations and to ñll gaps in my own understanding of some of these verses. There are other stories about Pattini and her shrine at Navagamuwa but I do not include them trere as they are more significant to understanding the 'origin' of Pattini priests (kqurfu). L16

It should be borne in mind that a Pattini, like a Buddha, is a type. However, whereas there are four Buddhas in each Agø oscillating with a Kali Age, a Pattini in this mytholory spans the Age of the four Buddhas. I darify this by distinguishing

Pattini's origin myth from those concerning her putative seven births.

i) Pattíni's origin myth

that is, a female god.

ä) Pattini of tlæ cobra's tears ønil tle floutø his pond and onto a mounbain tionand coiled himself around ments ). The in the th the surface in shame. Or¡t of her shamê, a flower was born. A Brahmin tried to pick the flower but it hid itself in the pool. He ^ ed but, when he went to Pick the al 8a story ends with Pattini, aged 76, from the prospect of marriage to wished to arrange for her.

äi) Honq-mangobirth

The story begios by telling how sakkrq, thg K-ing-of Gods, learned of Pattini's gene"raUve powerl He begged her for food and in compassion

E The p,ractice of giving gold milk is extant in some parts of Sri [ånka. It involves dipping a little gold into expressed Urort^itt befo¡e the commencement of breastfeeding after childbirth. In m¡h,-mortals givã goldmilk ro the inÉant Pattini. Aftet mortal childbirtb Pattini is invoked and thus 'gives'gold milk to human infants. L1,7

she reru:lered the mountain on which she meditates (Andungiri Peak) into red nce (rat luI) ¡o fe€d him. Thus aware of her Powers, the story continues, Sakkra sent Pattini on a mission to kill the evil threeeyed king of Parxli.

To the soldiers who had scoffed him as an old decrepit man, Sakkra then revealed hinself

otables (Obeyeseke r e, 79M:?35)

Pattini is explicitly recognized as a divine princess in this story.

9 A comic enactment of this text, r€plete with sexr¡al innuendo is common in largeccale performances of the nuduun Sakk¡a appears in a masþ disg;uised as an old man and there is much to do about a condition of enlarged testicles known as htbfu. Sakkra is depicted as sexually impotent, ignorant, diseased and old (three of tlrese a¡e the causes of ttre suffering (ilulddtøl of Existence in Buddhist thought). The part is usually played by a dancet, and the priest shoots the mango which, as the myth suggests, is a symbol of generation.

10 Both the k¿sara lion and the gunda eagle are mythical cr€atur€s of great Power and strength.

11 It ir quite a common epithet for someone who ptrts himself above his stah¡s that he is a frog dressed up in king's clothes. It is also intereting that ttre frog is a despised creatu¡e for the Sinhalese. Children are discouraged from playing with them with expressions of genuine rs,ulsion. 118

iùlournrying

The story involves travel and as Palanga takes leave of Pattini to go to sell the anklets, she cries after him tantly, gether ty

Pattini bursts into tears as she m his þurney. Palanga departs but reaches the city, he approaches a who wished to seek the favour o been stolen. The Goldsmith told the stolen anklets to him and, in t

stranger and, in his înger, o kill Palanga. Palanga dies, a travelling alone in foolishness.

Meanwhile, the story continues, Pattini had dreamt of Palanga's trouble and herself sät out to find him. She arrived at a rest howe o Pattini first Maduru Mala Madum lvlala to "...take charge of this human world of mine" (Obeyesekere, 1984:262) and lõk after her three rituals, the Asala Perahara, the maduwa and the øn lceliyaß while she continued the search for her husband.

The figure of Maduru Mala, a figure of the mid-point between heaven and

earth and a transformation from demonic to divine, aPPears in this story, allowing

12 An amwama is a 'middle place. Srrch rest houses are to be fuund at the crossover from village to paddy fields for example and, in the towns, they are built at þnctions. This aifuløtu is a resting placebetween heaven and earth.

ß Informants declare that the penhøa is Pattini's ritual, probably because of these verses but they locate the naduun in the context of the praløm by saying that the former should follow the latter jusi as the palanguin of Pattini forms the tail of ¡he nelø geløra. It is noteworthy that this list of rituals does no,t include the rite of first menstruation with which Pattini is also engaged, nor with her function at the time of pregnancy and birth, both of whictU with the ø ldiya would be integral to an analysis of the cult of Pattini. r_r-9

Pattini to enter the world of humars to intercede on behalf of Palanga. This is symbolized by a rivercrossing.

ttu Jo the IGveri River and fights

Dazed with love and passioç Suffering Icame to this city You lie on this stretch of sand Flandsome my tnrd awake (Obeyesek er e, 79 84:267')

and so, Pattini resurrected her dead Palangala.

The story con who ordered his city, setting it sparing the good. (Obeyesekere,l984 Mala before going world (danlokn\.

v) Discussian

I began with Pattini's origin myth highlighting the attributes of a Pattini as purity, piety and a divine capacity for miraculous generation. These constitute a

Pattini's power (tedn). In this story, Pattini originated as a divine bei.g in terms of

14 It OU.yo.t"t"'s ttanslatioq the texts continue, speaking of Pattini's virtue spreading over the world and of Sakk¡a creating a porid of ambrosia f¡om which Pattini rcsun€cted Palanga from the dead. Sal&¡a's intervention is an ingredient in Pattini's Powers to regenerate as we saw earlier and Obeyesekere here suggests it is uncertain whether it is a necessary inten¡ention (798ll:2701. In ritual, there is no intervention by Sakkra. Rather Pattini mediates divine Power into the ritt¡al context. When Sakkra does appea.r, he does so in the brm of an old man (represented by mask) in the comic enactments of the myth "shooting the Mango" listed in the rtduun's sequence in Appendix 3.

15 Infurmants say it is the left breast whictr has the power of destruction and this is depicted in the superb statue of Pattini on the cover of Obeyeseke-re (1984). The right breast represents nurturance. 720

her own meritorious action, her virtuelG. In the category of birth stories, by contrast, the Pattini is born of the tears of a cobra, she reappears as a flower and, is reborn by the power of Divine Illusion. The origin arrcl birth stories all constitute Pattini as the pure daughter of the world while the þurney stories constitute her role as wife. I-et me say a little about each.

The cobra (nøga), in Sri Iånle is associated with a world beneath the earth,

Naga l¡ka, and the cobra's tears may be taken as symbolizing the self-generative capacity of the earth. The primordial imagery of the coiled snake is retained in the belief that Pattini's sacred bodily adornments, induding necklace, bracelets and anklets are surrounded and protected by cobras especially at her main shrine at Navagamuwa. The maid born from the tears was daughter adorned with the 64 ornaments of womanhood, (which are quite different from The Pattini's ornaments) but was denuded of the womanly attributes by her shame to be re'born in purity as a blossom. The flower here mediates the maid, not to sexual womanhoodlT but to the status of divine daughter ctearþ separated from the mortal world insofar as she flees

conjugal obligation.

In the honey-rnango birth story, Pattini is revealed by the King of Gods,

Sakkra, to have miraculousty bountiful compa*sion in addition to her purity and chastity. Together, these attributes constitute the Pattini as Goodness itself in

16 Geyesekere (1984) describes this m¡h as the Buddhicization of Pattini myth in the process of its historical entrance to Sri Lånka and transformation from the Hindu CíIqpdílunm. I am intetested in mythical origins, not ttre historical ones and I thqefure distinguish this myth fiom the others precisely in terms of the theme of origination in the context of Buddhist thought. It is this which locates Pattini in time wheteas the birth stories locaæ her in space.

17 Thir has paralbls with the rite of first menstruation in Sri L¿nka which is known as nal uta or the flower bloom; it signs the girls blossoming into womanhood as the first step towards marriage. The house in which the ñrst menstn¡ation ritual takes place is known as l(otalulu Mo9lrl C'" or 'First Auspicious House' which ¡elates it directly to the marriage aeremony where the house is called' Maha Mry¡ul C*or'Great Auspicious House'. Furthef confirmation of this is that, if a girl who has had hq nal zx¡rc c€remony dies before marriagg she is dressed as a bride fur her burial. .J,2L

keeping with which Pattini's re-birth in the form of a mangols is contingent on the elimination of evil in the person of the oneeyed King of Pandi. In this story, there is a play on illusion involving the King of Gods, Sakkra, who appears first as an old man and then as the King of Gods and ñnally as a Brahmin. The logic of Sakkra's appearance may be be stated as follows: in the pres€nce of divinity revealed, Pattini is corrcealed as the fn¡it of the world whereas divinity disguised allows the manifestation of a Pattinl This play on illusion is important for understanding

Pattini in the nuduun where the secret and sexual connotations of the nurnSo in the everyday world are inverted and Pattini becomes central as public figure of illusion herself.

What shoutd be noted about the birth stories is the way Pattini, the daughter,

is separated from the mortal world by her purity, chastity arul virtue. In the iourney

stories, by contrast, while Pattini, the wife, is separated from the world by celibacy,

she is connected to the world by her suffering. The space between the two, as we

shall see, is filled by Pattini the mother.

her The þurney story presented above depicts Pattini's anguish at losing husband Palanga. There is another very simitrar story where Pattini and Palanga (her travel together to recoup forh¡nes lost by the latter by selling Pattini's anklets bodily adornments which I describe in detail in the next section). This story to describes Pattini as þurneying with her husband in physical pain, related, PerhaPs the prospect of the loss of the anklets which are metonymic symbols of her physical

body. The notion of Pattini's suffering for Palanga is a dominant theme linking the two stories. Significantly, Pattini's husband is a mortal. In the origin and birth

stories, Pattini is associated with kings, queens and brahmins but her husband has no

18 In e,rreryday life, the mango is a euphemism denoting female genitalia, otherwise known as 'secret' of the the secret pr+" t ot oo patte). I suggest that ther€ is no cpntradiction here because the mango in both the story and reality is its miraculous çnet:ative Power' L22

particular social statusl9. Depicted as a wastrel, Palanga may be seen as a metaphor for the weal¡resses of mortal life; its foibles, foolishness and spendthriftiness.

Pattini's marriage to Palanga is celibate. She is thus separated from him but connected to him by her suffering - that which is the basis of Existence in Buddhist thought. The notion of suffering, like the stytistic use of the þurney, imports a dynamic into'the Palanga stories which is absent from the others. Suffering, symbolized by the empty breast, is a powerful metaphor of life's precarious Process in a Buddhist context, and it articulates the Goddess and the mortal world in the space created by Pattini's celibacy.

In keeping with the Buddhist denial of any First Cause, Pattini originates 0ike

a Buddha) from her virtue and is miraculously born. Pattini, the daughter, is a figure

of virtue, unity arul perfection, beauty and wholeness. This is a Pattini with the

fullness of breasts standing as a possibility; the imagery is one of potentiality which

is the generative power of a Pattini. llowever, Pattini, the daughter, contains within

herself the possibility of her own destruction as the honey-mango story shows.

Pattini can punish evil but only by ripping out her breast. A Pattini without breasts is a figure of chaos. But Pattini with the emPty breast is a tragic figure whose

suffering is salvational. Both may be contrasted with Pattini in ritual who

substantializes in a costume which emphasizes a maternal fullness of breasts.

Chronotopically, Pattini is the cosmic cipher. As wife and daughter, she

occupies the spaces created by her purity and celibacy. In all her representations she

occupies space between two realms. The mountain peak on which Pattini meditates

in text and story, Andungiri Peah is the point where the earth gives way to the sþ,

where form gives way to formlessness. Even as she meditates, Pattini occupies a

19 So^e people describe Palanga as being of the low performet caste, others see him as a merchant. The main point is that he is depicted neither as royal nor high in status. L23

space between the states of Existence and non-Existence Pattini is often described as a future Maitri, one who is to become a Buddha, but for this, according to Sinhalese beliel she requires the pennission of a husband to first be reborn as a mal*0. If in the texts her suffering occupies the space between the divine and mortal worlds and between the life and death of her husband, the need for Palanga's ¡rer:nission leaves Pattini also suspended between tlús world of fonn and its transcendence-

Contemporary Buddhist understandings thus diaLogþe the figure of Pattini ard the reality of which she is actually a Part.

Pattini's pecrrliar interstitial position is conditional upon her gender. The paradox of Pattini being a female god places her in a particular relationship to

reality. In the texts, as we have seen, she is both separated from the world by the

female virtues of purity and celibacy and yet she substantantializes in the world in ritual. Of all the gods, Pattini is the only one to 'manifest' in this way2r. Unlike

Sakkra, however, she needs no disguise, instead, the disguise is that of the male deity priest. It is gender which makes a Pattini the cosmic cipher, not the least as the

maternal source in ritual performance.

Although I have presented only three birth stories, Pattini is believed to have

been born seven times, giving rise to another of her names, Seven (Hat or S¿ú) Pattini

by which she is often known in relation to the maduun. People cite births from

thunder and rain, lightening and fi¡e as well as one from the hair of an obscure male

deity called Onyana Deviyo but these do not feature in the mailwms I attended. Nor

are there comparable stories associated with them to the three well known stories

20 ltl godr must be reborn as humans bo aspire to in Sinhalese belief. Females, including Pattini, must first be born as men because only males may aspire to Buddhahood. The l¡atter belief suggests that females are not considered human in the same way that males are'

21 Th" múusnis the only performative rite of its type for a divine figure. As a performance, it may be likened to the performance of demon excorcism, albeit the similarities end with tlreir pe*ormative method of treating. Male deíties, as I showed in the previous chapter, are only wer represented in ritual by their weapons. 1,24

discussed above. What is important here is the number of births which coresponds with the number of Pattini's bodily adornments. Seven is a number representing wholeness and in the madrun, as I demonshate, Pattini, the mother, is a transformation of the daughter and wife of myth as a figure of wholeness which stands opposed to moments of fragmentation or misfortune in the mortal worldz.

The Maduwa

T\e maduwa is a complex performative rite involving music, dance and song,

costume, drama and masþ all of which become sigirificant in relation to the

organization, meaning, and use of ritual space and the manipulation of time. All

mailuu¡as are held at night. The rituat performance takes place in a special ritual

arena, the corstruction of which gives the rite its name. In it, the dance of Pattini

articulates the entire performance by transforming sPace in terms of time. In the

previous section I argued from an analysis of mytþ that Pattini is the cosmic cipher

who occupies and thus mediates the space between divine and mortal. This is an

hierarchical or vertical opposition. In this section, through the interpretation of ritual I argue that the transvestite dance of the Goddess Pattini fills an everyday

space between, and thus mediates,'horizontal'rel¡ations between male and female as

it fills the void between cosmic and temporal time and space.

Tltemaduwamakes explicit in dance the highest possibility of meaning in the

figure of Pattini. The ritual constitutes the Goddess as the body of the world of being

and form and its genetrix. Through dance and costume, Pattini manifests as the

2l This is not only the case tn tl:e ntduu- Alt the rites with which Pattini is associated a¡e moments of fragmentation in the order of lift. 1,25

unity of the maternal source which is the implicit measurea of the world. And by the dance, a renewal, an existential traruformation of the ritr¡al audience. is achieved.

I beS'tn by describing ritual space. Ttús ¡s followed by an interpretation of the maduzrn,organized in terms its phasic stnrcture and chronology, and a discr¡ssion of the cosmic whole constituted by the space, fonn and tíming of the ruduwø. I then focus on the Pattini Division of the tuduun before providing a full âccount of the transvestite dance.

Ð Tlß Ntual Constrtrction24

The name 'madttutø'denotes the ritual, the brightly lit ritua[y constructed

space in which it is performed and a temporary roof erected for the PurPose of the

ritual. The word 'mnduu)a'simply means hut, importing into its meanings a sense of the ephemeral. In myth, ttre nuduun is the creation of the Divine Architect,

Vismakarma and in the ritual, the boundaries of the sacred context and materials

us€d in decoration constitute it as the metaphoric body of the Goddess. In the spatial

arangement of the madtnn, the temporary rool or the mailuwa as it is properþ

called, covels approximateþ one third of a rectangular dancing place called the

ranga madalta. It houses the central ritual structure called lhle tlora¡u which is a

ceremonial arch containing the offering place QøIunn) for Pattini. To the right of this,

B In ronr. myths the Buddha is understood to have taken ser¡en steps after birth which is a metaphor for measuring the world; giving it form. In his absence, this function is taken over by the Pattini. It is interesting that the number seven has similar significance in the Ch¡istian tradition - Çcd fashioned the world in serren days.

24 The ritual arena is constructed by ritual specialists who are the dancers and drummerc in perforance. There is a ritual division of labour between them and the priest who performs the transvestite dancing. Caste is understood to b€ a factor in ttre ritud division of labour generally and sometimes leads to dispute but the priotly function itself is the most important factor in the dance of the Goddess. L26

and still under the rnaduwa is the main offering place, t}¡re nuhayaluna lor the male deities.

The ritual arena which is purified @kirinù before the boundary and ritual sbrrctures are erected is delimited by a line of young coconut fronds tgokkob) attached to either side of the roof. About twethirds of the way down the length of the arena, located to one side, is ahtda for the Godling Suniyam; it is a basket shaped offering placeÆ made of woven coconut leaves anC set on its side. The mouth of the htila tnterntpts the line of coconut fronds and is thus on the border line of the

maduwa. Facing the thorana, at the opposite end of the dancing place, with openings

similarly intermpting the line of coconut fronds are yala nas fo¡ the Godlings Devol

and Wahalla who are the focrrs of two of the ritual's named divisions. Nlyalunns ate

alter-like structures decorated with peeled and latticed plantain stem, prepared with

a bed of plantain leaves. They are ornamented with large bunches of coconut flowers

in clay pob26 phced on the ground in front of them.

Offering places for demons are located outside of the bounded ritual arena.

The structures for demon offerings in this ritual are called weeiliyøs a word which

mearìs street. Two are made with three crossed sticks lashed together and they are

decorated with eight types ol leaÊt mostþ of dark green foliage, the third is the

branch of a tree. F.achweeiliyø is for a different class of demon.

In summary, and as schematized in the diagram at the end of this chapter, the

rectangular dancing place has the thorana at its head, housing the Pattini yalunfu

Æ I ha.re descriH thetatdas in Chapter 1.

26 These are usually purctrased fiom a Potter's shop.

27 In Sinhal+ these are aræa, gurulla, sI, dcl, no., nugø, utu and Þo. While I do not know their equivalent English or botanical names, ttre mixtt¡re is interesting insoÉar as it includes the a¡eca leaf *t i"t ir the material associated with the Divine A¡chitect. It is light in colour and is opposed to some of the others which have dark green foliage associated with demons. r27

urider the temporary roof whích is the maduun. Inside, the nuiluttn ís brightly lit, and t1¡e tlørø¡u, with the nalwyalutu on its right is faced by yalunas for Devol and Wahalla. T\e nuilwn is flanlad by a fuda for Suniyam aruC the stmchrres for the demonic are located right outside this rittrally co¡rsecrated sPace.

The audience, which can number up to 3000 people, composes itself around this arena with women, the aged and children sitting dose to the boundary line and adult men standing behird them. Young people of both sel(es tend to move around in the area behind them. Old men and male helpers enter the area behindt}lrethorana which is the place for the ritual performers to rest and change. This patterned arrangement by gender and age Pays no attention to people's status with the

exception that speciat guests are sometimes pennitted to sit $rithin the arena on a

mat with the sponsorand his familyæ.

The maduwa is an ephemeral structure: It is a hut, which signs the transient

nature of the ritual as a whole, and all the ritual constructions are made or decorated with plants - coconut, areca, plantain - which variously signify self-propagationp.

The ahnosphere is one of illwion in terms of the opposition of light in the dark of the

night. The arrangement of the audience, with women on the perimeter of the lighted

space instantiates an inversion which I will discttss later in relation to the priest's dance. I now outline the phasic structu¡e arul chronology of the maduwa as a

spatially and ternporally meaningfut conte>

æ I al*ay, stayed with the other 'strays', the old men and the helpers, either in the area r€servd for the performers or at the 'wings' of the a¡ena near the tlptma.

21, gott the coconut and the ¿¡¡eca arre described as having male flowers in whidr the fumale flower sits. Coconuts a¡e s€en to have both'male and'ftmale' sides and the plantain ProPagates frcm its own suckers. It is difñcult to convey the ubiquitous us€s to whidr the cpconut and plantain ar€ Put do know if they in weryday and rirual life. They are, therefure, very Po,tent symbols. Howwer, I not a metaphor for very nave any sexr¡al symbolism like the iak fruit, fur example, which is þkingly used as full femalebreasts. L28

iil Thc Plusic Strrcture anil th¿ Chronology

There are three named performative divisions (tunbagò in the performance of

the mailuwø. These are the Pattini Division, the Devol Division and the Wahalla Division30. The reader is already familiar with the figure of Pattini. Devol is renowned io myth for his power of miracle and he has a retinue of fire demons lcrown as the Kurumburas, the cl,ass of demon which has a distinctive offering

structu¡e outside the ritual arena. Wahalla is lcrown away from the maduwø context

as Dadimunda and is famous as the controller of denrons on earth. This is a different

class of demons, further divided into two cla*ses as denoted by the number of

offering structu¡es. He is also renowned for having protected Gautama, the present

Buddha, from the marauding anny of Death and Temptation, Maruun. Devol and

Wahalla are godlings3l whose natures, along with Pattini's, contribute meaningfully to the transformational process of the madwn. The Pattini and Devol Divisioru

compose the ritual's phasic structure and the Pattini and Wahalla Divisions, ihs

30 Õeyesekere states that the rituat texts refer to Buddhist understandings of the three worlds (arupa) and he as the worlds of material form(ruF), sense desires (btu) and the world of no form the of the describ€6 ¡¡e nuiluwa as being the meeting place of the th¡ee worlds, translated into world because the ritual Gods, of mortals and of demons. (19&4:53). I feel this is a little misleading precisely has its own divisions (b¿8¿) which provide a guide br interpretation'

term ilmtaun in contrast to 31 L,s. the tem S"dli"g to convey the aning of the Sinhalese (1983,117) various itaíyo whic'¡ describes high€tr alvine beings such as Pattini. KaPfer€r discusses or'ltred@r¡tftí/fintheSinhales€Pantheonafterpointingoutthat n distinguishing between gods and demons' Kapfurer's own whocrossthedeity/demondistinctionandwho"...representin their beint a n in the cosmic hierarchy" (Iætit.)- He gives the Godling However' Suniyam who on the waxing and waning mq)n as the archetype' while Devol fall between- divine and demonic figure' they must be have evil distintuished even in these terms from Sunþm as neither Devol nor Wahalla/D¿dimunda Demoness Kali, and certainly aspect-s in themselves. Devol is in the retinue of Pattini along with the (the Devol himself falls between divine and demonic, but he has a retinue of demons Kurumburras) but of Pattin| but is simply a god, even though he is approached br acts of vengeance. Kali is in the retinue of a deity this does not make pattiniã dñaun. Wahalla/Dadimunda on the other hand is the'general' 'higher' than Pattini - Vesamuni, the Lord of the Ei8ht dir€ctions whence demons come' is unique Wit alta/pa¿imunda controls the demons on eartlL but is not demonic himself' Suniyam underlying among the ilmtauxsin having what lGpferet calls '...multþle ¡efractions of the possibilities logically rather the pfuess of the cosmic uniÇ" {locrü.), a view which derives from viewing the cosmos than phenomenally as I discussed in the Int¡odr¡ction. 729

chronology. From this it can immediately be seen ttut the Pattini Division intersects with, articulates and mediates the phasic structure and the chronology.

The ritual's ch¡onology is defined by the personae of its three divisions. pattini, Wahatla and Devol In the ritual's chronology, Pattini represents an Origioary Past which is the time of lGlusanda Buddha, (who first gave a boon dance, @nrøm) for a Pattini). Wahalla represents, by the timing and symbols of his

the cosmic present. The tenrporal present is represented by the figure of Devol and

the Buddha Gautama with whom these figures are all associated in m}th, symbot

and verse throughout the performance. The ritual's chronology exploits the temporal

transitions of the day, evening, midnight and dawn, and transforms them into the

cosmic times of these figures.

T1¡e maduun is an all night affair: the Devol division begins the rihral in the

evening, the appearance of Pattini is timed for midnight and the Wahalla Division,

which is composed of a single dance, must coirrcide precisely with the moment of dawn, followed by further components of the Devol Division. In these terms, the

ritual moves chronologically from the temporal present in the Devol Division which

becomes the originary past in the Pattini division, rehrrning through the cosmic

present defined by Wahalla, finally moving back into a renewed temporal present in

the closing phases of the Devol Division. These manipulations of time transform the

space of the ritual arena, giving a vertical dimension to the Pattini and Wahalla

Divisions.

The phasic structure of the madrun, on the other hand, may be

conceptualized horizontally and in terms of binary oppositions. Occuring as it does

at both the beginning and end of the perforurance as a whole, the Devol division not

only circumrribes the ritual, grviog it its structure, but provides a frame of reference

for understanding the chronology of the performance. The Devol Division gives the 1-30

nuduun the shape of Van Gennep's (flgm rilæ ile Wffige, it describes the separation and aggregation phases of performance. The characteristic acts of this division are the chopping down of a tree, signifying the death of life arull its rekirxlling by ñre after the completion of the other two divisions. As the beginning and end of the performance, this division symbolically inverts death and life, night and day, dark and light. The symbolic death of life is timed at dusk which is the evening of the temporal day ard it is not until the following day, in broad daylight, that the fire is lit with the chopped woodS2. Pattini mediates these terms by her midnight aPPearance converting a temporal yesterday into a renewed day.

Pattini articulates the beginning and end of the ritual and the meanings of its

phasic structure. The Wahalla Division follows the Pattini Division and thus also

occurs within the frame set by the Devol Division. It gives, therefore, a vertical

dimension to a performance which is framed horizontally by the Devol Division- It is

hierarchized beneath the Pattini division by following it in relation to what becomes,

through the appearance of Pattini, both sacred space and originary time. I should

reiterate here that the dance of Pattini is the pivotal moment in which the Goddess

can be seen as the rotating axis on which the ritual moves and achieves its

hansformations. This outline of the phasic structure and the chronology of the

madrun shows that each signi.ficant act occrrrs at a point of temporal transition;

evening, midnight and dawn arul everything is subsumed by the Pattini Division.

It should be clear that I have constructed a portrait of the structure of the

maduun which is appropriate in terms of the possible play on the rihral's name. A

maduwais a hut and it is the creation of the Divine Architect. It is also the body of the

32 Th. wood is lept throughout the night outside the boundary and behind the Devol yalutu, wrapped in white cloth, somewhat like a body ready for ctemation although I do not recall whether it *ot tttua in three places as human bodies a¡e. The death symbolism is nonethtless apt in terms of the cosmic cycle of existence. r.3 1-

Goddess. As a whote, it is the cosmic body of the world and its ambiguity as a ritual context, as I suggest shortly, is a play on illusion. The picture, however, is not yet complete.

Following the opening phase of the rite - the cutting of the tree - a number of ritual segments follow, as outlined in Apperdix 3, which are designed to invoke, pay respect to, and sign the presence ol the higher male deities. The Power of deities

(distí) is thought to be present in their gaz#. Not until these segments are complete as the midnight hour approaches is the ritual context fully prepared for the appearance of Pattini when the power of the divine, assiduously constituted in them is enclosed in the arena with a pole called the Tree of the Torch of Time (lulapandam gahal. This pole, which I call the lcnla pandanu in abbreviatioru with its lighted torch on top is made from the decorated trunk of the areca tree - the material used by the

Divine Architect and it separates the divinely empowered sPace of the maduwa, albeit temporarily, from the surrounding night. With the erection of the lala panilama, temporal time is put on'hold'(exactly as it is rnperøl:øra)-

Despite this significance, the IaIn pndama is unceremoniously erected by laymen (in a hole which is not ritually prepared) in front of the yalunas for Devol and

Wahalla. Four coconut-leaf streamers extend from it, two to either side of the roof and the other two to convenient points at roof height þt outside the ritual arena. Small streamers are then also attached to two of the demon offering structures from

the boundary of coconut fronds as shown in Diagram A. No streamer is attached to

33 Th" power of the deities is invoked in verses which accompany offerings to them: these include ritually p*p"r.d oil which is spooned into clay lamps with lighted wicks, and offeringp of areca flowens, bloosoms, betel leal coins (Vanduru), inccnse and lit camphor which signs the divine Pr€sence. Thete is significance in these offerings. The lighted oil signifies energf, areca is the material of the Divine Architect and thus ambiguously rcprcsents both the furmlessness of the sþ and the form of the world, blossoms are the fruit of the earth and beæl leaf (associated with thetuga in myth) rrpresents the earth itself. Coin offerings mediate between humans and the divine who are sig¡ed as Pres€nt by the incense, camphor and the sound of the conch' L32

the offering place for the Kurunbura demons. After the erection of the Tree of the

Torch of Time, the lighted ritual space stands in stark contrast with the darkness of the midnight hour. Midnight is the time of the Pattini Division of the naduun. Tl,te planting of the talapndarucompletes the maduun as a ritr¡al context for the dance of the transvestite priest.

There is another aspect of the ritual's chronology that shows how the mnduusa, in all its meanings, is set apart ¡rs space transforured from the darkness outside which

conflates with the temporal yesterday. Pattini's aPPearance is timed to ocqrr at

midnight. The ritual space has been prepared to contain the power of the divine the

ttisti. Only after the completion of this context for the Pattini Division is the firôt

demon offering made. The second offering follows the Pattini Division. These

offerings @idenÐ are taken from within bounded, consecrated space, and placed outside its limits. They are respectively for the Great Cemetery Demon, lvlahasohon

and the Eighteen Disease Demons, Dahaata Sanni. These demon offerings are named

after, but not maile ¿f, the transition times of the temporal day, evening and

midnightu (Iunita piiteni, mala pideni'). As we have seen, lhe madwn's chronology

claims these moments for itself in the Devol anr:l Pattini Divisions so that,located as

they are on either side of the Pattini Division (before and after it), these offerings to

demons must be seen as being transcended by sacredly empowered sPace, ritually

prepared for the appearance of Pattini in perfonnarrce-

Chronologically and spatially, theru as signified by the natu¡e and timing of

these offerings which are made while the ritual boundaries are intact, the Pattini

Division transcends both death and disease in the temporal yesterday. That is, the

I In excorcisms, Mahasohon who is the focus of these rituals is the demon of the midnight watch. His significance intlte rudwn is defined by the ritual itself. 1-33

demon offerings are located within the general rubric of opening phases of the Devol

Division.

Within the intact boundaries, the context for the aPPeamnce of Pattini is pregnant, to use a birth metaphor, with the power of the divine and the ritual appeamnce of Pattini, the pivotal perfonnative ítem of the mniluun mediates this power to transform death into life as inscribed in the rel,ation of the Devol and Pattini

Divisions.

The Pattini Division of the maduwa takes place in lighted sPace under the maduun,the temporary roof or hut, which, after the planting of the Tree of the Torch of Time, is a space.time context. It is the House of the Divine quarter, Pattini's abode.

Letme clarify this.

äÐTheCosmic Whole

A ¡tuiluwa is said to have 35ss pnrts but these cannot be deduced from the

number of performative itemss. They can only be understood in terms of the size of

the ritual arena, a corunon size for which is 60 x 25 ft- However, in myth, a nniluwø

35 Tt ir number rel,ates to the Thirty-Two Texts (Panlis Kolmsra) of the ritual. Obeyesekete dirrrsses the way the numerology of these texts is manipulated for consistency in different nduu traditions ,Jl9fyk.22-34). As significant is the fact that 35 is the number of pots used in the ?eraluta asl describ€d in the last chaper. I am interested in the composition of this number-

S Th" number of performative items is an index of the expenditure on the rite. ItÁaduutßs arc' distinguished from each other adirtivally. C'am nølwn literatly means 'village hut' but usually refurs to a t¡uduunheld under the auspices of a Bt¡ddhist temple. Dettol nadwn is the identkal rite performed at the house of an individual; the name ¡e{ers to the Deity Devol. Thete are also r¡¿I or flower nadwas which lack most of the performative pa.rts, including the darrce of Pattini as do other tyP€s of naduun- The meanings of the riL stay the same, regardless of these distinctions whidr, as I show in Pa¡t 2, actually funAion to indo< the social status of the sponsor or sPonsoñ¡ in the way Tambiah suggests when ie says that hower¡er prescribed rituals are, '...tLey are always linked to status claims and interests of the participants, and therefure are always oPen to contextual meaninp. Variable cûmponents makeflexible the basic corc of most ritr¡als" (1979:115). I am in agfeement with Tambiah on this point although I differ from him in my understanding of language and consequently do not subscribe to his definition of ritual performancc as a mode of communication. Rather, I see the enactment of a ritual as constitutive of wider possibilities of meaning - they give form to the cosmic horizons. 134

should measqre 60 x 30 rÍyorræ. This is a Sinhalese measurement which is equivalent to 90 x 45 ft. The numerology of this zuggests that the ñgures 90 and 45, as degrees, are proportions of a circle, and thr¡s represent a quarter and an eighth of a whole. On a vertical grid and in keeping with the ritual's chronology ordering the Pattini and

Wahalla Divisions, four is the number of directions guarded by the Four Guardian deities, of whom Pattini is one, and eight is the number of directions associated with demons and, in the ritual with Wahalla, their controller. Thirty-two is a multiple of four and eight, and if we add 3 for the ritual's transformations in temporal time represented by the ritual's three divisions, the mniluun is the cosmic whole, articulating the cosmic past and temporal present.

The Pattini and Wahalla Divisions of tlire maduun represent two orders of

time. The dance of the priest occurs in the House of the Divine Quarter of the

cosmos, hence the importance of the intact boundaries for the Pattini Division. This

is a 'house', albeit ephemerally described as a hut, in relation to which the single kuda

for the Godling, Suniyam, takes its significance. It is PerhaPs not surprising that the

planting of the Tree of the Torch of Time is called thre mul galle, ot the main stone.

Such exegesis corresponds to the preparation of sPace for the erection of dwellings as

analysed in Chapter 1. In a similar nnnner, all ritual performance prior to the

Pattini Division has been concerned to construct this context for her aPPearance, but

in the Wahalla Division, the boundaries are all broken implying a movement from

one timespace dimension to another.

As conveyed in verse in the Pattini Divisioç the first maduun was in the time of Pattini's origin. This is the time of IGkusanda Buddha which in Sinhalese

Buddhist thought, is equivalent to saying'in the beginning'. In the Wahalla Division,

the ritual moves into the time of Gautama Buddha and the cosmic present. Both may

be contrasted with the Devol Division. As we have seen, the symbolism of its t- 35

opening phase is of death, the evening arid the darlness of a temporal yesterday fragmented by misfortune. The Pattini Division falls at the interstice of this darkened yesterday and the dawning of a new day but this is not any new day, it is equivalent to the beginning of the world. The Pattini Division initially transcends the everyday world even as it is punctuated on either side by offerings r,piileniù for the demons of death and disease but, during the da¡rce of the priest, divine Power is mediated into the world of humaru, renewing them in tenns of the originary past of Pattini.

íù The Pattini Diaision

The Pattini division is composed of four performative items of which the príest's dance is the third. The first item of the division is a remembrance of the first maduwa,it involves planting a small pole for the Queen of the King Seramana who, in myttU sponsored the proto-typical nuduun in the time of Kakusanda Buddha.

Following this is a celebration of the ceremonial arch, the thorøna, the front of which remained covered by white cloth until now. Through verse and dance, known together as the thoran lagu, the tharana is itself empowered and revealed solely for the appearance of Pattini. The final item in this Division is a costumed dance known as Thclme. I refer to it only to say that it is a denouement to the Pattini Division which is signed as finished by the first boundary breaking act (after the second demon offering) with acrobats competing to break the streamers of the Tree of the

Torch of Time. The priest's dance, the third item, is focused entirely by the tlnratu

and the personal adornments of the Goddess. Their overt symbolism, which I now

detail is exploited by the priest in what is tantamount to the creative cosmic dance of

the Goddess.

1ftte thorøna is a five'pinnacled rituat sbucture spanning almost the entire

width of the mailuun with the centre panel housing the yøluna for Pattini. On the

four lesser tlnranas on either side of the central one for Pattini, the following items r.3 6

are iconoglaphically depicted: the tn¡nk of an elephant representing royal courage and valour, the legs of a lion for strength of limb, the ears of a pig for keenness of hearing, the teeth of a crocodile for tenacity, they eyes of a monkey for keenness of intelligence, the body of a fish for good health an:l the tail of a gurula (a mythical bird) or a swan for artistry, compassion and purity. The four tlnrønas on which these are painted represent four castes in keeping with Asian notions of kingship in which the king is a microcosm of the world. The verses describe these as a golden tlntana for the Royal Caste (fujakulal, a gem tloratu for the Priestly Caste (Bamunuhla), a choth thoratu for the Merchant Caste (Wellandahth) and a plantain one for the Farmer

C-aste (Got ifuIaFT In its iconography, the thorøtu speaks of the positive aspects of mortal b"i.grs - their virtues and powers and their classification into castes as defined by a king.

There is a further significance to the thorøna which is relevant to understanding the rnailwn. The central pinnacle, the one containing t}lre yalwna lor

Pattini, itself an arch (thoranø), represents one of four arches for the Guardians of the

Fow Directions which, in myth, surround a Buddha's funeral Pyre. h this sense, it represents one of the four directions in keeping with my earlier interpretation of the cosmic space for Pattini's appearance being the House of the Fourth Qqarter. The priest's dance exploits all of the meanings of the thorønøbut is entirely focussed by its central arch.

37 Except fur the Gooílet¡/la these are castes in name only and although the classification resembles the Indian otúnas, in Sinhalese thought, the royal caste is superior and there is no priestly caste as zuch. Interesd^gly, the ritual specialist caste (commonly known as knoa in tlre literature but now known empirically as Nalcatí people) see themselves as the bcr¿utt¿ people and theteby claim superiority to the priests who a¡e mo¡ìe cpmmonly of the C'ooihda, the highest caste status among Sinhalese. More of this in part 2 whe¡e I discuss þalousies between ritr¡al practitionen.

S At d thus must be distinguished from, despite its apparent resemblance to, Indian representations of the Wheel of Life, srmsaraor the karmic cycle of being which includes demonic or evil aspects within 1Èingle'picture'. r_ 37

The ritual tloratu is built only for Pattiniæ. It is likened to the naløra thorøna, which adorns mtrances to shrines arvl temples with the head and tail of a dragon.

Thte mal,ara is a figure associated with the planetary forces and deities QraIò which are pre

Pattini's offering pl,ace. The latter, idealln should have seven steps leading up to it:

these are the seven steps which measure the world and seven is the number of

Pattini; in her births, her name arul her ornaments.

Pattini's seven ornaments are a cosmic metaphor of Form. |ust as t}lre thorøna

is likened in myth to Pattini's shoulders, and the plantain decorations of the yalunas

to her thighs, thus constituting the maduun as her body, the ornaments (nrbarøna or

lalang) represent the body of Pattini as the Form and Body of the World. Of the

s€ven ornaments, enclosed in the largest, which is the necklace (lcarala¡u), are similar

personal adornments including anklets rgyolatu) and bracelets Øtlaru). The others

are a pearl ornament (minilulamfu) representing the sea, a gem one (¡naniklwlamba)

representing the earth and one which speaks of Pattini's birth from the tears of the cobra (nalulamfu). The seventh ornament is a crooked or flexible halamba

knngululamüø) which I suggest has the symbolic property of both combining and

separating the others, representing as they do the sky, sea and the earth and its self-

generation. In other words, it articulates what the ornaments represent; both the

formlessness of the divine (Pattini's personal adornments) and the potential of the

world of Form. This reflects the contradictory nature of Pattini who is a formless

divine being whose body is the form of the natural world. When the priest dances

with the arbararu, he is dancing with the potentiality of the world.

39 A similat structure is built in perfurmative rit¡¡als fur Suniyam but it is called a Sunþm Wædiya - the street of Suniyam - the name of the stnrctures ñor the demonic in t}lre nduun. Wdiyas are o,therwise know by the name of the offering;s to demons - Pidcni. r_38

ùTheDnnce

In the maduun, Pattini substantializes, filling the world with the Beauty and

Wholeness of her body. She instantiates the past of lGkusanda Buddha in the present time of Gautama Buddha. Arul, as the maternal source she mediates the power of the divine into the world and being of mortals. In the transvestite costume of the priest, that which wat¡ separated by her fornrlessness - male and female, mortal and divine - is subsumed by her in a cosmic dance. This is the significance of the transvestism.

The priest's costume is replete with a glorious sari, a female wig tied in a bun at the nape of the neck, makeup and false full breasts and even, sometimes, padded buttocks. It is complemented with þwellery and an ornamental headpiece accompani"d by flowers laced into the trair. Underneath his sari the priest weaÍs

s€ven underskirts; the lowest is pure white cloth. In feminine splendour, the priest

enters the arena moments after the cloth ctrrtain is ritually removed from the thorøna,

while vers€s entreat the participants to view its revealed splendour.

The priest's performance introduces costume into the performance for the

first time as he conveys the divine ornaments into the ritual arena, also for the first

time. (A cloth carpet(Woadò has been discreetly introduced into the context, running

from a chair near the end of the dancing place right up to the Pattini's offering place

in the thorøna,and across to the main offering place for the higher, male deities on the

thorana's right, under the temporary roo0. Ceremonially brought forth' under a

canopy and on his cloth covered head, the ornamenþ wrapPed in five layers of

coloured clottu one for each pinnade of t}lretlnrana (the closest cloth to the ornaments

is gotd) are placed on the ritually decorated chair facin g t}lre tlnrana. TÏte absence of

costume arud the use of purified cloth garments for all the earlier segments signifies l-39

an abserrce of life4o prior to the appeararrce of Pattini. The transvestite

The priest executes four named dances in alL these are the Yølmn iløktna, tl:re of the dances is Pattini Wila, thre sudanaand the Arbarana theutn. The overt PurPose to first place the ornaments of Pattini in the tlnrønn and then bless the participants to

the ritual with them before replacing the ornaments in the thorønø where they remain

exposed for the remainder of the rituat. The first two dances are resPectively

described by informants, thus informing my interpretation, as preparing to enter a

new house and entering a new house fgetmdima). They are concerned firstly to draw

ttre ilistial enclosed in the ttre nndrun into the Pattini ornaments, and secondly, to

place them in ttre tlnrøn&. As the priest places the ornaments in the thorøna' he

commences trembling as, with his eyes closed, he unwraps the layers of cloth to

expose them, enlivened as they have become, with tlrte disti of the divine. The

trembling is not a trance, it is described as athaction (grkasana) and it signs the

immanence of divine Power in the ornaments.

4{} pu"" white cloth fqirûtnttu) in the everyday world is wrapped around the dead, it covers funeral drums and cpvers the head of the pubescent girl and is otherwise used at moments of impurity and transition sr¡ch as the water

41 It invites the higher deities to 'look at the place, hence the ttame il&lcrtlr which has connotations of seeing. T\eyatøn itahne is danced with a waterPot containing the elixir of life. Verses describe its contents as water from the cosmic lake of Anottata - the ritual mixtu¡e contains white incense (suduhanitun), saffron (atulsha), and coconut milk (pol h'n). nte dancer also car:ies areca flowers and a pan containing special incense (*umìta dun). Ttrese are all items of Purity, preparing Pattini's yalrøo for its contents.

4 H"t.e the simple name of this darrce as the Pattini xeps tgilal which convey the ornaments from the chair to the llsraru still under the canopy with the ornaments covered. The Pattini paila ate significantly accompanied by verses describing her origin in the time of Kakusanda Buddha. r.4 0

Tlrte thorøtu becomes alive with its significance as the priest places the ornaments of the Goddess in it. It is at once a ceremonial arch separating mortal and divine being in its pinnacles and these from the non-Being of the Buddha. The cloth suspended above it, and the cloth carpet on which the priest dances, bound the thora¡ø, while the priest sings vens€s asking the perrrission of the higher deities, whose disti is enclosed in the maduun, to lay it. Only after seeking this permission, are vers¡es describing the ornaments sung after whidr, as they Ly io the tlnrann, thre

priest dances the Sauilatu,a pretty feminine dance execrrted, without the ornaments but still under canopy, to the accompaniment of verses extolling the perfection,

beauty and virtue of Pattini. It is important to note that, while the ornaments are

covered during the ñrst two dances, vers¡es relating Pattini's origin and births are

sung, when they are erposed but waiting in the thorøna, her wifely virtues are

praised.

The final darrce, l}¡e ArahrøtuThantn, is executed without velse and without

the protective cover of the canopy. It therefore silently occupies the space between

the pure cloths on the floor and rool and in it, Pattini transforms into the mother figure. In relation to the tlnru¡u, Pattini fills the void between divine and mortal

worlds and becomes the genetrix.

In the theuau,divine power is mediated into the world of humans by Pattini.

The midnight hour of the Pattini Division becomes the threshold between a temporal

world fragmmted by misfortune arxl the beginning. Furthermore, in the thewaa all

oppositions are resolved in a reversal of the everyday world where a thslnlJa is a rite

of fanning the gods. In the maduusa, a thewu is a blessing from above and it pivots

the ritual as a whole.

In the theuøLnthe priest commences the dance by backing out from thretlnrana

as though impelled by a force gfeater than himself. Then, with his eyes closed and t4r

shaking the revealed ornaments held in gold cloth, he dances in a 'circle' on the movement three times but WLnd4 moving in a clockrnrise direction. He repeats the on each occasíon, describing a smaller arri smaller circle until the dance condudes with his return directly down the centre of the arena, facing the tlnraru and ending the circle. The dance is complete when the ornaments are replaced in the thorana where they remain exposed until the corrclusion of the Wahalla Division.

While the priest executes tlrre tløxtf, paficipants move into the arena,

worshipping the Goddess herself. And, indeed, in terms of both costume and dance,

the persona of the priest is dissolved during it; the pure white underskirt of the

costume denies his gender and his mortal aboence is signed by his closed eyes. The

glorious sari and the female appurtenances of the costume become the manifest body

or form of the Goddess, albeit this is divine form without substarrce; an illusion And

yet, participants are incorporated into the divine fold as they enter the ritual arena to

pin offerings on the Breast of Pattini. At this moment Pattini is the Mother of all humans and the originary source of their being and form. Pattini intercedes

precisely in terms of her rituat transformation, and participants are renewed by her.

Because of the arrangement of the ritual audience by gender and age,

participants are incorporated by Pattini in a reversal of the everyday order of

precedencg with women and children preceding their husbands. However, it is the young Wuh&, the family, which is incorporated, including males, females, children, and old without regard for social status which is dissolved by this ritual

ß ldeatly athæaæincludes a similarly executed danæ with Pattini's shawl. As a symbol" the shawl spea.ks of encompa.ssment even more vividly than the ornaments.

& TL" term'ørl:úld also denotes the status of 'wife' which zuggests a feminine encþmPassment of the family. This brings to mind Ostor's (1980) analysis of the Indian Siva and Durga rituals- Ostor is also interested in time ind space as a dimension of ritual and meaning. In Chaptet 4 particularþ he notes the oscillations between male and ftmale enq)mpassment at different lertels of reality. Ostor, however, employs a D¡montian notion of encompa.ssment such that the weryday realm in all its aspects is seen to be structu¡ed in terms of the cosmology and, like D¡mont, lre is consequently unable to account fur the role of material power in ttre reproduction of the cosmology. r42

simultaneously with the d.issolution of the mortal, male identity of the priest. In the maduusa,Pattini is constituted as the mother of humanity in a ritual which benefits all participants, tlrre athurqo, without statr¡s or gender distinctions.

I have repeatedly called the dance of the priest which is the focus of this chapter the pivotal performative item of the maduun. This is because of the

extraordinary ritual value of the transvestite cosh¡me and the way the final dance,

thethewtn, plays with its oppositions of male and feurale, divine and mortal. Ún this

dance, everyday oppositions are subsumed in the ñgure of Pattini who becomes the

Mother Goddess, the encompassing form and body of the world through whose

mediation the world is renewed. The importance of cloth in Sinhalese ritual cannot

be overlooked, not the least the transvestite costume in the maduun.

Pattini is a divine female figure and it is a female costume that encomPasses

the body of a male and mortal priest. Inverted in the costume is the everyday order

of complementa¡y relatio¡u between male and female. Marked linguistically and

denoted in the use of domestic space, the male is empirically associated with the public (præidda), outside tçitù and \gllit (eliya) which are metaphors for high or

famous in contrast with the secret (tøhas), inside @tuleò and dark (ønilurø\ which are

metaphors for low. In the beginning of the dance, Pattini aPPears, appropriately as a

female, on the inside of ritual space but this is not the darkness of internal domestic

space; rather, it is brightly lit, public space. Pattini thereby appropriates the male

properties of light/public in relation to the female dark/secret which, during the

course of the night-time ritual, is outside of rinnl sPace.

The apparently correct order of relatioru between divine and mortal in the

costume, in fact masks its own inversions of the male/female oppositioru, adding an

atmosphere of illusion apposite to the substantialization of a divine, hence formless

being in lighted space in the middle of the night (MnIu røa). While the everyday L43 order of gender meanings are reversed, incorporating the separatiors of the categories male,/female there is a further illt¡sion in the costume's ordering of divine and mortal. This is because the thewu is itself a reversal But, all reversals and inversions are negated, as I have argued, in the effective dissolution of the priest. In

this dance and through the costume, Pattini can be seen to incorporate by inversion.

She thus transcends and transforms the world as she mediates divine Power into the world of humans. The rituaL in effect, oscillates around the costumq creating the

illusion of the substantial¡zation of Pattini

This section can be summarized numerologically. Earlier, I described the

context for for the appearance of Pattini, as the House of the Divine Quarter and a

cosmic whole in terms of its numerology. I said that the number 35 specifies the

number of '¡nrts' of a maduun It can now be added that the number 32, the sum of

space, represents the thirty-two parts of the earth which corrstitute the bodily marks

by which a Buddha is recognized as such. In the ritual procest this sense of the

number 32 is articulated into the three dimensions of temporal time, past, present

and future. The maduun articulates the two through the figure of Pattini. The

Buddha's material absence in the present, nirzntu, defines Preserrce by opposition.

However, without a Pattini, the world would be without form. If the number 32

defines the world of form and being by opposition, and the number 3 articulates time

in spacq the number s€ven, which is the number of a Pattini, represents a totality of a

different order - a cydical physical totality.

As I have shown, both in ritual and in myth, Pattini is associated with the number seven. She is called 'Seven Pattini, she has s€ven ornaments, and is

composed of seven aspects derived from her seven births. To reiterate, a Pattini is

born of the earth (the ruga tears), and even though there is no story attached to them,

of the five elements (pncladlutu) and from the divine illusion of the King of Gods,

Sakkra. The number seven also permeates by multiplication all aspects of the Pattini L44

Division$. The entire transvestite sequence which introduces costume into the ritual is the third item in a ritual Division which has four comPonents. As a sequence, it moves Pattini through her three roles as daughter, wife and mother in a context representing four directions which she, as a female god, articrrlates. Prior to the tlømu Pattini's origtn and birth myths are sung, incorporating these meanings into the ritual, the third of the named dances ocecuted by the priest speaks of Pattini's

wifely vÍrtues but the fourth is exectrted without vers¡e; it instantiates the Mother

Goddess who is form (the costume) without zubstarrce (the dissolution of the priest)

between the categories divine and mortal. Pattini is the cosmic cipher arud herein lies

the significance of the number seven.

Seven is a number representing the four pämary directions, a centre, zenith

and nadir (Coomaraswamy 1977 YoLl:417). These are the Points of a sphere, a

perfect whole which in Pattini represents an incorporation of the categories of male

and female, mortal and divine within the originary past of IGkr¡sanda Buddha. This

is an incorporation of the present into the moment of the origin of fonn in the origm

of a Pattini. The Pattini dance is a return to source, but this is a cydical source,

signified not only by the image of a sphere in the number seven but in the circular

dance of the priest and the circular nature of the divine ornaments with which he

dances. The image of self

disunity in the priest's transvestite costume.

45 Tte numbets seveç three and four also articulate the timing of the Petahara wheleas demon ritual is characterized by the number eight - ttre central ritual structu¡e in the latt€r is called the Atnøgalb,'atø' means eight. l- 45

The priest's dance in terms of the number seven may be described even as a rotationtr within a wider whole defined by the number 35. The number 32 (the

Buddha) simultaneously delimiùs the maduun as the body' of the world and constitutes the tlorana (detimited from above by white doth) as a womb through which the divine power enclosed within by the streamers of the Tree of the Torch of

Time (number3), is mediated by Pattini into the world of humans. In her wholeness,

Pattini thr¡s reconstitutes the world of fonn arut being fragmented by the misfortune of mortal life.

Any perfonnance ol a madtmn, cyclically, if ephemerally io a transient ritual construction called a hut, reasserts the wholeness of things, a wholeness inscribed in both the numbers 35 ß2 + 3 dimensions of time) and 7. As I said at the beginning,

the mailuun is a rite of renewal. The theme of renewal is inscribed in the ritual's phasic structure and chronology. Through the latter, defined and articulated by the midnight hour, the meanings of death, disease and misforhrne - the fragmentation of the temporal yesterday of the Devol Division are transformed into life, health and well-being for the fuh¡re. This is marked by the ritual's Process from the Pattini

Division onward in the use of costume in the latter half of the ritual and is signed by

the ritual repetition of a term car¡ying these meanings; øyubouaoa. The chronology of

tr It ir appropriate here to mention that the¡eis sondqes a circr¡lar swtng (oncillau¡a) erected alongside the rituai a¡ena of a ndwn in whictr ypung men and women who are supposedly in love rideior their enþ¡rment. This is now seen as secular mtertainment, but I relate the myth associated with the oncílløn in which the God Visnu appeared swinging as a vision of female beauty. 'Basma thte asuta (titan) was infatuated with Visnu's sister, Umayangana but Uma was manied to Iswara who hd a powereful mantra Qtalutu) which, whm chanted onto the pa.lm, made it so that it could reduce anything it touched to ashes. Basma tricked Iswara into giving him the mantra so that he could kill him. When he had ttre mantra, he chased Uma who ran away. Visnu intenrmed when lre saw Basma so consumed with desire by turning himsdf into a woman and swinging in Basma's path.' I cannot tell the whole story here, but Visnu became the obþct of Basma's desire and tricked Basma into making an oath by placing his hand upon his forehead. Basma, consumed with passion, fotgd tlrc dalwu and as he made in" *tn he burst into flames. I tell this story because it is f¡om these flamE that the Kurumbura demons were born. The story prolceeds to include the God Kataragama within the rubric of Visnq Iswara and Umayangana and in many ways could be seen as an origin m¡h. The story aPPears to be well known among ritual practitioners but does not explicitly order any aspect of the neduun and has only residual value for the oncillaun. t46

the maduunis defined by the origin of a Pattini in the time of Kalct¡sanda Buddha and it gradually moves from that time and the Hor¡se of the Fourth Quarter, which is ritually constituted space, to a cosmic present defined by Wahatla. Finally, it opens upon a temporal present renewed by the dance of Pattini as signed by the concluding phases of the Devol Division As the bourdaries of the naduun are successively fragmented, the phenomenal world is revealed - the body of the Mother Goddess is tmly encompassing even as her daughterþ and wifely virhres fill the sPaces between the categories of being she incorporates.

Interlude

Because I was mainly concerned to analyse the dance of the Goddess, I do not interpret the remainder of the ritual. It is enough to briefly describe the Wahalla Division which follows that for Pattini on a vertical dimension in the ritual's chronology. It involves a movement downward and outward. This is simultaneously a movement from the originary past to the cosmic present as the

Wahalla dances with items symbolic of this even as he is himself understood to be the controller of demors on earth in the present. The Wahatla Division corsists of a single darrce of seven parts @IaWliya). The dancer is lcrown as the Wahalla dancer and he dances for between one and one and a half hours, starting slowly and building rythmically to a crescendo of sound and motion. Costumed, imbued with

'¡)ower' from the chanting oL mantrø and ritually purified, he dances with seven items, eyes closed, in a movement reminiscent of a dock-work doll.

The seven items of the Wahalla dance dearly articulate the ritual numerologically on the vertical dimension with the Pattini Division. The items

include: a saffron water pot (lcnhadíya lotalld, an incense pan (anguru ilummala), the

pot of Buma Devi (þalnlu), , the stick of Dadimunda (muguru), the conch (lnkgedÐ, L47

coconut flowe¡s fpl nut) and torches and resin fpnilañ. Dancing in a trance, each item is prised from the dancer's hand and is replaced with the next by heþers after he has danced at each yaluru with it. He is then sptrn back into his rythmic dance until, precisely at dawn, the Wahalla darrcer breaks the coconut-streamer boundaries and runs and leaps about throwing flaming resin inside and outsíde of the dancing

pliace, flaming every ritual sbmcture erccept the as yet unused one for the Kurumbura

demons. As he breaks the bor¡ndaries, the audience scattent arucl hides, shrieking

with laughterand fear.

The Wahatla dancing is not accompanied by verse. Its chronotopic meanings

are 'given flesh'by the symbolism of the items danced with. The saffron water is

used in remembrance of a novice monk (samanerø) who collected water from the

cosmic lake Anotatta at the foot of Mount Meru, the Indian cosmic centre of this

world. The incense pan is distinctive and should have sandalwood (snilun galak) lor

its burning coals and the resin should be of the S¿t tree. This is the type of resin used by the Naga King when Gautatna Buddha (notice the shift from the time of Iqlusanda Buddha) gained Enlightenment. The pot'of Buma Devi, hitherto on the

ground in front of the thoratu celebrates the earth. After the dancer dances with it, it

is smashed on the Tree of the Torch of Time, releasing its contents, the metaphoric

earth, into the arena which transforms the base of the mailuttn from stone @ul gallal-

Then Dadimunda 'appears' out of his abode which is the rock of the earth, in the

form of his metonymic symbol, the stick The dance with the conch follows. This is

not any conch but is understood to be the )ayasanka conch of the heroic king of

contemporary Sri lånka, Drthugemunu. The earth, then, is not any earth, it is the

earth of Sri lånka and the time is the cosmic present. In this virginal context, before

the ritual boundaries are broken, the darrcer then dances with the coconut flowers

which had earlier ornamented all the yalutus, thrashing them, bunch after bunch, on

his forehead and scattering the buds (which are'female') onto the earth. Only then 1_48

does he break the boundaries and flame the ritr¡al arena and its ambierrce before cotlapsing. Thedanceris then revived from his trance.

The ornaments of Pattini are not removed from the thoruru until after the ritual boundaries are broken. They remain exposed, radiating their power to the limits of the maduun'6 ambience beyond the crowds of paficipants. The symbolic fragmentation oÍ madrun as the body of Pattiní is effected in Wahatla's ¡rerformance which reveals a renewed world in the dawning of a new day. The enclosed maduun ephemerally concealed the world, but the nuduun fragmented reveals the form of the world. This is Divinelllwion.

The Wahalla division returns the ritual to a cosmic present, the closing Phases of the Devol division return the paficipants to the everyday. Within it, the third demon offering is made to the Kurn¡mbua demons who form Devol's retinue. As the fire demons, and on the simplest level, they represent the energy of life. There is then a food offering called ilatiyange ilane which includes those foods eaten to celebrate all moments of beginning sudr as first menstn¡ation and Sinhalese New

Year. In the maduua, the foods are ceremonially offered collectively to children, signing the ritual's orientation to the future, to which I turn in a moment. The act

that marks the end of the Devol Division (which also includes the bampling of the

fire of the tree chopped down in the first section of it) is the ritual overflowing of

mitk, an act also which accompanies all ritual events seen to be commencements,

including thre perølurn and laying of the first stone for dwellings. In this ritual it

reiterates the theme that the maduun is the House of the Divine Quarter. Each of

these ritual acts has significance in its own right, but ulti¡nately all meaning in the

madwm is subsumed by Pattini and the dance of the transvestite priest which

transforms the wife and daughter of myth and text into the maternal source of form

and being-in-theworld. L49

The ritual as a whole condudes with the dance of the benign demon Gara which, as I can merely suggest here, differs performatively from the dance associated with peralurø Ð as to complement the vow making ceremony whidt augurs a maduun. The merit Qiù of the occasion is then transfered to the deities by the priest and this is the final act of separation between divine and mortal, mediated by the priest as his mortal self, that is, without costume.

Conclusion

As a healing rite, the nuiluun is primarily prophylactic. It is nowadays most frequently performed after misfortunes and uncertainties as I discuss further in

Chapter 6. It is performed after the event for which a vow was made arut this event does not prescribe its timing. It must, however, occur on the waxing moon within a year of making a vow to hold it and its annual repetition may not be for any specific reason other than to ensure future protection. Amailuun is staged in release of a vow if, and only rf, the event or moment for which Pattini's protection was sought in the vow, has been so protectedaT. While in this sense lhe maduun rnay be seen ¿rs mere affirmation of the protective power of Pattini, its function of renewal protects the future. This is marked, as I have suggested by the fact that the alms-giving, which accompanies other rites, is uniquely partaken of by children after a maduwa. The ritual clearly organizes relations between past, present and future.

Herein lies the ritual's potential for continuity. The nuduun conforms, as I have shown, to the ideal of healing spelt out by Etiade, that "...it is always a matter of abolishing past Time, of "going back" and beginning life over again...(79Ø:84). It is a

47 This is the case br any vow to any deity. Unless the goods are 'delivered', th€re is no release of tlre vow. r_50

rite of rebirttr which, in terms of the transformative possibilities of Pattini is oriented to the future by the past in the present.

I began this chapter with the proposition that I methodologcally invert the stmcturalist method by taking myth, in this case, written to

ll;te maduwa has emerged in historical time with a new performative item, the transvestite dance, extending the possibilities of meaning in the figure of Pattini. The innovation of transvestite dancing affords continuity to a ritual in a changing social context as I discr¡ss further in Chapter 6. The dance implies a transformation of the goddess from the wife and daughter of myth, which is an incorporation of the mother figure from the world outside of ritual performance; this transformation is effected in the dance called the ArbaranaThanw. It is the thewtm ñnally, that effects an existential transformation in the ritual's participants who move into the dancing place only as it is performed, to pin money on the Goddess's breast.

Participants enter the ritual's ambience as beings fragmented by past

temporal misfortune. Defined in terms of the ritual's own process, the attitudes of

the audience can be understood, for now, as allowing the individual to experience

originary time in his or her own duration. There is no dichotomy in this ritual between past and present such that ritual time can be seen as cognitively different

from sequential or everyday time as Blocll (19m might suggest. Certainly, the

ma¡luum brings the past into the present but the temporal past of the participants is

symbolically killed and transcended in this ritual such that the originary past is

constituted to have an effect on the present and future state of mortals. The audience

is brought into Pattini's fold. People are therefore brought into communion with the

divine in the tlømn. As ãmmer remarks l-51

When we pay worship to the Goddess, as devout children of the world, we àré no furtlier from the Divine than are the yogis. They realize the Abeolute in their innerurost Self, in a state of unruffled inactivity, supreme quietude, transcerrlent Pea{e. But we are the Abeolute inashruch as-we are children of Mayã, the world (1974:20Ù.

and, it might be added, of Illusion.

It is in keeping with the analysis to say that the meaning of a Pattini is constih¡ted in a continual process of relations between myth, ritual arrl practice. The meanings describ€d here are deatly not confined to the texts which are associated with the nadtntn. The text, as Bakhtin argues, lies on the boundary of culture

(1987:?53), and as long as there are'authons, readers and listenene', it is continully re created in a chronotopic process. The maduun is best understood as a work, one which includes contemporary selections from the text, the Pantk Kolmura, and interprets it in its terms. In its performative aspect, it is a work 'authorized' by specialist ritual practitioners. . In Chapter 6, I reexamine the nuduun to discover the social and political implications of its contem¡rorary reflorescence.

With regard to the cosmological meanings of the figure of Pattini, the historical embeddness of the maduwa implies that the meanings now attributed to her must be understood in terms of the relatively urrchanging Buddhist philosophy as

Gombrich (7971, describes it. These permeate all aspects of Sinhalese Buddhist belief and practice as I have suggested. A Paüini in this sense, especially as a mother fïgure, stands as the form of being-in-the.world. Divine power is the Power of being- in-the'world. Both are opposed conflictualty by demonic power. Pattini mediates between divine and demonic lnwer, all of which are hanscended by, and known in opposition to, the Buddha and non-being. In the language of the cosmic horizons, the fourfold hierarchical division of space into places for temples/monks, shrines/deities, domestic dwellings/hurnans and the space of the demoniÇ is iconographic with the individual Buddhist persona, male or female, which is composed of mind, will body and desires.. In this equatiory Pattini represents the L52 body, in relation to which, the transvestism of the priest is, as I have shown, metaphoric of the male/female occupation of domestic dwellings. In the next chapter, I look at the desires which are internal to the body human þt as the Demoness IGli is the servant and follower of the Goddess Pattini. 153

ø t c o

cf o o o o

Kuda

Kala Weediya Weediya Devol Yahana Wahalla Yahana ,1þ

Kuriumbura Pideni

HOUSE OF THE FOUTìTH OUARIER THE SPATIAL LAYOUT OF THE MADUWA t-54

CHAPTER 4 Kali

Introduction

The Sinhatese Demoness tr(ali Yaksinl or IGli Amnu (mother) as she is called, is the primeval symbol of evil Supplication to Kali, colloquially lcrown asY..ahbilla

(sacrifice), has the explicit aim of inflicting harm, preferably death, on another. It is an act of sorcery most frequently done alone (taniyama karanawøl and in secret

(rahasmg). In this Chapter I show that each offering to Kali renews the fragmenting and terrible possibilities of Time and, is in this sense, a sacrifice. My analytical focus, however, is on the motivations - þlousy, hatred, greed and anger - for IGli supplication which define it as the practice of sorcery. I argue that Kali both represents the eternal possibility of evil in the world and is the medium through which it enters the world. I further argue that the figure of IGli in the cosmos, unseen like Time itself, is isomorphic with the potential for evil secreted in the humanbody.

Y,,alibillß is an evil act insofar as it activates demonic forces. Because of this,

and by virtue of its secrecy, Kali bitln is the antithesis of each and every ritual

presented in Part 1. As I have shown, these were respectively concerned to move

(mut gøtlal, eliminate (qeralura), or protect fuom (madwn) demonic forces. The

antithesis is exemplified in this Chapter by the relationship between Pattini and IGli-

IGli is understood to be Pattini's follower or servant. Divine and demonic, the two

figures stand in an agonistic complementarity as do their respective rituals, the

madwnand Kali bill¿. 155

The relationship between IGli and Pattini and the implication of their both beiog mother figures is dis¡ssed by Obeyesekere in rel¡ation to a recent apparentl emergence of worship at IGli shrines in Colombo city. According to Obeyesekere

'These shrines are not confined to any one s€gment of the city's [sic] population and they cut across dass lines. Indeed,I have seen highly educated middledass people, holding important bureaucratic positions in the government, and wealthy members of the elite who have begun to propitiate this deity lsicl" 0984:448) [my additions].

He calls the shrines, which he tells r¡s are run by Sinhalese priests (knpurala), by the

Sinhala name 'dasale'and goes on to suggest that this phenomenon is the product of a rigid sexual morality, especially in the city, initiated into Sri lanka through Roman-

D¡tch and Western [aw. In this historically detennined urban context, he argues, with a consequent absence of fathers at worþ men [sicl [as childrml experience their mothers as both nurtu¡ant and vitriolic in terms of Pattini and Kali very much on the pattern of Hindu social organization (see 1984 Chapter 10).

As I show, this is ¿rn unnecessarily androcmtric view which does not account for the fact that both men and women supplicate Kali. Furthermore, Kali worship, even at the city shrines as Obeyesekere says, is by no means restricted to urban people, middledass or otherwise. When the practice of Kali billn is located by its motivations in a total cosmological context the significance of the relationship between the two mother figures, Kali ancl Pattini becomes dear. IGli symbolizes the internal and secret aspect of the Sinhalese Buddhist persona, concealed, as it were, in the human body represented by Pattini and the cosmic significance of the maternal image is its power of mediation. It will become clear that the figure of Mother stands

1 A".oøit g to my informants, tr(ali shrines hane long been part of the Sinhala landrape. Nonetheless, Obeyesekerc says that'..J(ali was nowhele worshiped in Buddhist Sri Lanka" (79f!4:448), a comment he immediaæly qualifies in terms of what he describes as a rccent emerltenæ of Kali shrines in the city. In this regard, it is interesting that Wirz (79ilr, who documents sorcery practice does not mention IGli whereas in a more recent work on Sinhala nationalism, Kapferer (1988) alludes to Kali supplication in the city in the conto

Gombrich and Obeyesekere (1988, Pt2 Chapter 4) have recently provided more insight into the phenomenon of Kali supplication in urban Sri lanka, especially Colombo. The work was not available when I wrote this chapter. However, it clarifies some points I make. Firstly, that both men and women supplicate Kali. Secondly, Kali supplication takes place in Hindu shrines (koaíls). Thirdly, many supplicants approached by these scholars in the field preferred not to discúss their reasons for attending KaiL reíerring simply to trouble in their lives (i988:it4i). This is interpreteci'oy Cornbrich and Obel'esekere in terms of jealousy in changing socio-economic conditions. However, the chapter focuses analytically on the changing nature of Kali. A number of case studies are discussed in detail to demonstrates an apparent change in the nature of Kali from a little-known demonic figure to a being of quasidivine status. The approach conforms with the general thrust of the work as a whole which compares present (urban) practices of 'spirit religion' with past (rural) 'traditional Buddhist' practices. The argument is that Buddhism is transformed and thereby diminished by the intrusion of un-Buddhist, Hindu ritual practices such as the worship of Kali. However, what is not emphasised analytically, even though it is reported, is the fact that Kali is known as a mother figure who is consistently called Kali Amma, Kali Mater and Kali Maniyo rather than Kali Deaiyo by Sinhalese supplicants. I take this naming practice as analytically central. 156

as a universal2, applying to men and women alike, as well as people of different classes and castes. An acceptance of this view permits the apparently rising incidence of IGIi zupplication to be understood in terms of the social and economic difficulties which trigger attendance upon Kati3 rather than in terms of the generalized psychological propensities, especially of men. To understand people's experience of IGli worship, we should atterrd instead to its empirical circumstances.

Accordingly, this analysis looks at cosmological basis of the social secrecy of Kali propitiation.

In this way, this analysis of IGli forms a condusion to my portrait of

Sinhalese Buddhist cosmic horizons. My argument is that these horizons also constitute the limits of human being-in-theworld. I empathise with Obeyesekere's

(1984) psychoanalytic interpretation of the Sinhalese pantheon as a projective system which aims at understanding the relationship between the whole and the part, the cosmos and the pyche. However, I prefer to analyse IGli worship in terms of the cosmology which explains the sociat dimension of this ritual, thus avoiding the sort of bias discussed above. I therefore invert the psychoanalytical model which explairs the cosmos in terms of a socially pre'formed psyche, subscribing instead to the notion of cosmic embodiment. This means that I understand the ontology of the individr¡al in terms of the cosmology, precisely because the world pre'exists any individual's entr¡r into it. In the light of the previous Chapters, the interpretation offered here crystallizes the isomorphism between the cosmos, everyday sPacq

2 TLis seerrs so patently obvious to me that it constantly surprises me to s€e mother figures treated simplistically as either a) role models for girls and b) the source of pcychological trauma for boys. It b" suggested that relations between mothers and daughters or, indeed, children and parcnts of^ight either soç are often equally as ambivalent as those between sons and mothem .

3 After working with ritual practitioners for 18 months, I tend to agree with Kapferer's temark that obeyesekere's (1975) obsen'ation about the incrcase in sorrery p'ractice in general is ""'far from unproblematic"(1988:105). Following from this, if there has been a sþiñcant increase in Kali worship in recent years, I would also agree with l(ap6erer that it is likely to be a result of factors outside of the cosmic possibilities entailed in the supplication of Kali. See Kapfurer's discussion of "Buddhism, Sorccry, and State Hegemony" (íbid.:1(e112). 1_57

supenurtural figures and human nature from which I argue that each Person, irrespective of gender, must be seen as an irudividr.¡al in religious terms.

The isomorphism is chronotopic as I show. The table provided below itemizes the domains covered in Part 1 in relation to which I locate and analyse trGli and Kalt billa. The table also fornrs the basis for the conclusion to Part 1 and e4highlights the chronotopic dimensions of the cosmic horizons and the limits of human being-in-theworld.

Cosmic Table

I am concerned, in the final analysis, with existential possibilities rather than structural regularities. So, while the following lists of aspects of the Sinhalese cosmos are quite obviously hierarchical and encompassi^& I draw paficular attention to the isomorphism between them as distinct domains of possible experience for any or all members of the culture without reference to class, caste or gender.

Space (everyday) Temples Shrines Houses Streets Cosmos Supernatural (history) (ritual) Buddha Buddha Deities Male Gods Humans Pattini Demons Kati Human Natu¡e (in tension) Mind will Beggar/Body Desires/Preteyo 1_5 B

Kali

Kali is the Universal Mother of chaos who, by name and nature, eternally symbolizes the destnrctive force of Time whidr is the pre

'laleya' or'kalo'is etymologfcally related to'knlpn'4, meaning 'Ag"', and in Sinhalese conceptions, the present is a Buddha Age (kølpa) which falls within the IGli Aeon

(yugap as I explained earlier. The ages within a Wga themselves are believed to orillate between the Buddha and IGli but always with the implication that the dissolution of the light of a Buddha assrunes the emergence of IGli and a return to primeval darkness or chaos. F{owever, there is a vital difference between the Buddha and IGli. Whereas a Buddha arises from the human condition, as exemplified by the history and mythology of Gautama Buddha, a IGli does not. There is only one Kali who permeates existence as Time itselF.

4 I ,tre the familiar Sanskrit tern'l,alp the Pali equivalent of whidt is'kappa'.In ritual, the kryp&ingplanted reprcsents the setting in motion of cosmic time. This Pol" i" also known as the Pole of Indra, the Hindu King of Gods.

5 As stated earlier, the yugns a¡e named 7) øluru Wga, 2, ruIu yug+ 3) bhdn yuga and 4) Kali yngn. The Buddha ktpas within the Kali Wgo are 1) Kakusanda Buddh4 2) Konagama Buddha, 3) trGsyapa Buddha and 4) C,autama Buddha. Pattini, as the last chapet showed, originated in the time of Kakusanda Buddha. The present is the fuurth of eadr term - IGli yuga and C'autama kalpa.T\is notion of the present orders relations between light and darþ zun and moon, day and night and its meanings p€rmeate conceptions of days of the week and parts of the day, not only in ritual, but in ordering such activities as visiting, eating and bathing, none of which are done at interstitial times which a¡e the demons'play' times (stcsn ltdøun- note the use of the chronological term for time here). Time and spa.ce are thoroughly cosmologically ordercd.

6 Perhapo Kali should be seen as 'Being', in the Hiedeggerian sense mentioned earlier. Certainly, in the Buddhist context, she is the preondition for existence or being-in{heworld. r.5 9

Kali is a maternal figure, but she is not the mother of demoru like her Indian namesake. lvlaha Bhadra IGli is the India-wide name of the Hindu Goddess of

Demons (Oddie, 198Ð but in Sri l¿nl

Demoness IGli who is composed of seven named parts. These irclude Waduru Kali who is associated with communal disease (cholera, chicken pox and measles), Le

Kali, the Drinker of Blood, Sohon IGI¡" the necrophagous IGli and Gi¡ri Kali, the Fire IGli. Articulated by their unique association with the number seven, the Sinhalese

Kati derives her nature directly from Pattinis. In fact,IGli and Pattini represent the

formed world and its arising anl decay in the context delimited by the Buddha's

ninnna (PalL níbbanò.

IGli defaces what Pattini constitutes; the ve¡y form of the human body. Although Kali is conceptualized as being composed of seven Patu, ritual

practitioners could name only the four cited which represent disease, blood, death

and fire. These four names sign the following complementary oppositions between

IGli and Pattini - blood:milk:illness:health::death:life. The element of fire conunon

to both figuresg unites them in agonistic opposition. Fire is both a destnrctive and

generative force, an apt symbol of the Powers of these two mother figures.

IGli is cosmically related to Pattini. She carurot be directly related to other

demons. As the symbol of Time,IGli is appropriatety a motherless creature, unlike

E Tlre only account of Kali's origin proferred by ritual p,ractitionerc was quasi-historical- That is to say, she is recognized by them (and others) p,rimarily as an Indian Goddess who in Sri l¿nka is a demoness. The'livin$ Kali in Sri Lanka is a deuronic transfurmation of the divine but only, I would suggest, as a device of incorporation into tlre Sinhalese Buddhist pantheon where gods and demons are distinct entities with opposing functbns.

9 Pattit i has in her retinue the Kurmmbura or fire demons. In myth these demons entered Sri Lanka at Sinigama wíth Pattini's permissbn, in the retinue of the godling Dwol who had been refused entry from errery other maþ port by tlre male Gua¡dian deities. Pattini erects walls of fi¡e but the demons are able to quell them, so she permits them onto land. This story accounts fur Der¡ol being in Pattinfs retinue Uy implication, the Kurumbura demons who, in both m¡h and the t¡tduun symbolize generative"n¿, power- 160

other demons and, to my knowledge, she is the only significant female demon in the

Sinhalese Buddhist cosmos. In their mythology, as I described in the Introduction, other demons do have mothers, usually human arul/or royal, who invariably die soon after gfvi"g birth. As Anrarasingham tells us,'The supernatural beings [of the

Sinhalese cosmosl are zubject to the same l,aws as men [sic] and do not arise spontaneously or miraculously" [my additions] (1978:10ó) Born neither of gods nor humars and without a coherent mythotogy of her own like that for either Pattini or the other demonslo, it is dear that the figure of IGli is unique.

Kali's singularity is signed by the fact that she is the only demonic figure in the Sinhalese cosmos to occupy a permanent habitatll. The Kali shrine is where humans leave their evil intent before entering the home or attending the gods. In the cosmic organization of space described in Chapter 1, Kali shrines, which are unpretentious little box-like structures erected on poles and open in the front, occuPy the interstice between dwelling space, circumscribed in stone l")oog rituals, and demonic space. They stand discreetly at the gates to domestic dwellings, at the Point

where human and demonic space meet, and in temples, Kali shrinesu are obsorrely

located outside of, and often behind, deity shrines. They are located in middlesPace

which, as I argued in Chapter 1, always contains the possibility of the demonic. IGli

shrines always occupy quatitativeþ the same place as the front fence, aruC this

includes the large IGli Shrines in Colombo city which are, by the logic of cosmic

10 This would be in part because there are no performative rituals for Kali. What is called mythology in Sri Lånka is largely the knowledge of ritual specialists, induding monks.

11 Of cour*, there is Sunþm but he ßbothdøty and demon in oscillation and his shrines a¡e erected as deity shrines -ilmle.

12 Thir is the case at both Navagamuwa, the main seat of Pattini and at Kotte Temple close to Colombo city. It does seem that this type of established Kali shrine is mainly found in old temples and deity shrines. If it is the case that new temples and shrines, as well as city hous€s, o

space, also located in middle-spacel3. While the type and size of IQli shrines may differ, the differerrces are subsumed by the cosmic meaning of their location.

There is an isomorphism between Kali's place in the everyday world and her mythical abode whictr also locates her at the interstice between humans and demons.

Called Velli or Veleliya Ambalama, whidr means 'the rest house in the light of the paddy field', Kali's mythical abode lies between unprotected natu¡al sPace and the village. Demons inhabftl4 unprotected natural space which, as I also demonsbated

in Chapter 1, is defined by opposition to dwelling space. In addition to the streetsls, which are clearly also middle'space (between one dwelling and another), this

includes streams, rivers, and especially waterfalls, as well as trees with dark green

foliagø @ves, ravines and empty paddy fields at night. These are the crevices on the

face of the earthl6 which, encompassed by the sþ and skirted by the sea, become

middle.space, intersecting the realms of the divine humanl7. People are scared of all

of these places and an ambalanu in the everyday world rightfully belongs in them as

a place of safety; a safe pl,ace to rest at night when caught in the paddy fields after

dark or away from home. For Kali's habitat to be an ambalamø therefore appears to be a contradiction. But, as a chronotope, it vefically intersects at the point on the

horizontal level, between humanly inhabited and uninhabited demonic space, where

her permanent earthly habitat is found.

13 It Chapto 6, I discuss the taken-forarantedness of middle+pace in organizating aspects of everyday behaviour.

14 Th" places demons inhabit must be distinguished from their PreÍerr€d places of attack which include the Washerpeoplés (rda ftnnyo) laundry place and the cemetry as reflected in the names of demons such as Rada Tota and Mahasohon, as well as Sohon trGli. These places rcfer to temporal margins for humans.

15 Th"".-way þnctions are considered to be particularly dangerous demonically and it would be interesting to see how many of the Br¡ddha statues, so oommon at intenections, are in fact at the wayþnctions.

16 ...the ñeld is ploughed, the darkness of the fuliage has associations with night - it does not become light with the light of the day.

17 This symbolism should be considered in relation to that of the body of Pattini represented by her ornaments as discussed in Chaper 3. L62

Iç¿U is the axis of Time in space and the convenee of Pattinil By name she symbolizes Time, by nature she is demonic arr¡l in her habitat and mythical abode,

IGli forms a centrepoint between human arul demonic sPace and divine and mortal realms. Pre.existing the Buddha, she is the cosmic force of Time, the fragmenting, degenerative anil thus evil Truth underlying all existence.

Sacrificial SorceryÚ

K^libitla is a secret and evil practice. People supplicate Kali with the single aim of causing evil or misfortunq preferably death, to others. There is no apotropaic rite to counter the effects of Kali. Kali never appears to people and she is never 'seen' by them as other demons are. In the lore on demons, it is believd that people'see' the demon which afflicts them. For example, being startled by a red animal is diagnosed as an 'attack'by Riri Yakka, being confronted by a black creature will be understood to be Kalu Yakka and so on, especially if these shocks occur in unprotected space. These sorts of demonic attack can be acted uPon by attending ritual practitioners and there are appropriate rituals, from tying th¡ead (øpa nulla) to the public performative excorcism described by Kapferer (1981) to remove their

effectle. Comparable to the rites which negate the effects of demonic attaclç the

various forms of sorcery have counter-rituals. For example the virulent evil directed

to others in a practice known asloiliuina can be redirected in the context of a large

public rite called Suniyama. When people supplicate Kali, however, it must be seen

as a one.way process against which, it is believed, even divine protection is flimsy.

lt It war not my intention to explore this aspect of Sinhalese ritual so the following discussion is based on the exegesis of ritual practitioners, solicited by me in response to odd remarks made by p@ple about Kali and Kali Dilt¿. However, therc is little reason to doubt the accuracy of the infurmation, albeit it is scant, insofar as people consult the practitioners on the ProPer methods to adopt in IGli bíIta. ln any srse, the very secret and evil natu¡e of this practice would be enough to Pr€vent those doing the rite from beíng altogether honest in revealing their obiectives.

19 The use of demon masks in these rites is interesting - they render the demonic visible. There is no mask of trGli - she always remains invisible. 163

In the context of these understarudings, and given the assumed power of Kali, supplication of her is dearly a fonn of sorcery.

In its simplest fomç IGli supplication involves the transference of evil thoughts or words from its author to a victim who is an enemy. More elaborately, as

Kalibilln,a promise (poronduun) is made to Kali that if she complies with the request made of her within seven dayszo an offering (pudal will be made to her. The offering

is understood to be a bait2l hence the name 'billa' and it indudes a fresh egg, cut

fmit22 and a live cock or goat. In the Bhadrakali shrine in Colombo city, according to

IGpferer (1qÌ105), supplicants have the name of their victim or enemy inscribed on

the egg, sometimes in their own blood. Significantly, he goes on to say that'These

egg+ the most powerful symbols of cosmic origi+ indicative of the very root of

being, are then smashed as will be the life essence of the enemies" (ibid.:108).

According to my own informants the sacrificial animal is released unharmed, after it

has been proferred to Kali, preferably in fresh water or otherwise in open sPace.

Unharmed, the sacrificial animal is a rapegoat and, like the egg, it 'contains' the

power of evil transferred by thought or verse and, unharmed, it is left to roam free in

the unbounded region of the demoniCs. The trarsference of evil is a sacrifice

precisely because it is effected through Kali who is renewed by it as the nature of her

offerings suggest.

20 Th" number of days is significant, not only because ser¡en is Kali's number but also because there a¡e no time limits on promises made to other desrons. The very short span of time suggests an immediacy to Kali which is matched by her 'proximity' in the everyday world as signed by her permanent offering places.

21 ..as are all offerings to demons.

2 A egg is also used in the context of Suniyam rituals, but fresh fruit, usually whole, is only ever offered^* to deities. The fruit fur Kali must be cut. In exorcistic rites, where offurings are made to demons, even though a live cock may be used, ett and other offerings are always cooked. The content of ritual offerings has a decided logic and offerings to Kali are unique to her.

I It ha" been suggested to me (Dr. K.G. Garbett, personal cpmmunication) that there could be legislation preventing the killing of the sacrifice. I do not know of such legislatiorç although it wor¡ló certainly be in keeping with the Buddhist belíef in non-violence (ahímæ)i one that is, rotably, not always pnctised. According to Garbett, ritual slaughter is practised by segments of the Hindu population in Sri l-anka. L64

IGli supplication requires no mediator. It is a secret rite that people can do alone. Not all Y'.ali billa requires a sacrificial animal. Neither are offerings always made although the failure to make them if they are promised indicates that the desired effects have not been achieved. IGli can be activated through sound by chanting was kavi which becomes the vehicle of evil thought. Was lcnvi, which is not exclusiveþ used for KalL is believed to be one of the most powerfirl tools of evil and there is the conviction that if it is recited against the wrong Pereon or for the wrong reason, its effects rebound on its authoÉa. As no mediator is used when thewøs løoí is chanted in IGli's name, the risk involved may be seen as propofionate with the intensity of feeling which accompanies it. Whatever its form, Kali supplication is a furtive, evil anddangerous act.

Summary Interlude

KÀlibiltn is an act of sorcery. IGli is supplicated by individuals responding to an environment. The way they respond and how is in terms of a pre'e*isting cosmology. Kali billa ts an intentional act of violence against another. It is certainly not appropnate publíc behaviour for anyone daiming to be Buddhist. I suggest

therefore that the apparent rise of I(ali worship among the middlediass as almost

qruzically noted by Obeyesekere, is a product of the Buddhist ethic of non-violence

which, at the level of experience provides the rationale for secrecy. And, if there is an

increase in IGli supplication, it should be attributed instead to the social and

economic pressures which arouse þalousy and inspire not only this form of sorcery

but others as Kapferer has argued (1988:10&108).

Kali biila is also a sacrifice. Whether the supplicant is male or female, the (usually) unmediated and secret connection established between IGli and her

Z It is a matter of contention amongst ritual practitioners as to whetlrer the author is to be seen as themselves or their clients. It is usually conceded that both rnay be affected and this is justiñcation fur the ec

supplicants i^ bitlß arul zras køai connotes an identification of one with the other.

Through Kali, the evil within is directed out into the world as so fittingly symbolized by the inscription in blood and the smashing of the egg, releasing immanent cosmic forces. The gift of an egg to Kali is the gift of unborn life - an apt symbol for Time.

There is a play on Time in IGli bäu. lt at once deprives its object of life hence time, in the everyday world, and functions to renew the fiagmenting and terrible

possibilities of Time, itself symbolized by the name 'IGli' and effected through the

sacrifice.

Y..alibíItais sacrificial sorcery. It is a rituat which effects the externalization of

internal possibilities. Kali is the archetypal or primeval symbol of evil whose

mediation in Kati blll¿ constitutes her as the source of evil. Amarasingham in her

discussion about demons states "...there is no central story in which the origin of evil

ibself is given; good and evil, men and women, humans and demons are assumed to

be always present or potentially present in the world" (7978:7M). The origin of evil is

the human condition. Evil is the potential property of humans, and Kali, agairct

whose powers there is no direct protection5, is the ideal vehicle for evil to enter the world. Kali is a mother figure precisely becat¡se of her mediatory function. A

motherless creature herself, and not the Mother of Demons, The Sinhalese IGli is the

Mother of Evil.

25 It is worth noting a rising incide¡rce in a rite called the puza naduwa. It is a variation on the ntdwm analysed in Chaper 3 in whictr a ritual p* Qunanl in whidr enil effects a¡e collected and ritually disposed in water, is included in the rite to the acrompaniment of verses about Kuveni. The story about Kuveni is one about þlousy, albeit semal þlousy, and it is ofæn given prominenæ as a political myth about the fuunder of the Sinhalese'race Viþya. This myth is given prominence in the gr"at lnto ùlo¡tt palurc in l(andy. In a small tqt called Sotttc Womc¡t of tlc Mnluuwru, Mauteen Seneviratne (1%9) idealizes Kuveni's suffering and tells us that the offspring of Vþya and Kuveni grew up, married and produced many offspsring who dwelt forerrer in the kingdom while Viþya and his mortal queen we¡e not blessed with ofßpring. While she concludes by saying that the Vaddahs of Sri lanka are belier¡ed to be the progeny of Viþya and Kuveni, I suggest that the incestuous union in this story is one way of suggesting that the demonic and royal (hence human) a¡e one in the Sinhalese people themselves. eertainly, the pu:tu maduvn assr¡mes this and what is significant in the rise of this form of the ndwtn is that it is performed when no other possible cause of afflication than evil human agency can be conceived. See (Gunaseka¡a 1953) for an early account of this rite's scaPegoat function. L66

Kali zupplication is a sacriÊce which renews the picwer of Kali. But it is also an act of sorcery motivated by the baser emotions. Let me examine the significance of this in the widercontext.

Motivations

The most commonly cited 'r@son' for people supplicating l(ali ís þalousy (irisiaua\. White it is something usually attributed to others, people see it as a 'natural' condition, even in themselves. Those who admit to supplicating Kati rationalize their action as vengearìce against the þalousy of others. Limited by neither class nor education, accusations of þalousy are ubiquitous in Sinhalese ctrlture. In fact, iealousy was described to me as 'the basis of our culture'.

Whether performed out of þalousy or vengearìce, the very secrecy oÍY'alubilla is its own mask of evil intention. Secrecy is maintained in a number of ways. Firstly, albeit they can be usedã, mediators are not reqr,rired for either the more elaborate

Kali billa or uas luvi in Kali's name. Secondly, uas þ,aai is huriedly and furtively uttered in whisper, starkly contrasting it to its sonourous and publidy chanted

counterpart for the deities, sethlavi,which ideally does require a mediator. Thirdly,

secrecy is afforded to both ru¡al and urban middledass supplicants in their choice of

IGti shrines. This requires some background explanation.

In the everyday world, offering places for IGli such as the domestic shrines

and those in temples are lrrown aslcsuils2T,notwithstanding Obeyesekere's (1984:448)

description of those in Colombo as ilanlæ. Obeyesekere's description ls, in any case,

26 Obeyesekere as cited earlier sayæ that Sinhalese deity priets oPerate in Kali shrines. Kapferer describes fumale attendants, presumably Sinhalese, at the main Bhadrakali shrine in Colombo (1988:105).

27 If th.ino for Kali are to be found at all.in temple grounds, they are usually only fuund in ancient æmples. It would be interesting to know whether, in the daalæ described by Obeyesekere, the actr¡al shrine for l(ali is, even therç, called a lcooi! by Sinhalese supplicants and the piests and ritual practitioners associated with them. L67

somewhat ambiguous insofar as he tells us that IQli is not necessarily the presiding deity in them. The terrr 'lcءf isused by Sinhalese ritual practitioners, to distinguish

IGli as a demonic rather than a divine ñgure. Kapferer's description of egg smashing cited above on the other han{ pertains to Sinhalese tnm anil urotncfl [my emphasisl

attending the Hirxlu shrine of the Irxlian Goddess Bhad¡akali, ProPerly called the

Bhadrakali Kovil. While it might be zuggested that the terlrt'lcøail' locates the evil of

Kali in an ethno-religrous hierarchys, it could equally be seen to simply confon¡r

wíth the understanding that the Si¡rhalese IGli is a transformation of the Hindu Goddess. The physical existence of a 'shrine' for Kali is a contradiction; it is the

unseien, seen in the everyday world albeit, there are usually no icons of Kali in the

small shrines. The contradiction is as'illusoly'as Pattini's aPPearance in the naduwa.

Whatever the case, supplicating IGli either in the city or in a Hindu shrine has the

potential for anonymity, hence secrecy.

For example, for rural people, the Kali shrine in the city where the more

elaborate Kdh bitla is performed, is a long way from the village and the known

people against whom one wishes to wreak havoc. By the same token, who would

expect to find educated, socially elite, pious arrcl rational Buddhists, especially in a time of heightened ethno-religious tension, in a place such as a Hindu shrine?

Calting IGli shrines, especially those in the city, by the Sinhalese name 'danlc' and

the mediators in them 'l,apurøla' may be a rationalization on behalf of all of these

people in light of the fact that the supplication of Kali is an evil act.

In a The fact of iealousy as a motivation to Kalibilla has cosmological origins. Buddhist ethical universe jealousy, stands for oaving and attachment, precisely

those things which keeps the world of smsra, the cycle of existence, spinning.

These are metaphors for Time. In both the figure of Kali and the practices associated

with her therefore, the theme'in the beginning there was the demonic'is rendered

I Ar, for example in the logic of Kapferer's (1983) argument on the ontology of Sinhalese nationalism where Tamils are equated with the demonic in a hierarchy of good and evil. r.6B

explicit Reciprocally, Time, with its fragmenting and degeneratíve potential is a metaphor for the urìseen possibility of evil. The secret in the body s¡ntial, signed by the obsorrity of l(ali's permanent habitat, is isomoqphic with the secret of desire in the body human. Herein lies the signiñcance of the relationship between Pattini and

Kali.

The meanings of Pattini and IGli as mother figures aPPly to all humans. The maternal image signs cosmic mediation. As we have seen, through ritual, Pattini mediates divine power and IGli mediates evil into the everyday world. The one re forms and the other defaces or fragments the human body. Pattini is not always the mother. In the male rite of reversal called the an kcliyø, verses and stories depict her in her wifety role whereas in the rite of first menstruation for girls, she is invoked as the pure daughter. Her transforrnation into a mother figure in the maduwaÚ ts a cosmic phenomenon which encompasses all people, male and female alike. IGli, on the other hand, is always the mother. She is the mother of Time, of evil and the human desi¡es. Kali is the archetypal symbol of chaos and the Eternal representation of its possibility.

Conclusion

There is a logic in the cosmic horizons of Sri lanka. Articulated by the figures

of the Buddha (and the male deities), Pattini and Kali these horizons constitute the

limit of human being-in-the-world. To take account of this, my selection of rituals for

analysis in Part t has worked from the most public to the most secret - from the

outside to the inside as it were, culminating with Kali. ft reflects a coresPondence

between the hierarchy of supernatural beings and the constitution of the individual

P Pattit i, as I have said earleir, is also called Mother in rites sunounding birth. In this cas¡ both husband and wift malæ a vow together and no distinction is made whether an inånt is a boy or a girl. I make this point to strongly emphasize that the mother symbol must always been seen to apply to both sec

Buddhist persona. Humans are unden¡tood to luve an outside and an inside, composed of min{ will, body arul desires arvl in this sense, I argue they are an embodiment of the cosmic horizons portrayed in these pages. The porhait can now be completed by looking at the spatial and temporal rel,ationship of beggars and spirits of the dead Qreteyol to the human condition

Only humans can become begga¡s and prdqo. Pretqo,as spirits of the dead, are of the order of humans. They are found in and around the household, especially the kitchen, and they are socially idaúìfìablc as dead reliatives. T\e pretryo are the invisible but demon-like disruptive living dead. Disembodied human beings, pretryo are the cosmically devalued inverse of the category of beggar. Beggars render visible the meanings of the invisible and destructive preteyo. Beggars are socially øflonryous but cosmically valued, they embody a religious transcendence through social (and often physical) fragmentation. Occupying the streets, the space of the demonic, they are the socially dead, physical product of demonic forces.

The inverted and contradictory natures o1. pretryo and beggars articulates more fully the four-fold rhema of the cosmic horizons summarized in the Cosmic

Table above. Alive:dead, sociatasocial valued:devalued, temporal:atemporal they articulate vertically in time the Buddha:mind - trGli:desires opposition, the top and bottom of the lists in that table. Their location in space horizontally articulates the howes:humans - streets:demons opposition. They represent the inherent instability between the physical and non-physical, articulating form and no form, human and divine or transcendent. The pretryo and beggars are interstitial categories of being in the Sinhalese Buddhist cosmology, eadt ís ø possíbilíty forhutnats of eíther ser - the one in death, the other in life.

In a world premised on the inter-relatedness of all reality (Chapters 1 and 2),

the preteyo and beggare are an everyday chronotopic reminder of the Buddhist belief

in the perpeh¡al arising and decay of existence. In this context, the maternal image

for Pattini and Kali is a metaphor for the cosmic process itselt mediating form and r-7 0

fragmentation, life and death which are transcerxted only by Buddhahood. In this context also, the male deities represent the will. Their location in the cosmos is ctearly expressed in the peraluta (Chapter 2) arxt in the nuduun (Chapter 3) as hierarchically lower than the Buddha br,rt above Pattinl The chronotopic nature of this cosmos is depicted schematically in the cosmic diagram at the end of the chapter.

A furtlrer cosmic category is the itantrunwhich fatls, in different ways3o between the divine and the demonic. These quasidivine beingÞ, all male, are associated with varieties of vengeance which is a reflection of the evil will and desires, both of whidr are necessarily hidden by the human body which makes sense of their ordering after

Pattini in the supernatural hierarchy, especially Devol who is in Pattini's retinue.

The whole notion of boundariæ (sít¡uun), between categories of being-in-the-world, between typ€s of space, and including the use of cloth, costumes (ancl masks in the case of demons) and the manipulation of space-time in ritual, is intricately tied to the

Buddhist philosophy of the inter-relatedness of all reality.

The cosmic history, the spatial organization of Sri Ianka and everyday localities (Introduction and Chapter 1), the peralarø (Chapter 2), the maduwa (Chapter

3) and KaId. billa (Chapter 4) are different domains of experience which form a coherent whole permeated by the philosophy of Buddhism. Humans are born into, participate in, and learn their world as constituted in and through these rituals with which they are duonotopically artiorlated by the practice of astrology. In this way, they come to embody cosmic meanings. The rituals analysed in Part 1 provide a portrait of the cosmic horizons which are, with a 'play' on the dual meaning of the word 'horizons', also the limits of human being-in-the'world.

This can be summarized numerotogically. I have argued that human being-

in-the'world is isomorphic with the four-fold cosmology. Tthis appears to conhadict

the fact that, in a Buddhist context, the number 5 is associated with humans. As

S S.e fuott-te No.30, Chaper 3. L7]-

listed below, there are five elements, five material as¡rects, five senses and five desires.

elements ether- Øralcas\ water - @W\ frre -Qejol wirxt - (unVo) earth - @tûntií) materiality name - hanuskanila)

Humans are considered to be an aggregate of the five elements, giving rise to their distinctive materiality which includes the five sens¡es and desires. The desires are understood in terms of satisfying the senses beyond what is reasonable. This is moral craving whictr, in Buddhist thought, reproduces the cycle of being-in-the' world. These lists make it clear that the number five represents humans.

This can be taken further to include performative ritual for humans where

both drumming and dancing relate to the number five. Dnrmming, as a form of

music, derives from four prirnary letters, to which particrrlarity is added. The four

primary letters are called glwrbakurø,a composite word meaning womb Qlnrba\ and letters þlcsra). To meaningfuily make these letters into music (Wd.a), sounds called

bijakxra must be added. The word 'hijt', in this context means 'seed'. For dancing, 1,7 2

body' there are ñve basic Pos€s Qnatral for the eyes, hands, fiæt, mouth and Movement enters the dance through rythm (talar, and timing (tithr. There are 32 types of rythm and 32 differences in timing. For ritual dancing to be effective, sound and movement must always correspond an{ as this numerology shows, this involves the numbers 5 and 32- To achieve balance, harmony and health in humans are the is, therefore, a ¡rossibility of the numbers 5 and 32 Respectively, these numbers of humars and the Buddha.

The numtþr for humars is five, but humans, in the ritual as elsewhere, are oriented in both time, which is three-fold, and sPace which is fourfold. Numerologcally, this totals 32 as follows: 5 (the number for humans) + 3

(orientations in time) = 8 (the number of demons) x 4 (the number of the deities) = 32 (the number of a Buddha). Again, we can see the significance of the number 7, excluded from this equation, but implicit in it as mediating the three orientations in time and the four directioru. The cosmos is thorouglrly consistent numerologically.

More importantly, and by way of introduction to Part 2, this excursion into number permits us to understand how human being-in-the'world, which I have described as four-fold, is chronotopically tocated in the historical world. This is the possibility of the extra term under the heading 'materiality'; name. Cosmologically, humans are, as I have argued, composed of mind, wi[ body and desires which correspond with mind, form, movement and impermanence in the above list.

Humans are chronotopically located as indìoülu¿lc in the cosmic world through

astrology, as I have argued in Chapter 1. But, through tvrme (¡u¡¡u), the first term in

the list of materiality, they participate in a social and historical world. Put in another

way, the historical world is the fifth dimension of human being-in+heworld; it

describes social rel,atedness. And, humans in their actual social rclatiotts disorder the hierarchical order of the cosmos þt as illness disorders individual being-in-the world. r-7 3

In the ongoing socio-historical context people select from, or have differential access to, the body of rituat and belief analysed here, in keeping with their own particrrlar circrrmstances. These differences are the subþt of Part 2. However, as none of the rituals analysed in Part 1 are formally restricted by caste, class or gender, each domain constitutes the cosmic possibility for all Whether individuals engage only the higher' forms of Buddhist practice, or thoroughly believe in gods and demons, whictr in my view, most people largely do even though they may think differently about the performative rituals, it is clear that the cosmology inscribes possibilities for the individual in confonnity with Buddhist belief. Part 2 transcribes aspects of the social world as they Pertain to ritual.

Part 2 must be understood dialogically with Part 1. In it I explore social reLations in the mundane world through the particular lens of the social organization of ritual practice. This involves the anaþis of relations between ritual practitioners and between ritual spo¡tson¡ and their audiences. As I demonstrate, there is a holism in ritual organization which not only contradicts the cosmic conception of the individual but confounds the hierarchy of the cosmic order. In relation to rituals as objects in the world, there is disunity, division and disorder in the social whole constituted by the very holism of social reliatioru. I argue from this, and in light of

Part 1, that an existential contradiction arises from the historical act of living in a cosmically ordered world. The contradiction manifests in discourse which takes place ir¡ the domain of everyday ffie, øbout the world of ritual. Part 2 embraces the the chronotopic domain of authors, listeners and readers. In the final Chapter, I dialogize the two parts of the thesis, using the peralata as a prism. The Conclusion then returns to the theoretical issues raised in the Introduction. BUDDHA DIV¡N E sun, f ull moon

waxing moon sky ,/\_ wan lng moon

T I / M a / E PATTI N I land sea uale/reuale I ,[ /a I o I x I c, I 0l I o- +

o- l¡) eart h

l I Beggars t¿ DEMONIC KALI darkn SPACE _¡ + COSMIC DIAGRAM - CHRONOTOPES 175

PART TWO: SOCIAL VOICES

PREAMBLE

The way things were

A ritual practitioner orrce said to me, with reference to rituat sponsors, that,

"Nowadays, everyone can be king" (me ilauns, serømø rajuntto urenna puluwanÐ. His statement has both a cosmological an¡l a sociological connotation which is relevant to the division of the thesis into two parts ant can only be understood in terms of the nature of Sinhalese Kingship. The name'sinhalese Buddhist' denotes not only all those who are both Sinhalese and Buddhist, but it defines their king as both a politicat leader and religior¡s person. This duality is what I see as the basis of the contradiction between religious individuatism and social holism in the contemporary

Sri I-ankan context. I therefore briefly introduce the way the Sinhalese king in the

IGndyan Kingdom stood, as Heesterrnan (1985) describes it, for the order of conflict.

In the Sinhalese Chronicles, the Sinhatese King was idealized as World Ruler

(caklcaaartin) and Everyman (Bardwell-Smith 7978). As Everyman, the king was a religious being whose duty it was to follow the Path to Righteousness prescribed for all Buddhists (Gombrich 1978)1. As World Ruler, however, his kingly PurPose was, as Bardwell-Smith describes it "...to create and maintain an ordered society within

which men can pursue freely the greater goal beyond social order" (f978:60)[my

additionl. In the social realm, caste was the basis of social order. It tied the king and

his subjects inextricably with the extent of the kingdorn

The Sinhalese king was lcrown by a number of titles which defined his royal

fuunction. He was Lord of the Earth (bhupati\, Lord of M¡en (narøWúÐ, Master of Sri

1 As Gombtich o

Ianka (Sri l-øntæsunra) and Protector of the People Çanayal (Gunasekera 7978:132).

As Lord of the Earth, he allocated land for use in terms of caste which made him, of the royal caste (Rajakula),Lord of Men. As Master of Sri lånka, the king's duty, qga king, was to protect his subþts and kingdom; he thus encomPassd and defined the limits of the body social as a spatial and political unit.

The Sinhalese kingdom was organized by caste as a concatenation of internested hierarchies2; the king's protection was ideally reciprocated by his subjects' duty to him, each tied to the other through a system of land tenure based on caste. As Lord of the Earth, the Sinhalese king allocated land for use in return for royal duty called røjaløríya. Rajakariya was the king's work: 'kariya'means both ntork done and work which ought to be done (Gunasekere 1978:724) and it is Political or secular duty, owed to the king and his nobles, tying people together in social obligation. Rajalcariya was secular, not religious, and may be constrasted with dlun¡u which implies meritorious action for all people in religiors terms. Raiakariya was both the basis of Sinhalese social organization and caste (Pieris 7956, which constituted the legal code (Dewaraþ 7972:154). The king defined the limits of both.

The king's will was law in keeping with his duty to maintain order as Protector of the

Sinhalese people.

This system of social organization has been described as involving a unilateral flow of authority from the top (Roberts 1933). Authority was delegated with the granting of use rights in land and 'duty' was conespondingly owed to aristocrats, officials and nobles who were the larger landholders, the numbers of which may be visualized to have multiptied as their caste and landholding status decreased. fuifurryo was owed proportionately to lesser nobles but the king

2In the abstract, it had a similar 'shape' to what Tambiah (1976) describes as a galactic Polity. r77

retained the right of execrrtion3. Clearly this system of social organization, this royal polity, was holistic in the Drmontian s€rìse. Internally, it was composed of a series of interdepmdent br¡t lesser bodies of power defined by each subordinate leader.

Notwithstanding the polity's holisrr, Dewaraþ has descriH the multiplication of office.holders of lesser rank as "...perhaps a contrivarre to divide their authority and reduce their powef' (1972:756\. In this view, whidr is often describ€d.with admiration today as a remakable strategy on the king's Part, it is possible to see the potential for conflict on a horizontal dimmsion between equals in subordination to the king. The king, therefore, by bounding the body social constituted by caste, defined and controtted its inter-relations.

At the level of the whole society, the king united his people, not the least against outsiders such as colonial invaders. The king was the leader, and in warfare he was the military head of a socially organized body of followers fqiriunraya) whose

njaløriyøincluded military duty $bid.:150). What is singular about the royal polity is that it was articulated as a spøtíaland social whole by caste and the king.

This is important because, by caste, the king was immanent in the world of humans. All kings pretended to, or were of, t}rre l(xtriya or warrior caste, the highest caste in Sinhalese reckoning, elevating the king above other mortals but linking him to them. Ffowever, kingship involved not only mortal immanence, but, according to Knox (1681:60) it also had a divine aspect like Medieval Hirulu kingship (Inden

1978:2Ð. A quasidivine human being, the king thus mediated the cosmic horizons

into the world of humans ín hís peßofl. He articulated cosmos and society- This

being the case, the absence of a king sunders the inter-relation of cosmos and society.

The space created by royal absence cannot be filled by the contempor. ery state,

lacking as it does the quasidivine cosmic status of a king. In this context, the ritual

3 n is *'ar particularly the case in the matter of ttre proscripion on women of high caste laying with men of lower caste (Pieris 79'ft272-2781. Kinship and caste wete integrally tied to royal law. However, Dewaraþ claims that the king retained absolute right to inflict the death penalty (Dewaraþ 7972:7557). L78

practitioner's remark is a sign of the gap created by the demise of the royal polity.

Society is not articulated as a whole in the way it was, but each persoç especially men, strive for prestige in the dual manner of the king. Prestige derives from piety and the status attached to those who can command the services of others.

The contemporary state lacks the royal polity's holism based on ties personalized by røjalørig. Howeve¡, as I show in Part 2, personalized ties between people give fonn to social relations based on access to material resources, very much on the pattern of the royat polity but decidedly creating divisions within society as a whole; divisions which clearly manifest in discourse. This brief excrrrsion into the way things were therefore, is an important expository device against which contemporary conceptions of prestige based on secul,ar power will be explained. I tegit, in Chapter 5, by anaþing secular social relations between ritual practitioners.

The last two chapters then develop the concept of prestige in relation to the religious aspects of sponsoring ritual. 1,1 9

CHAPTER 5

Prestige, Prieste and Perfon¡rers

Introduction

The Sinhalese tenn for prestíge 'præiddn'is an inherently evaluative word which articulates and defines the quality of relatíonships between priests and performers. Prestige is a desired state for all Sinhalese men but the content of prestige differs. The middleclass for exampte is unlikely to find prestige by performing in ritual but priests and performers do. In this Chapter I present the life' world of priests and performers as it is valued by them and analyse their dialogue of prestige. I employ the Bakhtinian understanding that the meaning of discourse, utterance, speech or the word, arises "...against the background of other concrete utterances on the same theme, a background made up of contradictory opinioru, points of view and value þdgements..." as cited in the Introduction. As will become clear, prestige dialogizes with caste and the ritual division of labour and therefore signs the way priests and performers actually experience their relatiors with each other. Dialectically, however, their own claims to prestige in relation to ritual performance devalue them in the eyes of the wider context.

By taking the dialogue of prestige as actively constitutive of experience, this analysis reveals two transformations: one in relations between priests and

performers and the other in the reLation of performing trouPes to the wider society.

The former involves the monopoly of ritual knowledge pertaining to the mailuun and

the latter signs the class basis of the production of ritual knowledge in the wider society. The transformations crystallize in relation to previous scholarly interpretations of the nature of priests and performers which do not contextualize

their actions and interactions. What I call transformations,. therefore, are more

apparent to the observer, than the participants about whose significances I write. In r.B0

this Chapter, therefore, I am cleaù dialogizing between scholarly and indigenous discourse.

Amongst priests and performers there is now caste conflict over the monopoly of the ritual lnowledge for the nadwn. To Obeyesekere, writing of the perid 1956 to 1975, the texts and ritual lnowledge requisite for the nuduwø were the monopoty of priests, who, by virtue of that monopoly he describes as 'traditional'-

Obeyesekere's argues that a decline in the i¡rcidence of maduuns has seen a corresponding decline in the status of these traditional priests. By 1975, he states, maduu¡as v/ere "...almost impossible to witness" (7984:22). However, there has been a reflorescen ce of madtntas since the opening up of the economy n 7977 and the ritual's locus has shifted to the urban area as I discuss in the next chapter. The importance of the reflorescerrce for this chapter is that the priests who are now busy professionals' as Obeyesekere described the 'traditional' priests also see themselves as 'traditional'.

However, as I show here, they no longer have a monopoly of fitual knowledge. By the time I conducted my fieldwork, ritual lrcrowledge for the maduwa (and the peralnral and the corresponding ritual division of labour was a significant aspect in the caste conflict between priests and performers. Furtherrnore, as I argue, issues of contention hitherto between priests, have now extended to the relations between priests and performers.

The monopoly of ritual lnowledge is now vital to the prestige of both priests

and performers, but ritual perforrnance, which is the product of this knowledge,

devalues ritual practitioners in the context of the wider society. This implies a

transformation in relations of caste and class. In this regard, Seneviratne has

observed that in the Up Country there is a middledass "...conception of the ritual

performance as an artistic and cultural perforrnance" (1978:166) which he suggests

"...at once transforms the tenant performers who themselves think of their work as

degrading into'artists' (lala!,arøyo)...[He further states thatl... While it is unrealistic to

think along with the more enthusiastic that these tenants are driven by an irresistible 1-8r_

creative impulse, the idea could be seen as highly meaningful in instilling self-esteem in the tenants and giving them the feeling that they are equals with the other members of their society"(toc.ciú.). This extraordinary comment is made about performers whose ritual work was tied to land use in the traditional manner and

Seneviratne sees this change as a result of anti-hierarchism particularly amongst ritual practitioners. However, what is remarkable is that it is precisely such a redefinition of priests and performers in the Iow Country which creates hierarchies of prestige within their ranks and reproduces their subordinate'traditional' status in society.

As I demonstrate, there has been a transformation in both relations between priests and performers, and between performing troupes and the wider society.

Obeyesekere's and Seneviratne's earlier arguments do not adequately explain this because they interpret contemporary relations between priests and performers with an ideal in mind. Obeyesekere employs the Weberian ideal type to describe the nature of priests and Seneviratne employs the Weberian ideal type to describe hierarchical society. They thus both attribute authenticity to the way things were. In contrast, I give value to the way priests and performers, in striving amongst themselves for prestige through ritual performance, actively constitute themselves in subordination to the wider society. I examine the lifeworld of priests and performers, the natu¡e of ritual troupes in relation to the ¡¡uiluun and analyse relations within these troupes through a series of incidents in the ritual worþlace.

There are six incidents in all, three pertain to the order of the troupe as a whole and three to conflict in terms of the caste monopoly of ritual knowledge. The incidents all involve individual claims to prestige within the ritual workplace and are presented from my view-point as a particþnt in a particrrlar field of relevances. It is only from the point of view of observer, however, that the anomaly of prestige can be understood. As I argue, the very work that priests and performers find prestigious, devalues them as a service class in the wider community. L82

Understanding the natu¡e of reliations between priests and performers is important to our understanding of the way traditional ritual is engaged in contemporary society precisely because the form of ritual performance at any one time is their product. The collective knowledge of ritual practitioners produces ritual and, as I show here, it is they who define what is or is not authentic in ritual cosmologically speaking. Relations of conflict bas€d on prestige within performing troupes are very much concerned with the authenticity of partiorlar aspects of performance, as we will see, þt as their rel¡ations contribute to transformation in the form of ritual performance such as the introduction of transvestite dancing discussed in Chapter 3. What this means is that the production of a ritual 'text' is a specialist area which must be distinguished from the discourse about that text which is fundamentalþ political. Therefore I deal with the latter in the following Chapters.

Amailuwaritually requires a deity priest (and his ritual helper, tlirekotoruwar) and one drummer, who may or uvry not be of the same caste and kin. FIowever,

most maduwas are large.scale affairs for which the average troupe comprises several drummers and dancers of different castes. Troupes sometimes also include acrobats although I do not consider them herd. The largest troupe I encountered consisted of

33 dancers, 15 drummers and 10 acrobats. To be considered as a member of a trouPe,

performers must work for the priest who ideally invites drummers and dancers

l Obeyesekere (1934) describ€s thebtoruunas'the pillow

2 A"tobats are very often included as a g¡oup. They largely remain somewhat distinct from the ¡emainder of the troupe throughout the perfuizrance, arriving and leaving at diffe¡ent times and so on. Even so, what is said here about drummers and dancss could apply to acrobats although I do not consider them because, by virtue of the 's€cular' nature of their act, they do not see themselves as artistes and bearers of tradition in the same way as other perfurmers. In cosmological terms, this is not strictly corr€ct as the timing of the acrobatics in the ritual's chronology sutgests that their ritt¡al function is to breåk the boundaries so assiduously built up to s€ate a cþntext fur Pattini in the early part of performance. r.B3

individually. If they bting others, kin or otherwise, the others are encompassed by the person who brings them, forming a unit, very much on the royal model, in reliation to the priest. Internally, and articulated as a whole by the priest, a troupe is thus an hierarchically ordered entity conceived as a retinue of inside' pæple Øpe minissus).

Retinue, as I show, grves fomr to prestige by conflating and transcending relations of kin and caste through the quality of rel,ations between priests and performers. In any ritual troupe, the priest is the leader (prødhaneya) of a body of followers (piriunra\, implying identity of the two. As a whole, a trou¡re exists in a service relation to its ritual sponsor and audience and by virtue of the nature of the work it does, a troupe is 'traditional'. Even though priests are sometimes as well-to- do as their sponsors, their socio

function even when they are leaders of performing troupes. This is marked by the

fact that a trou¡re's members, including the priest, eat together during ritual without

recourse to the caste commensal rules which apply in other contexts. Only rarely

does a sporìsor, who provides the food, make provision for such niceties, for

example, if he is a kinsman of the priest. lvlany priests themselves take special pride in their own disregard for caste differences in the ritual context. br the ritual

workplace, the status of caste (and classa) is subsumed by the prestige of 'tradition'

by the outside world represented by the ritual sporìsor. For the priest, prestige is a

two-edged sword. The troupe as a whole derives status and prestige from its priest

when facing the wider society. Inoking at it from the outside, money buys the best

performers and, conversely, the best performers (herrce priesO attract the wealthiest

clients as sponsors. The priest is a go-betwe€ns, and the more 'traditional' he

3 Lr* the term 'inside' here although 'apu' means bur' because the limits of 'our people' are defi ned against'outside peoplé çib minisul.

4I use the term'class'in a non-technical sense to denote socio

becomes in terms of the prestige of his rituals, the more he risks bei.g devalued by the wider society.

At the same time, a performing troupe is a nexus of preexisting relations based on kin, @ste, and class and these rel¡ations have the Power to disorder retinue under certain circumstances. A troupe does not have defined boundaries, it is not a group as such it forms in rel,ation to a priest whose prestige is vitat to its orde¡. Viewed internally, a trou¡re is an intrinsically unstable mtity because prestige situationally adheres to individuals or groups in terms of ascribed or achieved statuses which pertain outside of the troupe's formation. This means that aspects of identity such as caste, kin and roles in the rituat division of labour which have relevance beyond the ritual context, on occasion surface lvithin a troupe through an individual's claim to prestige given appropriate conditions.

The Sinhala term'presidila' for which I substitute 'prestige' mearìs both public and famous and in practice, in the interlocutory situation if not always in third person discourse, respect is given to prestigd. The data presented here aims to transcribe the special 'language'7 of prestige, which dialogizes relations between priests and performers. Their understanding of prestige is a product of their life world which gives content and meaning to its use. As we will see, in this context, prestige denotes secular status which derives from a combination of Éactors including class and political affiliations, hereditary succession to ritual states and/or the

5 There is an etymological link between the word'kqurala' and the term describing a mariage broke¡ which is 'Wun'. The sufñx 'talc' is an honorific meaning bfficer'. I use the simpliñed 'WnIt' for convenience br¡t in practice a priest is always add¡essed as'kqumahdl¿c' where the sufñx means 'gentleman' and is used as a sort of cross between 'Mr.' and 'sir'. A' kryurela mediates between worshípper and the deities but he is also is a type of broker in the social world. The kapurala mediates between performers and the public at large and is, thercfurc, a significant solltt€ of employment for per'formers.

6 One only has to think of the deference paid to low caste politicians who a¡e described as Vresfulda.

7 Bakhtin's conception of language is that it is made of heteraglot'specialist'languages whidt p€rtain O different arenas and penonnel; there are, in this view, languages for different professions and other specialisms which are inñnitely detailed and meaníngful in themselves- 1_ 85

monopoly of ritual knowledge and skills. And, as the incidents analysed liater show, rel,ations of prestige within ritual troupes oscillate on the pivot of the relative value

of these factors on different occasions.

I inhoduce the dialogue of prestige against the backgrourul of a priestly

dispute brought before the law in the 1870's. This case focuses my discussion about

transformation in the relatiors between priests arxl performers insofar as it contains

within it significances now relevant to caste conflict. I then disct¡ss the many ways priests evaluate their own prestige, followed by a simil,ar account of the way

performers view themselves. These two sections, set against the court case and the two priestly biographies that follow, then serve as the background to the six incidents which show how claims to prestige shift in teluu of the variable

relationships within performing troupes.

Before going on, it should be mentioned that the ritual services of a member

of the Washer caste (Rada-turiyø) and the Potter caste (Bødalulla or Hali) are also

elements of the madtnn's ritual division of labour but engaging these people is the

responsibility of the ritual sponsor so they are not relevant to a discussion about the

formation of performing troupes which are articulated by the priest by invitation and payment. The role of the ritual sponsor will be considered in detail in the next

Chapter. Here, it is enough to mention that sponsoni aPProach the priest to organize

a maduunand the priest gives the sponsor a list of ritual requirements which includes

the services of Washerpeople and Potters. It is the priest's þb to organize performers

and it is from their preexisting relatiors which are largely based on an exchange of

patronage and ritual lmowledge rather than kin and caste that troupes are formed. 186

Priests, Perfon¡rers a¡rd the Monopoly of Ritual Knowledge

Issuæ off contention

A dispute between two priests brought before the Supreme Court in the

1870's over rights to perforrr ritual in arul from a shrine (danlò describ€s ".-.two distinct and separate offices" (7879r:4ùl in tenns of ritual function - that of aknpurala and a paltinilumi. ApttiníIumínuy do all that a knpu¡ala does, but alapurøl¿ is not legitimated in the use of the ornaments (lulang) of Pattini. The court found against the plaintiff, a kapurala, in favour of the ritually higher status of the defendant pttinilami.

The plaintiff argued:

o i, a dancing. They are collected in a ) lmyadditionsl.

Later, the plaintiff offered a plea in evidence, drawing attention to the Éact that the pattinilnmí had failed in an obligation to employ tllrekapumln for a ritual associated with the shrine in which both parties claimed hereditary rights. This was deemed irrelevant by the Court, as w¿ts the other claim by the plaintiff that the pattinilumíllød been taught dances by the plaintiffs father, theløpurala.

This century old case contains many issues of contemporary relevance to deity priests, of which four are particularly important. Firstly, hereditary legitimacy in terms of succession to Pattini's ornaments; secondly, hereditary rights in deity shrines and thirdly, a ritual division of labour impþing status and carrying financial rewards. And finally, there is the issue of the monopoly of ritual knowledge. I portray the lifewortd of priests and performers in twentieth century Sri Lanka in these terms because connection to Pattini's Ornaments and shrines are the maior aspects of priestly legitimacy and prestige as I now show. More importantly, r.87

however, matters pertaining to the ritual division of labour and the monopoly of ritual lnowledge (i.e. who teaches it) have extended beyond the priestly state and transfonned to become a caste issue as I discr¡ss under the heading'¡rerformers'.

Prætíge ønil Priætly Statæ

The tenn 'løpumalutúe¿' denotes the category of traditional ritual practitioner who works with the deities arul is used to add¡ess all those who mediate with the deities in shrines or ritual. A priest once told me, no doubt with a tinge of sarcasm, that anyone can become aknpumalwttea.He sørid,"...minksu kiyønnoun 'løpumøhattea',

WeIo, iting ihenu luputtuluttea wenmua-." which, freely interpreted means "...when people are called 'løpumaluttea' , by virtue of being so called, they are 'løpumaluttm'.

Certainly, from the outside, this is so. However, in the lifeworld of priests and performers, fine distinctions in prestige are drawn between tyPes of priest based on personal ideals, as well ideals of succession and legitimacy and the other matters highlighted by the 1870's litigation. These distinctions form the basis of the

'language' of prestige amongst priests (and performers) showing how they evaluate themselves and each other.

The personal criteria for priesthood are recorded by some priests as follows.

Priests should have the ability to face difficulties squarely. They should be neither too tall (which is seen to be ugly) or very short. They should not have crossed eyes or buck teeth nor be bow-legged. They should have a full beard (although the potential for this is adequate) because it is a bad omen to see a man without facial hair. They should not tell lies, fornicate or be otherwise sinful. People without a serene demeanour are unsuitable. Priests must always wear a smile on the face like a full moon and they should wear earrings, long hair and be fair skinned. These characteristics are rarely met in full but physical beauty remains an ideal for priests. 1BB

Deity priests are lay priestss and whether they function as pttinilømì ot køpurøla, they derive prestige lil.e other men from their own socio-economic location in the wider society. The lifeworld of akapumla is deeply ard complexly engaged in the flux of social and political life. As hymen, priests variously participate in political, youth and terrple associatioru arrl they rnay narry, have children and have the same social aspiratiors as other men. Some own land in their own right and others are prosperor¡s businessmen and in this way, they may have prestige. There are priests of all castes and it is only the cosmological status of their ritual fuirction that distinguishes them from other men.

The cosmological basis of the priestly state is perpetuated in rules of purity surrounding contact with the deities; sexual intercourse, menstn¡ation, birth, and death are pollutants to be avoided. These rules pertain to life's transitions, not caste.

There is no caste of priests as such for Sinhalese Buddhists and the rules strictly apply only to ritual practice. Purity is not necessarily a way of life for deity priests as

Obeyesekere (1984:1rt-16) also observes, despite the Law for priestse. Caste Purity is

not cosmologically relevant to the priestly state.

8 Yal-"t compaÍes deity priests with Buddhist monks in the fullowing t€rms: 'We have mentioned that the Bhitil;rt is celibate, has no kinship with human beings, and shaves his hair. Ttrc I(rytrala, on the other hand, must wear his hair long; he may marry a¡rd raise a famil¡..His status as a Y'aWaIøin his ordinary liúe is indicated by special fuod taboos he impose upon himselfl (19713'L5). In an earlier article, he states this in mr¡ch the same way and goes on to insist that Priests "...are always of the highest Goyigama caste" (19&[:117). This is not the case in the [.ow Country where not only the Salaganø (Cinnamon Peeler) and l(neoa (Fisher) castes have membe¡s who are priests (which Obeyesekere (1984:10) locates in the westem seaboard areas wtrere he says these castes dominate), but priests of the Washer and Dn¡mmer caste are also found.

9 Thir l-aw, Dae Næthiy, was purporædly promutgat d by King Raþsinha of the Sitavaka Kingdom in the sixtee¡rth century. r_89

There are priests of atl the different casteslo in Sri lånka and while further research would be required to see if priests o1, s*y, the Washerpeople's caste usually service clients of the same status, I have lcrown high caste priests to perform for very low caste clients. Among priests, those of the highest caste, theGoyiganu (Gwihtla or

Farmer caste), claim the priestly state to themselves. In þtification of their claim, they cite the ritual verses which describe t}rre Tlnratu saying that of the four castes mentioned therein (kjahtla, Bamunuhtla, Wellanilahtla and Got)ihila), only the

C,suifuIn remains. But there are no necessary corelations between caste and priestly tegitimacy, either as a pttinilnmi or a kapurala.

Priestly Succession to either state ideally flows from father to son and assrunes the transmission of ritual skills and knowledge. Ritual knowledge transmission does not necessarily follow the ídeal as I discrrss later. Furthermore, as

Obeyesekere (1984) notes, and as I also found, actual succession does not follow the ideal, especially when priests are upwardly mobile in socioeconomic terms. Nor is succession strictly limited to kin although this is where caste can Play a part. Actual succession nury or may not follow the father-son ideology: the situation is highly fluid, particularly as this relates to deity shrines. [æt me distinguish the bases of tegitimacy for a pttiníIumi and a kapurøIa which hightights continuity of significances amongst priests since the 1870's and locates some changes.

10 I di*.rst only male priests here. There a¡e fumale prie"ts as Obeyesekere also notes (1984:11) but their numbens are few. Those I encountered wete frequently soothsayers and they employed male príests to perform tlre transvestite danæ of Pattini in their núutws. Soothsaying' as a fornr of ritual activity does no't necessarily preclude ptiott from being ptfirtÌila. There a¡e male soothsaying priests who do the transvestite Pattini dancing. I did enquire whether there were 'n¡les' preventing women either ftom berng kryuraln or doing their own Pattini dancing and there ar€ not. Obeyesekere says that "Given the cultu¡al view of fumales as ritually inferior and liable to regular menstrual impurity, it would be inappropriate Íor them to handle the sacred insignia of the goddess" (toccit.) Howerrer, the rules of purity sunounding semal activity, menstn¡ation" childbirth and death apply equally to men and women. Women aperiencing these may not interact with the gods and men must avoid contact with ottrcrs experiencing tlrese impure (k1l¿) moments. A death in the family or village of any prbst is enough to pr€rrent him/her from working for a prescribed Perid of three months. The thremonth duration of impurity associated equally with these events, albeit only the first menstn¡ation which ritually transfurms a girl into a wornan, and not regular menstruation, symbolically identiñes impurity with the fragmentation of mortal form, i.e., moments of temporal transition. r_90

Firstly, priests who see themselves as pttinílnnf link themselves through a priestly line (gramprøu:a) to a founding ancestor who magically came into possession of Pattini's ornaments. In practice, legitimacy as a pttinilumi is ritually based. It derives from a rite called lnlangpuþwhere the novice priest is blessed with the Pattini ornamentsll. The halang puja rs a large public rite and it is well lcrown among ritual practitioners in general þt who has arrl has not undergone it and who performed the rite for whom. Knowledge of 'úlue' prømpraunr2 is greatþ respected, but so is the lulang puja wldah can be performed for someone setting up a priestly line for the first time. This ritual only implies legitimacy, not prestige

(presätita). The word 'gæidda'as I have said means both famous and public and for priests, prestige is not directly related legitimacy as verified by the biographies presented later. Rather, prestige as a pttiniluni inheres in perforrnative skills which demonstrate ritual lcrowledge, good connections and socio-economic status. When an acknowledged legitimate pattinilnmi is not prestigious, it is dismissed as a pity or

'sin'(pøu)fì.

Secondly, priests who work only as lapurala have notions of having mythically originated Wramryrøun rights in a particular shrine. Very often, the knpurala is also a Pattinilumi and vice versa but many priests have no pretension in the area of ritual performance. Either way, priests derive prestige in terms of the nature of their connections to prominent arxl prosperovs ilanlesla. Iægiti^ate rights

11 Obeyesekere (19&4:12) tells us that "In Matara the novice is given a printed certificate (of tuløtgpuþ) by the chief krytott of the Devunda¡a Visnu ¡l¿ule'[my additionl. Interestingly in view of what follows, at the time of my fieldworþ this was a shrine whete priestly rights were underr legal disp,ute.

12 ...even when this does not pertain to a father+on sucression

13 The term 'pør' is the opposite oÍ'pin' which denotes merit. The former, therefore, implies a lack of merit and does not carry the ethical connoation of the word 'sin'.

14 The¡e are, I beliwe, wme knpualas who have royal deeds (snnas) gtanting rights in a shrine, but these are usually associated with prcætri or herediary rights in the shrine's land and they are found in the Up Country where landholding for service on the model of njaleøiye or king's duty still pertains. In the [.ow C-ountry, sudr deeds a¡e ra¡e, if not fabricated. People speak of them, but they are ner¡er shown whidr is unusual in a crrlture where showing cettificates, photos etc. is very common. r_ 9l-

in a shrine are quite distinct from the legitimate possession of the Pattini ornaments. In order to Índicate the value placed on rights in shrines, which are seen as hereditary, let me outline the general situation of shrines.

Deity shrines, ileulests, may be d¡stinguished into three broad categories; independent, attached to Buddhist Temples and Government controlled. An example of the latter is the famous lGtaragama shrinel6. Temple shrines are almost exclusively found in temples occupied by the Siam Fraternity Nikøyø)l7 which stage the annual peralarø analysed in Chapter 2. As Chapter 7 shows, there are political impticatioru to this but, for present purpos€s it is enough to say that a petøIurøheld in a temple significantly increases the prestige of priests with rights in such shrines.

Furthermore, some shrines have landholdings, significantly affecting the

prestige of priests associated with them. In the Kandyan region and within the

crrltural zone lrrown as the Up Country, shrines retain land-holdings bequeathed by

royal derd, (sn¡uù. The land is called ilanlagara and a kapurala's portion is

15 No matter how elaborate or simplg a dmlc has an inner sanctum which houses the deity icon or statue behind curtains which sepa.rate it from the anteroom or dcqøy for tlre worshippers- The priest mediates between humans and deities at the interctice between tlrese two rq)ms.

16 Kataragama is a sigpificant pilgrimage site and is the location of an extremeþ important annual palura foi ttre God Kataragama which has received little attention given its political and religious prominence since Wirz's (1966) interpretation of it as 'the holiest place in Ceylon'. \\epcralum, in particular, attracts Buddhists and Tamils as l¿Fleur (1979) and Pfaffenberget (1979) have described. It ãlso attr¿cc Muslims and Ch¡istians according to exegesis. Obeyeekere (1978) briefly discusses ttrc fact that there has been competition through time between Hindu and Buddhist priests for control of the shrine in his a¡ticle about ihe firewalking of lGtaragama which he argues is bcfuli or a devotional religiosity not normally associated with Buddhists. When I did my ñeldworþ the incumbent Priests at Kataragama were Buddhist k¡purata who claimed that the devotionalism was perfurmed only by the Tamil pitgrimage pop.ilation, whicþ like obeyesekere, they saw as'unBuddhist'.

17 This fraternþ was initially the whole of the . Malalgoda (19761accounts for the fragmentation of the Sangha into other fraternities in terms of caste divisions within society- r92

described askapupnguls. Such shrines have a tay official called thebasn'ayal,cnilame to administer them and any legal disputes over succession or control are dealt with under the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance. Shrines holding l¡and relevant to this

Ordinance are practicatly unheard of in the [¡w Country area to which my data pertains.

In the Low Country, a shrine's only income is derived from offerings. The official proceedsle are divided in the following ways; for a shrine within the precincts of a Buddhist Temple they are divided into three, one third for the Temple, one for the priest and one for the upkeep of the shrine itself. Where a shrine has a trustee but no temple, one third goes to Government coffers, one to the priest and one for the shrine's upkeep. In independent shrines the total income belongs to the priest. Regardless of the type of shrine, remuneration from shrines varies considerably but succession disputes come under the Matrimonial Inheritance Act20, not the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance and it is therefore incumbent on priests to provide evidence of succession.

18 of Buddhist Affairs was in the process of crompiling data about ¡løal¿s The Department ^t the time of ñeldwork to bring them under the purview of the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance- Of those registered, it is clear that the Up Country shrines are connected with land to a far greater extent than the Low C-ountry. I doubt whether this pattern would change even with complete registntion because the list is being compiled f¡om land-holding records. The holdings are officially distinguished into mjakøiya, bmdam and røruoenryøgu lands. Ra¡a*ariya lands are lands given long ago for ritual sen¡ices. The land use is the right of rhepøerqøøavn, not the shrine its€lf and are alienable although ritual servic€ is still attached to its use. This can be avoided through Payment of minimal compensation. Bsndaralands belong to the shrine which means the ¡tcul¿ can lease them. There is little of this type of holding. Mnruæaryngu (changing lands) can be given according to different serr¡ices required by the ilæab,for example perhaps, to a drummer or a Potter rather than a priest.

19 .l gt-t deal of money comes 'under ttte puþudtî as they say. This r€{ers to cash passed stealthily (horengl to a priest under the offedng tray containing ofñcial monetary offurings lqndcrul as well as Ínl/læ (flaturu), etc. This information is proffured in a þking manner but I was assu¡ed that it is very cþmmon and quite lucrative.

20 I a^ grateful for this information to solicitor T.B. Dissanayka who has argued cases involving priestly rights . He also stated that under the Prevention of Frauds Ordinance, ProP€rty held for over 10 years may be conside¡ed tegal property, so in addition to the use of the Matrimonial Inheritance Act there is further incentive here fur tlne pøanqøaun as 'proof of lonp continuous or unintemrped possession. 193

There are no specific laws relating to the building or incumbency of shrines and shrines may be recently built or ancient2l, a single unit for one or more deities or a complex of separate shrines. Those for the god Visnu, Sri l-anka's Guardian Deity, or a collection of gods with him at their head, are called the Great Shrines (MaIu

Danlòz. There is some correlation between the status of a god and the prestige of the priest of that god's shrine but it comes from rights in the shrine, not the simple act of operating it. L€t me distinguish the two.

That some priests have rights in shrines they do not work regularly became abundantly clear in the way priests order themselves to display the divine insignia in

the peralurø proce*sion. At first I was perplexed as to why a practising Paltinirala conveyed the Visnu insignia in a temple he had never mentioned. I later understood that his'right' in the shrine complex made him the leader of priests for the peralutø at 'his' temple. The other priests also ordered themselves in accordance with differential rights tn that temple's shrines which was not the way they would elsewhere defer to each other. I found that the way priests order themselves for processions was directly related to ila,mle rights, a pattern that repeated itself by their reordering at different perøIura.s. This denotation of prestige amongst priests is also evident in the way some dance for others inmaduu¡as.

Priests who do not have rights in shrines are derogatorily lnown as 'kuli' or

'rentedB' løpurøIn by priests and performers who lrrow about these things. Hired

either by monks,lay officials of the shrine or other priests, they are required to live

on the premises and are paid at the level of domestic servants. These priests are also

21 Shtit *, mostly independent ones, may be openæd by soothsaying priests (*slnleøiøs) whom I do no,t consider here. Of the soothsayers, many ate fumale (see Obeyesekere, 1981).

2 At the time of fieldwork there was a statistical preponderance of Maha Visnu shrínes in the Colombo and other urban centres. I am very grateful to Mr. Pandula Endagama of the Colombo museum for making his research in this area available to me before publication. The fact is interesting because Visnu is not associated with helping people as suclç he is merely formally acknowledged before requests are made of deities like Kataragama in partiorla¡. The statistics may indicate a systematization or brmalization of the pantheon in the urban arca.

8TL.t t 'h¿lf isusedtodescriberentingahouseand'fulíløiñyd refersûodaylabourers. L94

lqrown as 'iust ínvocation priests' ('niløng kan¡ulaun knpunalutteas') although many of them claim legitirnacy as pattinilnmi and function as performers in nuduuns and peraluras. Addressed by the public at large as'løputtuluttea' like other priests, their mode of connection to the shrine and their relative or imputed lack of ritual skill and lcrowledge does not inhibit their ritual effectiveness as mediators but they derive no prestige wþtsoever from their priestly function Flaving priestly legitimacy and working in a shrine do not in themselves carry prestige. Only having rights in a ternt shrine, as displayed in Wralura, earr¡s prestige which is sanctified by the pørømpørøwaz4.

Whatever prestige is gained lromparamryrøwø rights to a shrine, these rights

are extremely tenuous in the context of the wider society and are sometimes

threatened (or even usurpedÆ) by a Buddhist Temple for overtly political reasons26.

For example, a legitimate pattinilwzi who had long, continuous rights in a shrineu

but who failed to toe the political line of a prominent temple found his keys to his

shrine removed and kuli priests were installed in his place. His son, who had

24 Thir word is used as an umbrella te¡m almost as'hedtaç'. While it sometimes refers to a specific genealogical line, more often it enoompass€s a broad spread of people who have a common ¡elative somewhere in the pa.st or, as Yalman (7967:7LT749) makes clear, those who have somehow incorporated themselves in another's name with the practice of name changing' As Yalman says "D,rriìg the lqndyan kingdom, any attempts to change names and titles would have been punishable offtnses, fur they, like personal t a-o...raf"guarded status distinctions and thereby the political structur€ of the society. Today, however, the practicc of name changing is a familiar and well- established one' (¡?ùf.:l¿18). Obeyesekere (7967'225?2ß) has also commented on the practice of 'usurpation of honorifics and high status names. By virtue of this, of course, creating akapuparctryrun does not present any intrinsic problems, iust as the kapurala quoted earlier says!

Æ An exa-ple here is the main seat of Pattini, the Navagamuwa Temple wlrere the monks have built a new Pattini shrine and installed a priest of their droice to operate it while the successor to the previous priest waits for the outcome of his legal claims to st¡ccession of the'original' Pattini shrine which was previously run by his fathdr. This shrine was initially closed because the old priest died in it, but the poliution period of three months has long since passed. I was told that it is not unheard of for at such cases to be indefiniæly delayed if it is in somebod/s political interest. The result of these actions Navagamuwa is that therc has been no pralwa for a number of years. Previously, both a tttduu and a pnoLrowere performed together annually by the old giest in conþnction with the temple' At the time of fieldwork, the litigant kryuralawas süarting his own ¡¡ødutm in the Navagamuwa area but not in the temple.

26 So^" indication of the political significanæ and power of Buddhist monks is given in fupp (1978). He also touches on the political importarrce of the positionof Besøl''yakaNílanrø,-

27 ... which are sufficient at law to be legally upheld. 195

(which unrCergone the installation rite as a pttinítumi, continued to do tllre peralutø his father had been involved in establishing at the turn of the century) but had not had.maduunwork for 10 years i.e., since the change of government in 7977. Ag&'70 at the time, he had been a political and union activist during his working years and still was a staunch leftist but despite his age arul legitimacy, the temple was endeavouring to remove him from the prøIurøby accusations of theft. His son wês also a priest in this line, but had no hope of taking his father's place even in the peralurøbecause another priest of the same political pensuasion as the monks and lay officials of the temple was conspiring with them to take over the work of the pøalurø

anil themain shrine complex on a full-time basis. This story provides clear evidence of the importance of rights in a shrine to the prestige of the priestly state but, as the story shows, these rights have little strength in the face of institutionalizecl power. It

also shows that politics is divisive of caste. tægitirnate priests are not only vulnerable

to succession disputes but to political flux, another example of which I give later.

The prestige of particular priests must be distinguished from the legitimacy of

priesü states. Conceptions of priestly prestige can contain the factors of legitimacy and so on but it is always enhanced by personal wealth or political affiliation. prestige implies being both public and famous which transl¡ates, in practice, to having wealth and/or ritual fame which is enhanced by political leanings.

Individual priests can be public (i.e. have lots of ritual work) and not famous or

famous (i.e., legitimate) and not public but a prestigious priest is both public anil

famor¡s. In this case, the 'traditional' work of a priest is a two-edged sword' A

prestigious priest is one who has the capacity by virtue of his social location in lay

terrns, to purchase the services of perfonnets to enhance his ritual prominence in

bothperøIuras and madtruns. But by this very act, he locates himself within the wider

society as performer like those he employs, with the implication of beiog baclqrard',

herrce low in status. Despite the contradiction, being traditional is what

predominates in priestty selfdefinitions of prestige. This is expressed in the ideology 196

- oÍ. Wramryrønr whether this legitiinates rights in a shrine or the ríte of lulang'puia both are ways of locating oneself in terms of the past.

Trønsþmatio¡ul Moment

What is important about the way priests claim WraffiWrøua is that it orders relations between priests and performers in a particular way. There is a decided de- emphasis by priests on lateral relations with priestly kin, especially other Pattinilnmk While Obeyesekere's work has shown that inærmarriage between priestly families is (or maybe was) common and succession, while not strictly hereditary, was only open to close kinsmen (1984:11), the priests I worked with frequently denied kinship with other priests in their families. The situational r¡se of

Wramryrawa means that any one priest can, and does, focr¡s on his own line of succession, however he may construe it, to the exclusion of kin, even to the extent, as I have said, of disclaiming any connection when it does exist. What must be emphasized here is the fact that kinship is selectivety utilizedæ. For priests, the fact of a 'line' to the past, to 'tradition', dominates in their own cl,aims to legitimacy and prestige.

This constitutes the basis of the transformation in relations between priests and performers. Stated differmtly: prestigious priests individuate themselves from others to legitimate themselves in terms of the past; they dissociate themselves from their priestþ kin while they otherwise distinguish between themselves in the ways I have described. Exegetically, they valorize priestty states in terms of 'legitimate' succession to either the ornaments of Pattini or to rights in a shrine but they interact

with and pay deference to each other according to the relative prestige of the priestly

states outlined above. Needtess to say, there is never full agreement upon anyone's

claim to either legitimacy or prestige; hence succession disputes, attempts to usurp

4 As Yalman.indicates in his work on Sinhalese kinship and caste 'lf one were to ask for a genealogical chart of the people whom an individr¡al considers his closest and most important kinsmery agnatic, cognatic, and affinal lines would be hopdessly mixed" (1971:1'15). L97

rights to prestigious shrines and even rituat territories, as the biographies presented later demonstrate.

Individr¡ated, priests see themselves as the bearers of tradition, particularly those involved in the tradition of the maduun. However, in the area under consideration, rnany, if not most, prestigious priests I lcrew, or their fathers before them, learned ¡hetr nudtatn lrrowledge ard skills from a gurunnflæ or his forebears; that is from a perfomrer of the caste usually assodated with dancing, drumming and exorcism. If there is no actual succession, if a person wishes to become a priest without following someone else in time, he may be 'ordained' by his teacher

(gurunanse), commencing a new priestly 1rnd (prampraua).In this case, the new priest is taught by his teacher who is neither kinsrnan nor caste member. This is not a limitation on his success or prestige. There is no mention of caste in the court case cited earlier, but it is clear from it that the teaching relationship implies obligations.

While it is certain that some priests do acquire or 'inherit' knowledge and skills from a priest in their own family, the fact that the pnæt/gurutunse relationship frequently lasts through time suggests that Weber's definition of priests as applied to kapuralas by Obeyesekere (7984:22\ rnay be questioned in relation to the monopoly of specialist knowledge. It is perhaps worth mentioning at this Point that the performer caste from both the Up Country and [.ow Country, rather than priests, most frequently compose international ailtural troupes and act as expert advisers for

government institutions for the traditional arts - even on the maduun. When priests

or performers of the Goyigøttuor other high castes are included in these activities, the

performer caste proudty claims them as their pupils. This questions the utility of

Weber's characterization (or Ideal Type) drawn on by Obeyesekere (lac.cit-) ¡o

distinguish priests from shaman, ocorcists, magicians etc. in the contemporary Sri

Iankan context because in this case, the caste of exorcists do carry or also carry the

lnowledge which they can and do teach priests. Many of them have copies of the

Pøntis Kolmura, the written text for tlrre nudwn, ard both PaPymus and paper books 1_98

are the prizd poss€ssions of many perforrrers who selectiveþ copy from them for pupils. Furthermore, a madunn can be completely and effectiveþ performed by the people of this perfonrrer caste and priests may rely entirely on their knowledge for a ritual's success.

This mearu that the issues of the monopoly of ritual knowledge and the ritual division of labour which were raised in the 1870's court case between a pttiníIumi and, kapurata of unspecified caste are now issues of caste between priests and performers as the incidents presented below reveal. The transition cannot be traced to see whether the exorcist caste has gradually usurped priestly lnowledge or whether priests today are usurping theirs but caste is the greatest single factor in notions of the monopoly of ritual knowtedge and definitions of prestige in its terms.

PerÍormers

Performers describe themselves as the nation's artistes. Nowadays, however, there are performers of different castes and it is primarily on caste lines that disputes over the ritual division of labour and the monopoly of ritual lnowledge occur, especially between performers of the Goyiganu andNaþati castes. Where priests of the former claim the right to be a priest because C,urihtlt is the only remaining caste named in the madttwa, the Na&¿li caste perforrners claim to be the ritual leaders because they are descendants of the priestly caste of royal times, the Bamuzu caste cited in the same verses. Performers of other castes dismiss the relevance of caste to

ritual performance.

In the literature it is usual for the Nal¡ølti caste from which dancers and

drummers preponderate, to be called the Beratn caste. 'Befa' means drum and the

beraw are described as a service, hence low, caste approximating the status of

Washe¡people (Rndnkariyo - Haumaanu) for example. However, the performers of

this caste who regularly perform in maduuns, many of whom also practice exorcism

or have kin who do, describe themselves and ate descñbeil by society at largø as 199

beiog of the Nakati caste and this is associated with the ritual knowledge and arts appropriate to all ldnds of rituals. Analøt in astrology is an auspicious moment. The caste name'Naþ,atí'carries this meaning and ameliorates connotations of impurity associated with the name 'Buauû',which is now r¡sed to describe the taste'of funeral dnrmmers. trGpferer (1983) describes funeral drumme¡s as a lower segment of the Berun caste. However, the name change conforms with the notion of ritual as auspicious art, making o

Beratn plausibteD. Whether this is yet another transfon¡ration, albeit in the meaning

of caste itselt or merely a regional variation, I cannot say but it is the Naknti people

who claim the title of 'the nation's artistes'30 and I refer to them as such.

As I have indicated, at most mailuutøs I attended, the nalcati people were not

discriminated against commensally. Priests and performers usually ate together. In addition to this, fraternal behaviour across caste characterized rel¡ations between

performers within any troupe. Apart from the priest who was exdusively greeted as

'kapunuhattea', nlutation and naming amongst performers regardless of caste

characteristically employed kinship terms: some people related as elder and younger

brothers Øiyahlmalti), impþing familiarity with the respect due to agø others called eaclr other mother's brother (uncle) and son Qnonnu/putò implyrng strong

familiarity despite the age difference. When age was not a factor, eqgality was

assumed by the use of personal rather than caste and family (ge) names. This naming

also served away from the ritual context, denoting, as far as I could arertairy

P Murtiag" between Nak¿úí and C,oyígøttu people is also frowned upon but such nariages exist. In one case, the daughter of a high caste priest mar¡ied aNaldi The mery including the father, claimed not to care about strch things whictr are s€en to be concerns of women. Ttrere was some awkwardness about ttre marriage until the first child was born, which I believe is fairly common for mixed caste marriages.

30 î,ir appties to performers of both the Up Country and Low Country. S. Pani-Bharati is one well known member of this caste who is internationally acclaimed for his contribution to the perfurming N¿&øti of this arts. There is some iustification for N¿&di casüe's claim to be artistes insofar as the people caste r€pr€sent the nation in cultural shows, not only at tourist venu€!¡ as Kapferer (1983) notes, but overseas and at International Expooitions. Pedormers of the Goyigatf4 caste sometimes are included in thes€ events, upon which the N¿&øúí caste proudly claims them as theír pupils. 200

rel,ations of prestige associated $'ith respect for ritual skill and connections significant to it. One internationally famous Nal(dí caste performer for example, was catled either mtama, øíyah or malli by everyone according to age. He was not, however, known as guruìuns¿, a te¡rn that carries enormor¡s significance to the Nalcati caste. I return to this shortlY.

In socioconomic tenns, mudr of what IGpferer records about the Beraoa caste accurately describes the positíon of N¿fr¿úi people in the wider society. He says that they depend for their "...social and economic reproduction on the possession of immaterial ritual skills" Gbid.z39\. They have, as a caste, been overtly discriminated against in the past and these things together, he suggesþ have contributed to their low class status which influences "...a continuing dependerre on traditional skills, which in turn rnaintains their traditional caste image arxl roke" (ibitl.z40). Internal differentiation for theBermnaccording to IGpferer, is the result of their participation

in modern society, even though as he notes, most who are not fully occupied as ritual

practitioners end up as labourers and servan¡s Gbid:3$.

My own data show performers of the Naknti caste are in low employment but

so too are performers of other castes, including the Goyigaru. \\ere are significant

numbers of high caste perforrners, both drummers and darrcers in contemporary Sri

Ianka and it is the category of performer on the 'rnaduu¡ø and perøInr¿ circr¡it'; so to

speak, which supplements meagre incomes from work as office menials or hospital

orderlies and the like by doing paid ritual work Of those who are employed as full- time ritual practitioners, some engage surreptitiously in rnaking illicit arrack (lussipu),others work askuli labour in the food rnarkets or gain reputations as cattle killers. The latter, and other similarþ dangerous activitiessl are not restricted by

31 I found that some performers have criminal recprds fur these and other activities, such as, for example, abortion which is a highly dangerous pnlcess in both cosmological and legal terms- Sudr lucrative activities are not restricted to any one caste but few would admit engaging in them on a regularbasisbecauseoftheinherentdangerwhichisp,reciselywhatmakesthemlucrative.Manyofthe faÃify members of performers, both women and meç worked in, or we're trying to go to, the Middle- East to elevate their position. 201,

caste. The point is that perfornrers as a category are generally low in socio-economic terms. Their ritual work distingUishes the¡r from others of this class and affords prestige - a pride in 'self as Seneviratne, cited earlier, has suggested. Socio

Ritual knowledge and skills are largely the monopoly of the Nalcnti people who thus have control over its dissemination to other castes32, whether to performers or priests. While performers cannot be distinguished amongst themselves in socío- economic terms, in ritual terms the Na&øfi peopte have a wealth of ritual skills and lcrowledge whictr they exchange for worh other forms of material advantage and favours. Performers of other castes tend to rely on kin connections with priests for work but they are dependent on the N¿k¿úi caste to learn the 'arts'.

Howeveç relations between priests, especially of the Goyigatna caste, and the

Nalaticaste performers are articulated by the figure of the Surunûnse. A guruwnsets an acclaimed teacher of ritual skills and teaching reliations between priests and performers which creates an interesting reversal of prestige. In any troupe, the lead drummer is addressed as'gurutunse'during performance but when the term is used

outside the ritual context, it always impties an obligation of patronage in return for

the flow (albeit often restricted of immaterial' ritual knowledge. One often hears a

kapurala refer to 'our (øpF) gurunan*' with respect and affection. Priests and

performers of high caste tend to disdain the honorific, although there are significant

exceptions, but the naliøtipeople value it highty as a sign of their prestige. The use of

the honorific aclrrowledges the source of ritual l,rrowledge for many priests who say

32 Tnf factor is also noæd by Kapferer (19&!) although he does not explore the implications of an exclrange of knowledge for patronage as I do here. There ¡üe many hyígwtu practitioners of the demon'arts' who, like p'riests, openly acknowbdged they learned from N¿&ali people. A few are now erren acknowled ged. as gurutu¡s¿s themselves - their pupils a¡e never from the N¿&dí caste.

33 Th. use of the plual in this way is common in many contexts, not only the dtual one. A solitary person leaving a place often says "api (welyanoun (are going)". 202

that they learned 'everything', even the texts of the Pøntis Kolmurø and the Pattini dancing which characterizéa nwhtutas nowadays, from their gurunanse. More importantly, the way this temr is used signs the nature of relationships between priests and perforurers and artícrrlates rel¡ations of competition between performers of different castes.

It is the value placed on the role of the gururur¡s¿ and its prestige within caste, which unites the N¿&øúi caste in subordination to other castes. And yet in the personal relations between gurunanse and pupil Qoliyo), whether this is a priest or another performer, caste is subordinated and prestige situationally inverted. From this it is clear that the basis of prestige is never absolute; it is always experienced as relational and situational. It is always the context that defines the parameter of claims to prestige as the incidents presented later show. But, in the ritual worþlace, the context is the performing troupe, defined by the priest. The individual prestige of the priest is its€lf integral to understaruting the way priests and performers vie for prestige amongst themselves. I therefore introduce two priests before showing how the incidents 'speak' the language of prestige based on caste and the ritual division of labour.

onqe a % ¡totú¡ people claim that the Pattini F¡dø or dance steps now danced by a priest we¡e part of their work in a núuun wlrete the priest's role, þst as in the century old litigation cas€, was merely to bring out the ornaments'. I got to know one ptiest quite well who did in fact own s4trru6 which he showed me but whose shrine was mid-way between Up and low Country. IJ,is nuduan to which I went is vety well lqrown and was covered by the Press - he in fact only brought out the ornaments and the Nakli people did all the r€st. He did not transvest but he was learning the Pattini steps. At another nduun on the margin between Up and Low C-ountry, again at a shrine with land attached, the same thing occurred. In tlre region to which I here re{er, hansvesting and dancing the steps of Pattini werìe s€en as the priest's role in the ritual division of labour. In this are4 naduuns ate relatively lucrative 6or priests, especially those who have small independent shrines. 203

Two Biographiees

The two biographies are presented díalogically with the fortunes of a third

priest to give generational depth and to higNight a corresPondence between the rise

in prestige of our two priests and the other's decline. This emphasizes the points

made earlier about the individr¡al linlc' of priests through time to the lateral 'spread'

of the Nøþ¿ti caste performers. In the previous generation, the most prestigious priest in the ritual area is said to have employed the fathers of the two priests I

introduce, askotoruwass and twti kapuralæ. His son who is now an alcoholic3T and

works only within his home village but, as a younger rtan was as prestigious as his father. He is acclaimed by priests and perfonners alike for his 'deep rih¡al

lnowledge' derived from a legitimate (i.e., real, atara) Wramryfßua and proper

halang puja perlormed by his father.

The two most prestigious priests in the area employ ruknti performers from

the same core kin group that worked for the now unimportant priestly line. The kin

relatiorships are often distant and imprecise, but the'gtouP' is articulated by key

ruknti performers with overseas fame whose immediate relatives have teaching

relations with the two priests. The overall effect of this is that, by their selection from

35 Th" following biographies a¡e a composite product of three levels of r€ality; my own observations and comparisons with other priests in terms that priests use themselves as Portrayed in the previous section, the particular priest's own o

% A koto*r* is nearþ always a very poor relative of the priest for whom he works - it is uncommon for p'riests to admit relatedness while ftotoruzrs insist upon locating themselves genealogically. Yãlman's (1971) work uplores the strtrctural natu¡e of Sinhalese kinship. What I am i.Aig.t"d by is the way it is admitted/denied depending on the position of the speaker and the way behaviour, at least in the context of ritual, follows the pattern of the latter.

37...and this is tiven as the reason for his decline but I would suggest that, sociologically, his alcoholism is the outcome of other furces. His position is a slightly different version of that of another priest with historical evidence of his 'legitimacy' who is derided (quite uniustly in my view) for being ioo old and ugly a dancer to get any ritual work but whose father before him had been very prominent in the area. Both of the priests of this generation are extremely le{t wing but while their P¡r¿rr$eo4s arc acrlaimed as 'real'through time the Wanry&tarises and declines in prestige in Patt due to prevailing political conditions. 204

kinship possibilities, Nøkørti perfonners coalesce as a caste of people with one blood

'elu Ic mínissu' which demarcates a boundary betrse€n them and Goyiganø ¡rerformers who largely claim kinship to the priests. The relative prestige of priests must be seen partly in this light. Perfonne¡s who corutitute the perfornrative basis of a priest's fame, follow prestigious priests who irxlividuate themselves from other priests as they 'poach their ritual territory. The quality of relations between priests and performers is therefore ordered in tenns of the flux of political fortune.

a) Inkukapumahattea: I call the most prestigious priest Loh*apurnnluttea.

?nh/means 'big', it and denotes things such as seniority, size, class status as well as prestige. Lokukapumatnttea ts a big man'. Now-in his f)'s, he is the eldest of 5 brothers, only two of whom are of the same mother. He remarried on the death of his first wife and has one well educated adopted son who is not learning ritual work

Lolatløpunuhattæ neither drinks nor smokes and is a vegetarian. He operates a shrine complex with th¡ee of his brothers subordinate to him. Two of these brothers dance in his ritt¡als; one has two daughters but the son of the other, who has the same mother asLohicapunuluttu, is being primed to take over as thepattinilnmi,but not the shrine rights. These rights will no doubt be a matter of great dispute in time.

There is already deep enmity between l-oh*npumaluttea (and two of his brothers) and another whom they describes as big-headed38. One of these brothers works at

the shrine as the keeper of monies'but is not engaged in ritual work. All are called

'løpumaluttea' and they employ k.ili priesb3e for the shrine complerç one of whom is

a relative of the alcoholic mentioned above. The fourth brother works as a priest

S This brothq is attempting to ingratiate himself as senior Priest into another famous temple where the incr¡mbent priest has already been displaced for politicat ¡easons. If this transpires, the enmity will create o rpiit it the family and my guess is that the two brothers will deny kinship in the long term. The division between them was already noticeable when the brcthq was not invited to a dcnc or almsgivingby Lofu*aprtalßtt* for their dead father.

Sg Inhrw^ol-túa is given some freedom to employ other priests by ttre Chief Monk but the Monk has the final. say and may dismiss any or all of the pniests when he wishes - with þst the same power as the former Monk had to employ our priest's fattrer. I say mor€ about the relative'power' of priests in ¡el¡ation to Monks and the widet society latet. 205

elsewhere in a kuli capacity to I-oh*,aputnaluttea. He is lame and his existence is not acknowledged.

The three brothers who work wilJr. I-oht@tnaluttø maried well$, one is related through marriage to a prominent and influential monk at a similarþ prominent temple. Lotaù,apunaluttea is also related to a monk at a temple in the ritual tenitory (defrned by rights in a shrine) of the now unfamous priest. As the eldest brother, I-okr*apwnaluttea owrtspaddy land which he inherited from his father and he lives in the family house (MalugeYr which he was extending and renovating at the time I knew him. The four brothers are all well to do but dress in traditional clothingS. They do not wear shoes. Only one annou¡rces his fortune by wearing

gold. This family of priests is of the Goyigøttu caste.

Loh*npumaluttu's father w¿il¡ a priest and of the brothers, only he has had

lalangpuja. Hedescribed how he had lived with his gurutunsefor a number of years

to learn the ritual arts, after which his father performed tllrelulangpuiøfot him in the

way this gurunanse had taught them. Lol;rl/rlpuruluttea described himself as having

been very poor as a boy, in contrast to his present circumstances. He remembered

when his father sent him on gambling errands (aking tips) to a ProsPerous city

advocate who owned racehorsesß. He became a house'boy for this Person but he

was very well treated, so much so that the wife, who liked him very much, gave him

special food when she cooked for her husband. Infuløpumalatfeø proudly informed

me that he ate this øú the table drawing attention to his own view of the discrepancy

S Ir. th" modern equivalent of abfua marriage that is, they live by the wealth of the wifes family.

41 I uod"nstand that it is quite common to leave the family home to the yountest son. This may describe differences between priestly and other families but it is not an area I pursued.

4In fact, all priests and performers wear the white sarong with pride, especially when going to ritual. This is a change for performers, many of whom have represented the country overseas, and for some priests who a few years ago always wot€ hous€rs as a mark of status.

ß n g has been banned in Sri lanka. Betting shops, which are the domain of merç are still quite common "itand I underctand they senre overseas racing and sporting e'vents. 206

in status between hims€lf and his fratron not only in age but in socio-economic terms even though caste was not a factor.

Lofukapunuluttø's Éather was a poor man. He operated a shrine in his own village where our priest now lives in the fa^ily home. Of his father,

I-ofuknpunuhlutea said that he was "not like më' (trute unge nemee), performerc were very scared (luri bøyryl of his power to curse4a and he spoke very derogatorily to

Nalørtipeopte. I-ohù,apumnlutfø himself retains the use of the low'ya'at the end of the names of Nøþ,atiperfonners but with a fond and paternal intonation. fu, how did the fortunes of this priestly line change?

Here I reþ on the a tale told by others - the same story was repeated by many different people, priests and performers alike. Otrr priest's father was reputed to be a drinker, gambler and killer of cattle - a very bad man (¡uraka miniln) who bought land from the proceeds of these activities. Of his ritual Prowess, it was said that he used to 'sit like a monk', that is let others, namely the Nøkøfi performers and his sons

(who, including lohtluputtulattea, were taughtby Nalcati people), do all the work in his own rituats. His village shrine, which Infukapumalntteø srys is very ancient, is said to have been built by him. However, chance intervened when the father was asked to work on a kuli basis at a temple some distance from his village where the monks dismissed the then priestly incumbent for being discovered having sex in the shrine.

The story goes that the monk sought the assistance of a nnlcati temple

drummer to find a new kapurala and, as it happened this drummer fancied the wife

of the father of our priest and so recommended him - afulikøpurala has to live in the

temple where he is employed - thus giving the drummer access to the priest's wife.

The temple grew to prominence, the shrine complex expanded and gained prestige

4( He related a story in erridence of this conærning the father of a Nak/lti performer who regularly appeaË n Lofukryumahatta's naduues. Whe¡ the curce came true, this performer was humbled and worshipPed the father on his knees. The story is widely talked about. 207

and the father stop$ drinking, gambting etc. to become a good u:mrn (honila míniln) which is how he is now 'officially' remembered. His æn, Lohtknpunuluttø exhibits all the ideal qualities of what Obeyesekere describes as a traditional priest and he is indeed the most prestigious priest in the area-

Clearly, forh¡ne and political change played a part in the rise to prominence of this priest. He is presently in a positíon to command the services of the best

performers in the region and this is where we can see how the prestige of a priest's

secular life enhances or diminishes his ritual prestige.

b) Muithulcaputnahattea: I call the second priest Mudhu?,apumalnttea. 'Mudhu'means'middle'so this name conveys the relative prestige of the two priests.

Lrke Lohtkøpumalwttu, this priest's ritual area also now sPreads across that of the

declined priestly line against which his ris€ may also be seen. Likelnhtkapumaluttea,

and unlike the priest whose area they both now dominate who is a staunch leftist, he

is politicalþ active on behalf of the ruling conservative United National Party (LINP).

Politics is extremely significant in the -success and consequent prestige of priests,

especially for those attached to temples.

Muilhukapumaluttea is in his mid-forties arxl is the Chairman of the hyab

Sabtu (the society of lay helpers of a temple) at his village temple aml chairman of the 208

local branch of the UNP Youth League. His wifels is an ex+chool teacher who brought as dowry to the mariage some lucratíve rambutantr orchards. However, he was still lining in a two rq)m wattle and daub dwelling without electricity while a large new modern place was rapidly being built alongside it. The rapid progress of his new hor¡se is an i¡ulication of his fastgrowing wealth which he attributed rnainly to his madtnn work He had always been selftufñcimt from owning a small extent of paddy land but had recently been able to invest in the private bus industry with his brother. Of all the priests I lcrew Mudhukapumahattea had the highest formal education including a smattering of Englistu

Mudhukapumaluttea's father was a priest of little note. He did invocations only within his village and did not do ritual work Mudhukapumaluttø is a fourth son. Two of his brothers are well placed, but he does not discuss the third who is a

practicing priest elsewhere. While not ¡nentioning fuli/kotoruun status, he said that

his grandfather had worked for the now defunct priestly line which at that time had

rights in a nearby temple shrine. It is this shrine tlwt Mudhulcapunuluttea now has

45 Thir priest said his marriagg like that of many ottrer priests and performers, was a 'love match' which came about because his wife saw him perfonn as a young man and found him very beautiful. He also had a long-standing and barely hidden ssr¡al rel,ationship with another woman who thereby earns the tttle'ho¡a guu' or'stealth woman'. This sort of situation, and polygam¡ are not uncommon among pniests and pe, fonners who lilce other mm, nonetheless, thought that their women alone in the home had all the opportunities fur secret sexual enount€rs. Sexuality is a factor in priestly prestige, especially for Pdtinilwnis. Th.y are reputed to be womanizers and men, sometimes seriously who are likely to bse contrcl by and sometimes þkingly,-dance. say that they have to watch thei¡ womenfolk watching a priest Men think that women find priests sexually attractive whidr M"dfufsryrnalatt¿c attributes to his finding a wife. Certainly there is enough er¡idence of sexual question inñdelities, þalousies and adventur€s amongst priests and perbrmers that I would Obeyesekere s (1984) proposition that, because of their propensity to transvest in ritual priests could be homosemal, bisexr¡al (latent or othe¡wise) or transvestite. He does say that he does not have sufficient clinical data to prove his p,roposition but it is partly based on tlre fact that priests are away fiom home a lot. If he is cotrect, one could assr¡me that all perfuiurers - many of whom are away from hom far more often than priests - are similarly affected in their selruality. I am aware that homose¡

6 This is much savoured fn¡it that looks somewhat like a New Tx¡lland kiwi-fn¡it and has flesh similar in consistency to the Chinese lychee. Known to me only as'rambutan', it is grown in Sri Lanka and, I thinlç in Singapore. 209

rights to. Like the fonner priestly line, this temple had prestige under the previotts government but now does not.

Mudhr*,aputnnluttu himself told me two different stories about how he became a priest, the ñrst when I first met him and the second much later on. The first told how his father had given himhalang puja at ã) years of age. He said his father perfornred the ceremony but it was done o

Mudhulupumalattea's maduu¡as with a special fuda. Mtdhukapumattea became a priest in 1956 but his fortunes improved in the mid-70's, coinciding with the openingup of the Sri lankan economy lrn.1977.

Relative Prestige

Although the implications of political and economic changes in the wider society for priestty prestige are obvious from what I have said, the prestige of ritual practices follows the hierarchical logic of the cosmology. I am reminded here of

Obeyesekere's (1984:13) remark that the more Buddhist an area is, the less likely priests are to engage in sharnanistic activities. In the light of the biographies presented, I argue in reverse; the more prestigious a priest becomes, the more likely he is to subscribe to Buddhist ideals. A comparison of the work engaged in by the two priests stands in further evidence of this. Lohtlupumaluttea wor(

the ritual division of labour as the priest's, particularþ the transvestite Pattini dance which in this area is the ritual's centre-piece. He caries the weapons of Visnu in peralura processioru. Mulhuknpumaluttu's naduu¡as are almost identical to those of I-oh*apunahútu but he also engages in other ritual work For example, he is þt beginning to drop work associated with demonic affliction, he perfomts mniluwas at the shrines of female soothsayers and does astrology on the side. On occasion, he works as a dancer for Lolat!,aputtulattu arul other priests, including soothsayers

(sastmkariyo) who double as Pattínílumis although this was becoming less frequent. He is vying for rights in the temple sh¡ine where the incumbent priest is being ostracized for his political leanings, bringing him into direct competition with

Loh*apuruluttu's despised bþheaded'brother. The success of this poaching will depend upon political considerations but it will give the 'winner' the right to carry the ornaments of Visnu in peralura, like Lohtkapumalattea. In ternrs of prestige,

Muithulcapumaluttea is tmly a middling priest who is striving to present himself as a

'traditional'priest according to the ideals.

The Na&øfi peopte who 'conneJt' Mudhriøputnnlattea wíth I'ohtlcaptmahattm are firstþ the brother of his guruflanse (now deceased) who is a very prestigious dancer and secondly, another famous dancer who is the gfandson of

Luhtknpumalutten's gurunanse. Tlte two Nakati performers claim relatedness through an 'incestuous' parallel cousin marriage on the part of one, hardly a link to be claimed in other circrrmstances when it is divisive of kin, but one which serves the interests of the performers who rely on priests for this very prestigrous aspect of their work

Connected at the base by key Naløtí performers, the two priests are differentially located in the wider context. Mwlhukaptmalutteahas perølura rights in the Pattini shrine at l-okuknpumaluttea's shrine complex (which again belonged to the defunct priestly line whose poor kin now work aslulilcapuralas for Lohicapumaluttea) but these only give him access to the shrine once a year whereas Lohtkapumaluttu's 2r1,

regular pres€nce at such a busy temple, arul hÍs brother's fortuitous marriages, 'connect' him with Potential clients who wish to sPorìsor maduwas' Mudhukaputnaluttea largely relies on his personal and familial connectioru in the entreprenenrial class for clients. Albeit by virtue of being a priest, Lolaùapumalnttea is a more prestigious run tlun Mutlhrùapuffiahattm. He is well to do in lay terms.

Accordingly, he provides material support ard patronage to many of his performers who praise him very highly while they call Mudhttkapumalntten, who does not similarþ patfonize the perforrrers, as stingy (IoÛny, and a Éaud @ru). This is, of cour5e, a performer's.eyeview which has the consequence that l-ofulcnpumaluttuhas first choice of the best from the core of performers who link the two priests and this contributes to his ritual fame.

put in a different way to pivot on the dual meaning of the term 'presidda' -

Iokukapumahattea is prestigious in both senses of the word; he is both a public figure and a famous rituat specialist while Mudhulapumaluttea is famous in the ritual serìse without being a public figure. My comparison of them with the defunct, albeit

'legitimate', priestly line clearly portrays the difference between prestige and legitimacy among priests. Even though our two priests had fathers who were Priests, as they were both poor, it is not beyond the realms of possibility that they started their priestly careers asløtorw¡as and/or fulikapurølas as the story has it. Prestige is what counts in practice.

There is no intention on my part to trivialize any priest's legitimacy, but I do

intend to relatíoiz¿ it in terms of individual priestly prestige which is based on

s€cular, social power allied with politics. Prestigø in this sense gives the right to

command others and constitutes a distance between leaders and followers. The form

of prestige is retinue, already inscribed in the relation of priests and performers in

the ritual division of labou¡ but prestige implies respect. One q¡rintessential example

of the difference between legitimacy and prestige in practice is seen in who drinlc with, or in front ol whom. Both of these priests claim to be nondrinkers but 2L2 performers only hide drinking behaviour from Lokukapumaluttea' not Mudhulapunulutten. Anybody who does drink now drinks with the unprestigious

'legitirnate' priest, even tn the context of ritual

Troupes and Incidents

A ritual troupe takes the form of retinue with the priest as the leader of a body of followers as prescribed by the ritual division of labour. A retinue is hierarchically and holistically constituted of subordinate retinues by the manner of invitation and payment. When a priest is requested to stage a mailuun, he negotiates a fee according to the number of performers required by the sPonsor. Ideally then, the priest approaches each performer individuatty to invite them to work at that ritual. In fact, he invites his key performers who bring others. When they do this or bring uninvited others, the latter must be paid from the amount the invited performer receives from the priest. Pay-time at a ritual clearþ delineates the quality of a performer's relationship to a priest and it is in these terrns that performers should relate to each other in the ¡itual worþlace. But there is always a delicate balance between the obligations of retinue within the performing troupe and the prestige vested in caste and the monopoly of ritual lnowledge as the following incidents reveal.

The situations I describe are incidents rendered possible precisely because of the significarrces given to prestige in the lifeworld of priests and performers. The

first three relate directly to the personal prestige of our two priests and the remaining

three concern the issue of caste and the prestige associated with ritual knowledge

amongst the N¿&øfi caste performer€. The incidents all involved the same core set of

people whose shifting allegiances almost by the day or by the ritual, as it seemed, I initially found difñcult to comprehend. They can only be understood against the

background I have given. 2L3

Rdínw øru| Príætly Prestige

i. Performing in ritual is paid worlç fullleed, for many perforrners, it is often their onty source of i¡rcome. Flowever, the largest ritual I encountered in terms of the number of perfornrers was perfornred by them all without pay. The ritual was splendid in size arxl scale, but the audience w¡rs one of the smallest I had ever seen.

Tlte madwn, perhaps not surprisingly, was for Lola*apumalutf¿a who commanded the respect of perfornrers to the o

They described this as 'rcjal,arìya', a fonn of obligation to a king. T}lre maduun was performed in his village, at his behest (i.e., for his own tiny shrine). The scale of performance publicly denoted his prestige to a local, if limited, audience. Its paucity of numbers was surprising when it is corrsidered that the size of the audience significantþ contributes to the prestige of ritual sPonsors. However, in this case, the rite was significantly publicized in the press, thus giving both priests and performers more than local prestige.

Loh*apunuluÍtø's prestige as a priest results from a combination of his patronage of the best performers and wealth derived from the shrine complex - all possible because of the confluence of political and historical circrrmstances which are commonly l¡rown to affect the prestige of Buddhist temples. I-ohtkapumalattea ís a very good nìan, even in his personal habits of abstinence and vegetarianism and when performers work for him, he commands the total respect of the troupe. He is therefore the ideal'traditional' priest.

ü. It is possible for sponsors and others to pay for the services of a perforrrer

and donate it as a glft (ta1gi) to the sponsor or priest or as an offering to the deities.

Such perforïners are not part of the troupe and are seen by the troupe as outsiders

and dancing, which is seen to @itta minissu). Competition in the nature of drumming

be a stimulus to excellence, is inbuilt in the structure of ritual performance. Troupes

and outsiders vie to ouþerform each other in these terms. However, at one ritual led

by Madhulupuunuhattea, perfonners from both'sides'became extremely drunk, to the 2L4

extent that the arms of one dnunmer flailed arourd, missing the drum completely before he collapsed. When a member of the troupe dedded, in the face of this, to exhibit his detailed lorowledge of verse in performance, violence broke out between insiders aru{ outsiders at which the troupe dispersed, leaving the priest and ending the rítual mid-performance.

While I hasten to add tlrat not all of his rituals disintegrated in this way,

Mudhtù,aputnnlnttu had little power to mforce the obligatíors of retinue on performers precisety because he was 'stingy', i.e., he did not function as a patron to them. He had prestige in terms of ritual fame largely because of his own middle class status. In other words his clients, many of whom we¡e newly rich merchants who had prospered from the economic changes of 7977, were of the same class as himself. This connected him to a reflorescence of nudruns among that cl,ass, but retinue does not cohere simpty because of class and perfonners have the power to undermine the prestige of priests. The form of the ritual troupe may be stable, but its effectiveness as an ordered and united social body requires patronage which implies obligation.

üi. Another incident concerning prestige and retinue involves two perforrrers who regularly perfornred in maduu¡as led by our two priests. One, a

Na(6¡t¡ performer, was usually low profile as a dancer, and he drummed in the tiring

early morning phase of their maduwas. The other, of the high Goyigatfla cÀste, usually

performed as their ritual gurunanse. The most exciting performances are often those

which el¡aborate the competitive aspect arud in thts nuduttn the nakati performer was

ttre ritual gurunanse. The crowds pushed forward to view the competition in which

he played increasingly difficult pda (dntm beats) which were to be matched by

others'drumming, dancing or both. The N¿&øfí ¡rerformer, who is a gururuns¿ in his own right, considered the Gryigama perfonner to be a usurPer in our two priests'

rituals and took his chance on this occasion to shame thle Goyigørna performer. The

latter was 'outdrummed' much to the enjoyment of the onlookers and he retired 'ill' 2L5

for the remairu:ler of the ritual Alb€it utterþ shamed (ladioy), he subsequently attempted to ingntiate himself with the Nakntí perfornrer in a number of ways including inviting him to a meal at his home and saying in different ways, 'we

perfonners have to stick together to make the most beautiful performances'.

This incident serves to clarify the power of prestige over the ritual division of

labour to order retinue. A troupe unites as a whole only when it is underpinned by

patronage. It also highlights the way caste is situationally subordinated to prestige.

The priest, a Goyiganu man on this occasioç did not invite the performers. He was

very drunk as were most of the performers - they d¡ank together but, while he did

the Pattini dancing, the priest had no control over who did what in the rest of the

performance. The performers, including tlrre Wgørrø performels, were all working for nothing for the ritual sporìsor indicating a preexisting relation of patronage. In

this context where the retinue formed around the sponsor, also a Goyiganu man' ù retribution against the Na&afi performer from the Goyiganu performer for the

shaming he endured was impossibte precisely because thenalcati drummer was given

the role of ritual gurutunse by the sponsor. The relationshiPo between performers

was orchestrated in terms of relations between sponsor and performers giving the

Naløti performer the freedom to exhibit his superior skill which was denied him on

other occasions.

Sumnwry Interlude

I have laboured the point that prestige actually orders relations on the ground

because retinue, in Sri lånka, is the form of prestige amongst men47, based precisely

upon the royal model. The point has been made by a number of rholars. Wriggins

47 Women have no social status of their own. They derive ¡ocísl status f¡om their men insofar as they carry either their fatlrer's or husband's family (8e) name. Mostly, women carry their father's name even after marriage whictr creates inter€sting connections between two social'lines'. Women, it s€ems, a¡e not social beings - they have personal names derived from astrology, bt¡t not social names of their own. They might be seeç therefure, as purely cosmic beings, mediating in the social world between the historical'lines' of men, horizontally intersecting, as it were, with Pattini, who vertically mediates the divine and mortal realms. 21,6

(1960), for eiiample, has indicated how diffictrlt it was to get peasants to vote differently from their landlords well into the twentieth century. Obeyesekere (1969Chapter 9) has described the importance of retinues, of actt¡al reLations between leaders and followens, to prestige. But this is not only the case in relation to land ownership. As Robe¡ts (1983) has argued in a paper entitled 'The Asokan

Petsona", status derives from control over others. This is politicatly important, as I

show in the next chapte¡ where I discrrss the constitution of ritual audiences in terms

of retinue and prestige. What mr¡st be noted, however, is that while retinue/prestige

function to unite people in hotistic groupings, the same principle of prestige serves to divide the social fabric. While individual retinues are holistic, there are many

retinues based on prestige but, unlike in the royal polity, these are not articulated at

the top. The state stands in a different relation to society than did the king. This is the ground on which discou¡se about ritual achieves its political efficacy as I

demonstrate in Chapter 7. Within order, in any case, there is always the potential for

disorder as the remaining incidents exemplify.

Cøste and Indivúual Prætige

iv. When performers are invited by the priest, he asks particular individuals

to perform certain ritual segments. On one occasiorL Mudhuh,nputnnløttea had invited

a dancer to do a maskeddemon dance at a certain þncture in the maduun which he

carefulty explained to me was in perfect keeping with the meaning of the rite, given

the location he gave it in the ritual chronology. At the aPPearance of the masked

dancer, his regular performers of the Naløti caste left the ritual, thereby reducing it

from the scale required by the ritual sponsor. Shame,I should Point out, is the other

side of prestige and the performers' actions on this occasion could only cause actrte

shame to Maithukapuruluttu. Subsequently, the priest received a letter from a senior

gurunanse,a learned teacher of dtual arts who was not present at this ritual but who

admonished him for his innovation, outlining why it was inappropriate and 2L7

threatening that nobody of the Naknticaste would work for him if he did such a thing again. The innovation was dropped, clearly because without the N¿k¿f¡ performers, the priest would have difficulty providing ritual for his clients. However,

Madhukapumaluttea was attempting to develop a reguLar troupe composed totally of

Goyigaru performers. For the time beio& Mudhuþoputnnluttû had to endu¡e his shame in order to retain his prestige. In other wqrds, he was forced to defer to the

Natuticaste's claim to the monopoly of ritr¡al knowledge.

iv. A mailuwa is an all-night affair and one of the sponsor's responsibilities is to provide food for performers. One morning, a favourite morning food, Éied 'white' hoppers (sudhu Mper, were served. The ritual's gurunnnse, the same Goyigaru performer discussed earlier, arrived a little later than the others to find there were no hoppers left. He exclaimed angrily, upon which a (very tatented) dancer and drummer of the naleti caste loudly ioked about his need for replenishment after the enonnous physical exertion the ritual gurutunse put into his drumming, a fact the latter was very proud of. Ttre ruþ,ali people pride themselves on the grace with which they drum and the implication of this iibe was that the Soytgama performer

was nothing but a 'basher' (beralutiyala galuwun\

This incident was a clear expression of caste hostility phrased in individual

terms. The Goyigønø performer was a distant relative and caste member of the priesb

the Nøk¿úi performer the grandson of the priest's own Surunans¿. The latter was in

the socially more powerful position so again the Goyigøttu performer had to reshain

himself from retaliatíon. Although personal enmity remained and caused trouble

elsewhere, it was carefully concealed fuomlokukapumaluttea and never flared uP in his rituals. The two had earlier been good frimds, 'lnndt yaluwo', but when the

Goyigøma man started to be the'pennanent'ritual gurutunse in the most prestigious

rituals, the grandson of Loh*,apumaluttea's guruÌunse decided the friendship had

been an exploitation of his caste's ritual lcrowledge and skills. Other Nalr;/lti people

heartity agreed but did not act upon it precisely because of their obligations to the 2L8

priest who was a significant source off employment to thenr- In this incident, the potential for conflict in the reversal of prestige associated with teaching ritual lnowledge arul skills is subordinated to the prestige of the whole.

vü. The final incídent is related to the rituâl division of labou¡ by caste.

Aside from the wage pa¡rment, there are other, often significant, moneys recelved by performers in the forrr of offerings fpnitmù ard gifts $aggÐ which vary in value for different performative roles. There are rules for the distribution of these moneys which, because they create competition for the more lucrative performative segments are the basis of rnany conflicts. Ideally, the priest receives the offerings for each item in the Pattini segment and those for the demon pid*i segments. Offerings for the

Thelme segment are called guru pndru. They are distributed by the ritual gurunanse, half each for drummers and dancers, with a liarger portion for himself.

Money given for the pleasure of dancing adauw svllli or tuttu pnileru is not a puiø or offering and is kept by individr¡al dancers. The Wahalla dancer receives an individuat gift from the ritual sponsor which he should share with his drummer, as does the Gara yahtn dancer. Fruit and other material items rightfully belong to the lcotoruun. For the prominent performative roles, these extra moneys are often gfeater than the wage, particularþ for the Pattini, Wahalla and Gara dances - whidr are danced by individuals. Out of all the ritual segments, only these three come under

regular caste disctrssion about the ritual division of labour. This is not only because

of the obvious financial gairu but these ritual segmenþ because they are vital to the

performative value of the maduun,are prestigious.

The Pattini dance is always danced by the priest in the area under

consideration, regardless of his caste. But the ritual status of the Pattini masks the

fact that the priest's caste determines who perfornrs in the other two solo (i.e., 'public') dances. The dances for Pattinl Wahalla and the Gara demon are

hierarchized in accordance with the status of the peronae they represent and while

the Gara dance may be performed by an extremeþ prestigious Nalrøtí performer even 2L9

when the priest ts C,oyiganubecause C¿ra is a demon the C'oyigøttø pæple insist that caste purity is essential for the Wahalla dance whiclr" apart from Pattini dancing, is the piece de resistance of the naduun and a fillip to a perforurer's prestige'

T\e C,oyiganø claim is d¡smissed as nonsense by the Nalrøti performers who say they let' the Cayígøttu perforrners do it because of what they call (in broken

English) 'money powey' as opposed to ritr¡al power bas€d on 'true' knowledge of these perfonnances and their superior skill. I have seen N¿k¿úí perfornrers do the

Wahalla dance lor Goyigarøø priests, but not for our two prestigious priests.

Consequently, there is righteous and outraged talk about who should perform this

item br¡t no overt confrontation about it. Another example of the way the prestige of

individual priests dominates the situation.

Sumrury of Incidcnts

When the incidents are considered together, it becomes clear that even

though the Nøk¿úi performers claim the monopoly of rih¡al knowledge and rnay be allowed to define what occurs in a ritr¡al performarrce, they are not always in a

position to determine who performs what precisely because a priest articulates the

retinue of the troupe. The situation varies as a direct result of the caste and relative

prestige of the priest. The possibilities for tension and conflict are endless but I have

drawn out what appear to be constant themes relating to caste and the ritual division

of labour.

I should point out that Naknti people regularþ perform for many priests

outside the domain of these two priests, not all of whom do the hansvestite dancing.

Some priests, although they call themselves 'pttinilami'and have had the installation

hatang puja, but who are mostly village priests with rights in independent shrines,

merely bting out the bangles' as the 1870's litigation described it. In such contexts,

the N¿k¿úi performers, perhaps like the kapuraln in that case, do the Pattini dancing,

atbeit without the transvestism, and the Wahalla dancing. I l¡row of two such 220

priests, however, where the Nafr¿úí perforrrers had been approadred to teach the transvestite Pattini dancing so the contemporary situation is thoroughly fluid.

When a troupe is composed only of Nalrøt¡ performers, the dancing, dmmming and verses are distinctly elaborated in ways which they refuse to teach

ttre C*yígarøa priests and perfonne¡s with performative aspirations. Of course, no single person of any caste has complete lcrowledge of all aspects of all ritual arts and skills. But even though the body of lqrowledge is carried by individuals, the Naþøtí people do retain aspects of it within caste, hence the significance of the honorific

'gurunan*'. They exchange some of their collective knowledge for material protection but qr"rite obviously, they are in competition with the Goyigamø performers$, so the main line of exchange is between Naløiti performers and priests

and this is where the prestige of priests becomes important.

Prestige does attach to performers as individuals of different castes. A truly

good performer is said to be'turipræiddn'or very hmous as Pattini, Wahalla or Gara

dancers as well as Thelme dancers. But, not everybody gets the'public'opportunity

to display their skills. A tnrly spectacular perfonner of the Nakati caste, especially if

he is related to a lmowledgeable gurutanse will be utilized by a priest to enhance his

own ritual lame (çræiddò to the chagrin of a kinsman with aspirations but less ability. Between priests, of cou¡se, competition ß for prestigious performers and

kindred may be'dropped' or offended.

S I ha*re known N¡kdi kinsmen to hotly dispute the right of one of them to share knowledge across caste. Even within kin grcups there are þlousies about who teaches what to whom. 22'J,

Conclusion

Retinue is the form that perfonning troupes take - it is a relation of a priestly leader and perfonning followers but prestige irnplies patronage and the latter orders retinue. Clearly, the paradigm for retinue is the royal Polity, its success being contingent upon a relation of protection and obligation albeit this is not strctured by caste. It is usr¡al for priests arul perfonners to describe their troupe as a retinue of inside people, the boundaries being defined by 'outside people'but who is 'inside' or

'outside' to whom varies. A retinue can coalesce around ritual fame but the strength of the boundary depends on the prestige, the public power, of a leader as my analysis of the inciden.ts exemplifies.

It is clear from my dirussion of the lifeworld of priests arxl performers that a transformation has taken place such that relations between priests and performers are structured in terms of a caste conflict over the monopoly of ritual knowledge.

But, it is the very competition for prestige in terms of ritual lmowledge and skills,

enhanced for priests by their own social location, that subordinates priests, troupes

and all, to the wider society.

From the outside, ot, from a middleclass perspective, the internal

differentiations by which priests and performers relate themselves are conflated. All

priests, whether they see themselves as kapurala, pattinilumi, sæt!'tsoler ot kan¡ulawa-

kuli priests, with or without the legitimacy afforded by lalang puia or rights in a

shrine are seen as having 'traditional' status and are called 'kapumalwttea'. All

performers are thought to be Naløltí caste people with the conseqr'rence that ritual

troupes as a whole are deemed to be composed of 'traditional people'-

This ubiquitous view brings me back to the matter of performing troupes

eating together. Among the priests and performers discussed here, there is a story

about how and when this originated. It concerns Lokulapumalnttea's lather and a Na/øti performer who once worked regularty for him. In the time before 222

I-ohtkaputultattu's father became a 'good man', the two had a huge row about the right of priests to eat separately from perfonners - of course, this implied caste. The story is put by Loh*,apumaluttu and his brothers that their father kicked t}lreNalløti man out of their rituals. The Na&øúí caste perfonnent (who are related to the actor in this story) say he deserted |.oktû,npwnalutta's lather becar¡se he demeaned the Naluti performers. The irrident occr¡red in the late 1970þ þt at the time ll:ørt rmiluwas came back into vogue. The N¿køúí ¡rerforrner, who lives in the same vill,age as Lofukapumaluttø and is about the same age, became a priest. He is now a very prestigious Pattinílumi in his own right, he dances the transvestite dance and has rights in a prominent city shrine which stages maduttns that draw both indigenous researchers and the media. He employs only caste members in his rituals. Now, both l-okrû,apumalwttea and this Nalølti priest vie with each other to be the most 'traditional' priests albeit their own social location orients them to different dients and ritual domains.

Ritual performanc€, so valued by priests and performel'ìs, devalues its practitioners in the wider society. The conflation of priests and performers signs the transformation of ritual practitioners from service caste to service class. The low value placed on the people who perform in ritual was concisely expressed by a prominent official who was engaged in recording'our (Sinhala) traditional culture' for posterity when he apologized to me for kapuralas who were showing him various aspects of their work by sanng that priests "...are not analytical about their work - they þt memorize it and pass it on...". He went on to say that priests are now being informed of the importance of what they do. The statements pin-point a contradiction between exegesis and practice: the valorization of 'tradition' in the

performative product implies a lack of respect for its producers who are defined as

'traditional people'. This contradiction applies to Nalcnti people in particular but also

to ¡rerformers or ritual practitioners in general. No longer retained in service relatioru to individuals or groups, they are employed, often for a pittance, in tourist 223

venues, in Armed Service bands and in international 'cultural' troupes or as advisers in academic institutiors. These are avenues of prestige for performers which reproduce their low dass position.

Prestigø as I said, is an inherently evaluative word which describes a desired state for all Sinhalese males. It is the very prirciple of ordered social relations and it is the basis upon which the social fabric is divided. This is even more powerfully brought out in the next chapter where I explore the way s€cutar prestige is linked to the moral value of ritual sporuorship which I discuss in relation to political discourse about the performative text that is themaduun. 224

CHAPTER 6

Authors of Perfon¡r¡¡nceE: Authors of Events

Inkoduction

The maduun ts a traditional ritual for the deities performed by ritual specialists for the beneñt of a collectívity. It is freqgently staged in decidedly urban locations and is an aspect of culture (snskrutluryø), which has been incorporated by the Buddhist religion bganu) to the extent that a maduun in a Buddhist Temple is nowadays synonymous with a 'village' madwn. Scholars have described themailuwa as a village rite of first fn¡its (Obeyesekere 1984) and healing (op.cit., Tambiah 1979, Wrrz 19il), whictr, by the early 70's, was seen as either moribund (Obeyesekere op.cit.) or dectning Cfambiah op.ciÐ. In the early 80's, a presumed revival of the maduln was attributed to middle

This Chapter, therefore, a$sumes the meanings of the mnduwø analysed in

Chapter 3, and treats the total performance as a text which is an object in the world.

The real world, that is, the living historical world, as Bakhtin argues, creates the text,

even when authors, listeners or readers are located in different time'spaces, maybe

separated by centuries and great spatial distances. He further states that ...for all its aspects - the reality reflected in the text, the authors creating the teit, the performers'ol the text (if they exist) an{ finally the listõners or readers who re

participate equally in the creation of the represented world in the text (1981:253)

Bakhtin goes on to emphasize the point that the represented world, however realistic and tmthful, can never be chronotopically identical with the real world it represents

(ibid.:256). This is tn¡e, insofar as the author of the origrn myth of the maduwa, as told below, is not lnown even though the story is located in the cosmic geograPhy of Sri

Iånle. However, becar¡se ritual speciatists are the authorc of perfonnance, thæ chronotopes are aspects of the madrun as a performative text. In any performance, therefore, the chronotopes of the ritual are alutays identical with the cosmological time.space meanings of the everyday world. As I show here, these meanings are universal and encompass the madttun's shift in locus. Nonetheless, these meanings are qgite distinct from the meanings attributed to the act of ritual sponsorship which arise in particular historical circumstances. Ritual sponsors, then, are the authors of the æent,and they give the following explanations forstaging amaduwa.

Tlte maduwø's shift in locus, and its apparentþ novel emergence in the urban region is attributed, in part, to the economic changes of the late 70's. The introduction of the Free Trade Zone and a general loosening up of the economy have contributed to a shift in personal fortunes in certain industries; one examPle is the timber industy. Increased wealth of this sort is seen to have spinoff effects for lesser merchants and others. This is one aspect in the maduutø's aPPearance outside the confines of a village Wr se. The irony of the economic argument as it was put to me, is that, the worse off people become, the more they need divine protection but, at the

same time, the better off they become, the more they need to be thankful to the

deities.

Another factor in the apparent re.florescence of the maduun, one which is

more apparent in the urban region, is seen to be the contradiction inherent in times of

heightened ethnic strife. On the one hand, maduwas are harder to stage at these

times, owing to curfews and a deep fear of being the target of terrorist violence. On 226

the other hand, in tenns of the logic of the ritual people daim to need the protection of the deities even more at thes€ times.

There is nothing in these inrligenous explanations for the incidence of madwns which requires that mailuuns be conducted in a village or to alleviate illness and I consequentty question interpretations that aszume these are the only possibilities of the nudwn. Obeyesekere, lot example, has implied that contemporary maduwas, when held in Buddhist Temple precincts rather than a villiage, are inauthentic, the more so because they are accompanied by fairgrounds andstalls o984:2). Similarþ, úttremaduønisseen asaoíllageriteof healingwhich

declined because of the improvement in Western medicine as Tambiah (79792729)

argues, any interpretation of its (xcurÌence in the urban region must assume

inauthenticity. As I demonstrate here, this is clearly not the case.

A maduwa, nowadays, is not held because there is a community. On the contrary, the act of ritual sponsorship creates a conìmunity in relation to the

performance. This is the case wherever the nuduun is held. Despite its shift in locus,

therefore, tlrre maduyn retains its authenticity in three ways; in its location in space, in

the way its audience is constituted and in the meanings associated with ritual sponsorship. These three facets of the maduun pertain respectively to its twin

authorship and its'readers/listeners' or audience. The maduun is frequently overtly

political but it has an incorporative power which allows it to remain authentic in the

urban context. This is largely a possibility of the moral and political function of

ritual sponsorship arxl the incorporative power of the figure of Pattini. The ritual

community, which is the ritual audience, is, then, 'listener/reader' of both tb,e

performance itself and the act of providing it.

Tlne maduwa is both a performative text and an event, it has two authors and

many listeners in the contem¡rorary context. In keeping with these distinctions, I 227

tegio, after presenting the origln myth of the maduunt,by embedding the text/event in the wider social arul geographical region in which it ocorrs. I then discuss the incorporative power of the ritual performance in ten¡rs of the cosmic chronotopes of everyday space, which make eactr and every occurence of the maduun identical and thus authentic cosmologicaUy speaking. This is followed by a dirussion of the moral and political value of ritual sponsorship which is clearþ articulated, for listeners/readers, in discou¡se about the ritual as an evenL

The origin myth

no relief.

one nighÇ a divine female vision, whose forehead was like the half- moon, ãná fu.", the full-moon, appeared to him in a dream and then deparied to the south. This waiPattini. King Serarnana awoke and suïnmonsed a Brahmin to interpret the dream. The Brahmin told him that the dream req¡rired him to go to the çogtry- with-the four shrines (lanlù,taking ut ^i*"ose Uæ(úrutut! gryk\and a gold rnango (ømba) to perform a ñtual (yagea) to cure his headache. King Seramana thereupon sailed to Sri tånka with his t4rç" Tg retiñ'ue, arriving at Waüal Mahatota (now Wattala, dose to Colombo). He first went Ío a place called lGduwella and worshipped at the shrine, then proceedåd to nearby Nav_agamuwa2 wherehe placed the for gold mangó and gave glmr to þSSars_before departing ñuwanwelË, close tõ the Kelanþ River. There, he ma{e a huge madrntn,60 riyanas long and 30 fi1anas! wide¿nd decorated it with a

1 A, I h..r" suggested ea¡lier in ¡elation to other texts and/or myths, the origin myth is itself a text or subtext which is includdwíthínthe overall performative text. It is no more an ess€ntial part of every perforurance than other ritual items and segments as I show'

2 The place of Pattini's main shrine. 228

maduun created great merit.

I will have occasion to refer to this myth again in the Conclusion, but here wish to point to its combined themes of healing blessing and morality which are relevant to the discr¡ssion of ritual sponsorship. In the context of Asian kingship theory, a morally good king and prosperity and harmony for all are co-terminous.

The meritoriow work of providing a nuihtun and giving alms in this story clearly healed the king and, by extension, restored harmony to his land. In helping himself, he helped otherss. As I indicated in the Preamble to Part 2, while kingship is no longer the political mode in Sri lånka, ritual practitioners say that Everyman can be king. This refers particularþ to ritual sPonsors, who, by sponsoring a maduwa, asl show, become a community's protector as a result of their individual act of merit- making: Everyman is, perhaps, a King Seramana.

Where and What is aMailuuta?

Geographically, the madwn flourishes in the southwest littoral area of Sri I-anka exterxling from þt North of Colombo city to far south, past the old port of Galle. Throughout this regior¡ as Obeyesekere (19&4) has shown, the nuiluwø varies performatively. The geo

3 S* Cn pter 3 6or explanation of these m@su¡ements.

4 This story is sung in verse in coniunction with the ritual segment known as the biso kapa dance which is the ñrst item in tlre Pattini Division oÍtlæ,neùum. 'Bito' denotes'queen in this context.

5 Th" dirlo"ation of King Seramana, f¡om India to Sd Lanka, is ovettome by a) Pattini's appearanct in his d¡eam, heading south and b) the rememberance of King Seramana's queen in the naduun performance. These are possibly historical devices allowing the incorporation and transformation of the nedulx into the S¡i Lankan Buddhist cpntext. The ritual use of the Queen - the Þiso - allows fur continuitl4 ttre female, as we have seen in reLation to the ñgures of Pattini and Kali are symbolically associated with reproduction through time. The fumale gender is a clever chronotoPe. 229

coastal town of Moratuwa and inland Ingiriya, and as far south as Horana. The

'boundary' of this area is pernreable insofar as it is deñned by relations between priests and ¡rerforrrers who perfor:n maduusas in recognizably the same wat'. The area cross,

As analysed in Chapter 3, all maduwas are rites of renewal effected through the Goddess Pattini. They are described as seth vntiyas or blessings from the gods and the performarrce of each nuduun creates merit (prn) which is transferred to the gods in return for future protection. Maduutas are performed in release of a vow

(fura) made by an individual or a number of people who sponeor, that is pay for, the rite. All members of the audience are brought into the ritual ambience by the ritual sponsor and every maduwa involves some level of hosting by the sPonsor/s. Ritual audiences range in size from a few hundred up to 5000 people and many of the larger maduzm.ç function quite overtly as political platforms. Within this general framework of similaritiæ, maduutas and their venues are differentiated in a variety of nrays.

Madtapøs are primarily categorized in accordance with the ritual comPonents or segments they include or exdude and secondarily by whether they are individually or collectively paid for. The village Qañ maduun, the Devol (deity) mailwn and a shrine (danle\ madww are performatively identical but the first is

6 Th"te is ctoss-ftrtilization of ritual knowledge between priests and perfurmers which leads to similarities of perfurmance in areas. The people with whom I worked descriH themselves as having the tradition ol a koralc, an ancient political division of Sri Lanka. Howwer, during my fieldworþ a priest as far north as Elakkol+ Attanagala, and another in the vicinity of Ratnapura in the Sabaragamuwa District were beginning to employ the practitioners with the ritual tradition of the people whose work is analysed in the earlier ùapters. 230

collectiveþ paid for, the second individually and the third is either paid for by the incumbent priest or by him with assistance from worshiPP€rs of the shrine - wherever they may live7. Ttre puna maduun (a puruun ts a type of pot for collecting evil effects) is the same performatively as those already named but includes extra ritual segments su¡rounding the pot. It is paid for by individuals and is usually performed in relation to severe illnessE. A flower QnaÐ nadurtn and a milk (bn) maduun are much smaller affairs. Neither indudes the Pattini dancing which is central in the more elaborate nuduu¿as and they exdude all overtly performative segmentsg. Sponsored by individuals, these nudutttøs are quite obviously much cheaper than the others but they retain the quintessential function of renewal. Also

among the named typ€s of maduwa are the Gi, Hat Da Gi (seven day) and Tun Da Gi

(three day) madwns which have died out. Gi are songs from the Pøntis Kolmun and

this name describes mailuwas where speciat singers (Gi kiyanrukariyo) sing the ritual

veÍ:'es for up to three days without the now conunon performative segments. Fire firewalking by Qini) nuduans, possibly a misnomer for the Gi Maduwas, in which

7 Many famous and popular shrines draw worshippers from af;ar. Two prominent soothsaying sh¡ines which hold annual nailuwa with an audience of 3000 reæive donations from businessmen and dignitaries who are not conrieded to the village whe¡e the sh¡ines are located. Such people, of course, stand out, but even in lesser places, people come from elsewhere for particular maduwas.

I T1r" puru ndwnwas beginning to gain popularity during my fieldwork One was held fur a woman who had been bleeding f¡om the tongue - western medicine had failed and I was told that as soon as the vow was made to tr-old the maduun,the woman was miraculously healed. Another was held for a young girl who had been unable þ walk When I saw her at the ritual she was blossoming with heaftñ and the family was estatic about her recÐvery. As these stories suggest, great curative power is medicine and variety of attributed to tlrc Vwu nadwn. They are frequentþ held after western a exorcistic practices have failed. I do not have sufñcient data to know but it could be that their ¡ise in popularity has to do with them being for the deities, herrce a more 'prestigeous' Íorut of excortism, t"Uutit,tti"g for the large+cale (hence p,ublic) performative dernon excorcism among the middle

9 There is no dancing at all. The ritual structures a¡e minimal. It does not occuPy the entire night but it nonetheless effects a re¡rewal in tlre name of the Goddess Pattini. The milk-boiling segment is integral to ttre larger rites and although it do€s not draw audience inbetests like the dancinp it is the primary symbol denoting the rebirth effected by ritual performance. 231,

participants is an integral part of the wholéo are now to be found. In the literaturell, the full performative gam maduun is taken as the prototypical rite for Pattini but the following discussion furcludes the ethnography of all nudutttasz, each of which has an appropriate venue.

Authors of Perfon¡rances

Venuæ ønil Cosmic ChronotoPæ

Ritual venues irrclude Buddhist temples, deity shrines, villages, households, schools and public stadia, hierarctrized exegetically in that order. It is apparent from this that households ¿re seen as hierarchically superior to rhools and public stadia and yet, as ritual venues, the latter draw larger audiences and most freqr"rently have

the biggest and most magnificent perforrnances. However, neither the scale of

performance nor the size of audience is a criterion for authenticity because the

10 Tltir is an incorporation of a maþr aspect of rites for the C'od Kataragama. Such inclusions always follow the lo$c of ihe overall rite. Pattini and Kataragama are cpnnected by the fi¡e element. Fire walking for Kataragarna can be seen to involve bodily transcendence and a renewal of the 'spirit' whereas the ndwmis õnærned to rerew the body. I reftr to this brie{ly to reiterate the point nade in the prwious chapter that the inclusion of an inappropriate ritual setment is quickly quashed- While the bini mdultasappeared to be confined to Soothsaying Shrines at the time of fieldworþ thete is no reason why theymay not become more popula¡ as ritual transformations are discussed and approved of by ritual sp.ciatists. fne meanings of ritual sqtments is a constant topic of debate amont priests and p"of"r and innovations ale pemitæd wlren they can be seen to conform with the'fundamentals' of ã particular"n" ritual. Exclusions folbw the same logic. An example of an exdusion is the gdige - a seþrate ritual structu¡e and significant performative component which integrates with threzfaduuabut does not render it meaningless if it is not included. Bits of ritual ritr¡al segments, wax and wane in popularity. The ondlau ór swing in which young men and women enþyed themselves during the ritual and which is associaæd with a myth (story) about Visnu and Kataragama is now only rarely erected but its earlier inclusion of Kataragama in the overall ritual schema is telling- Wirz mentions the way that Pattini is peripherally included in the Kataraganaprolure. I suggest from this that as deities become -o* popút"tty supported, interrelations between them will be selected and made ritually explicit in an ongoing transforrrational process.

11 ...with the excepion of Gunasekera's article in which he uplores the rapegoat function of lhepunaarøduun.

12 Although I select certain asp€cts of tlte nduu to identify what is traditional about it' I follow the cultural concepions of what is relevant, not my own. 232 authors of performance, priests and performers, ensure that each maduwa ts chronotopically identical with any other.

For practical purposes, ritual practitioners categorise maduu¡as in terms of their mode of payment. C,øm nuiluuas are defined as such by collective payment, they occur in temples, village'comrnons', schools and public stadia. All others are individually paid for although they may be as sPectacular and have as big an audience as the forrrer. The exception to this is the nul ¡tudwn All naduuas ate ideally staged in the open but the nul nuiluun nowadays is also performed on the inside of private houses especiatty in the city area, and it has been renamed 'ge atulee pujø' (itrside the house offerings). This is variously attributed to the stinginess (lobay) of some big people' (Ioht mínissu),the poverty of little people rqodi minissaF3 and/or lack of space. Alternatively, the person who requires such a madrun is, significantly, seen to be a person who has no supporters to do the work involved in rnaking some of the ritual structures required for larger nuihn¡as and coping with large audiences.

Holding a maduwa inside a house is not inauthentic, it is a variation on a cosmic theme as will become clear shortly.

All of thæ maduwas are authentic cosmologicalþ speaking. Whether their venue is sacred or otherwise, they are identicalty located in everyday time and space by virtue of the chronotopes - the timespace co-ordinates - of the performance itself.

The maduwa is always held at night and in keepiog with the cosmological meanings of slnce (see Chapter 1), it is always held in the same sPace regardless of the

inclt¡sion or exclusion of performative parts and the rnanner of payment. The time

space co-ordinates of ritual are intrinsic to rihral function and effectivenesɡ and the

aficulation of the ritual in everyday space therefore imPorts its cosmic meanings

into the organization of everyday space, whether tlrre naduttn is large or small, in the

village, or in the city. Let me explain this.

13 Alro known as 'flltí nd;ti minissu'or 'those without mon{. 233

The ritual arenal{ of all maduwas is constnrcted in middle sPacg so named -

'midulee'. In Buddhist Temples, midulee is all space between the Buddha Dwellings,

Deity Shrines and other buildings within the wall which detimits víIarø precinctsls.

In this space, one may walk with shoes on. For deity shrines, midulee is likewise between the shrine and its boundary Git¡uun) where again, shoes can be worn.

Households l:ø,ve midul¿¿ between the gate and the front door where shoes are always taken off. These are all dwelling places, ctearþ marked by otstoms relating

to shoesl6. Evennuduzuøs inside (ntulcò houses occur in middle sPace. A household

is clearly demarcated in terms of a sexual division of labour into the front which is

male (public,light, outside) and back whictr is for the female (secret, dark, insidelT),

the space between which is catled tlre rvrlle or loungeroomlS'. This, too, ts midulee

where not only maduutas,but weddings take placelg.

In relation to a maduwø's ritual arena (itself a dwelling place for the duration

of the rite as I argued in Chapter 3) the audience may wear shoes between the arena

and a different boundary (simaa:ù which is ritually drawn at the time of making the

14 ...which ís tlre naduu- the hut'.

15 Thir is where, as I described in my anaþis of the ptahue, canopies and umbrellas a¡e nonchalantly held while the procession moves through the'sacred' areas, to be quickly held above it again as it reenters middle space.

16 Dwe[ing space is space wherc the 'feet' are placed - pda, as explained in ChaPÉer 1.

17 As I explained in Ctrapter 2, thes€ very complementary oppooitions a¡e those which are incorporated by, and transcended by, the transvestite cootume and the Pattini dance.

18 This is the area fur entertaining visitors - usually people brought to the house by the male and fur whom the female provides refreshments or meals. The room is mostly used in a formal way insofar as I could ascertain because, by deñnition, my pr€sence ordered the sitt¡ation. Even when mixed-sex visitors partake of meals in the saII¿ they are s€rv€d by the host. If he does sit with his visitors, the wife and other women in the household senre. Camraderie between males - especially if it involves drinking - takes place in the front verandah room of the house and women congregate in friéndship in the kitchen. As I became better known, I was frequently invited to drink with the men in the front room! This ís not as strange as it sounds preciselybecause I was working with men in a men's world and was correspondingly treated sociologically as male.

19 Th" logic of rriddle+pace is given precision when it is understood that weddings, which are secular occasions involving neither Buddhist monks nor deity priests are, like pcløros and naduuas, commonly known as nmgaleyas. In Chapters 1 and 2 I showed lhat a nungalcyc is a rite of þning or uniting potentialities - weddings unite male and female, making human reproduction possible. 234

vow to hold the naduun. Shoes nay absolutely not be worn inside (atulee) thre maduun arena its€lf. The space between the boundary of the ritual arena and the símaum is also middle space. It should by now be clear that middtmPace is an area where people from different dwellings, backgrounds an¡l so on cross.over to another socially meaningful place.

Both sodally and cosmologically, müIulee is mediating sPace, it is interstitial space arul it is the cosmologically authentic space for holding naduwas. The construction of a maduum in middle.space articulates social and cosmic being (in keeping with the meanings of the ritual performance). This can be expressed as follows: in its spatiat organization the nuilutn mediates between non-being and being (temples), divine and human being (shrines), familiars and unfamiliars

(households, villages, suburbs), kindred and non-kin (inside the housePo. This precise use of space, which is the product of the specialist traditional knowledge of a class of ritual practitioners, is crucial in understanding the maduun's incorporative power. The logic of boundaries as I argued in Chapter 1 is the empirical

manifestation of the cosmology, thoroughly Penneated as it is by Buddhist

metaphisics, particularþ the conception of the inter-relatedness of all reality. This

cosmo-logic hanscends all the other permutations of the nuiluun allowing the ritual

to achieve its effects in traditionally defined time and space which has everyday meaning. The chronotopes of the madwn fit exactly with the chronotopes of

everyday life. All maduuøs occur at night and all maduutas occur in middle space. It

is this which makes them authentic, cosmologically speaking.

Given this interpretation, which depends on seParating the authors of

performance from the authors of the event of ritual, contemporary teasons for

holding a maduum remain consonant with the ritual's function as an effective rite of

renewal and protection Devol maduwøs, paid for by an individual are held for a

20 fuid, for weddings, the mediation is between male and female. 235

variety of reasons from sickness to misfortune in bwiness. Some of these rites are held annually by businessmen simply to protect their workers in the forthcoming year. C*m madntsas are simil,arly held for protectioç to bring blessings to the PeoPle, to help our country (the Sinhalese people) in a time of ethnic strife and calamity.

Whm these reasorìs are related to other possibilities for holding a ¡tuiluun - as a post harvest festival or in the face of a communal dis€ase, they all describe the fragmentation of forur - be it the fo¡ur of the countryside recently reaped, the human fornr fragmented by dis€ase, the parlous state of the nation, failed br¡siness enterprises or simpty the minor misforh¡nes that plague one in everyday life. The nnduwø as I have shown earlier, wipes away the past and reconstitutes the present.

It is a rite of renewal and remai¡u so - Í¡s long as it is held in middle space - the interstice which is the point of entry for divine Power.

From what has been said, it is clear that while the performance of theruiluwa may initially b" separated from the world for analytical purposes, thoroughly contextualizing it reveals the way it interpenetrates the taken for granted modern world. Further evidence of this is seen in the corstitution of the ritual community

through ritual sponsorship. The ritual boundary drawn during the vow making

ceremony clearly becomes the mechanism through which ritual audiences are

defined.

Authors of Events

Ritttal Sponsorship ønil Ca¡¡u

There is, of course, an indexical quality Cfambiah:l979) to ¡itual - the more

spectactrlar individually paid lor nudtnns deu.ly denote the relative wealth of their 236

sponsors2l and in line with this, the recent florescence of Devol maduwas may be '<¡qle- attributed to the opening up of a Free Zone in Sri lanka in797V2 as I have suggested. However I am concerned with the political implications of the collectively paid for ritesa. I therefore show how ritual sponsorship disarticulates lower levels of social relations to constitute a higher level community of place. This ts a norul comnrunity (nthureyù in relation to the ritual, and in cosmological terms, but it ts a socíal comrrunity in relation tô the the sponsors who provide tllre maduwa.

In the geo

which is iust a small collection of shops and finally to a village, the name of which may not even appear on a map. Ofterç temples service the latteÉ4. Urban people -

whether they are from private rhools, universities or other'modern' institutions -

also identify themselves in terms of their 'village' of birth and if this is in the rural

21 ...whereas tho6e 'inside the house' rites for the wealthy are for those people who publicly disdain such plebeian activities but secretly (reluæng) believe in the benefits theteof. Often, these will be the same people who sponsor public naduuas while disclaiming the effectiveness of them!

2 M"oy of the Devol nùuuns I attended were held by nulalalis - entrep€neurs in the timber and gem trades as well as owners of large bakeries and stores in towns where the economy had boomed fur this or other reasons.

B Thoe, too, can vary in scale and splendôur but I focus on prominent ritr¡als to highlight the politicd implications thereof.

24 It should be ¡ecalled that the¡e are over 9000 Buddhist Temples in Sri l¿nka and with a mobile populrtion, the one clooest to where a p€rson is living is attended for general worship. Howwer, urban dwellers ftequently maintain close ties with the temple in their'own' village through donations to it. 237

area they frequmtly maintain kin an¡l br¡siness connections there and are often buried there with the funeral serviced by theír village monksÆ. Conversely, villagers, properly so called in terms of agrarian livin& are not isolated from the u¡ban world. The crisscossing atlegiarrces of birth and residence permit any ocfluïence of a madwato incorporate people who are othe¡wise wideþ dispersed.

Ttre maduun held in a 'village' (a gam nwluun) provides the prototype of this inco¡porative power. They are held on 'common' ground (midulee) ideally between four villages otherwise defined by relation to paddy land and the ritual boundary touches each of the four villages, incorporating them as a single unit into the context of the tirre maduwa. The social possibilities for inclusion and exclusion are clear26.

The way the ritual constitutes a moral community transcending the immediate social unit is well exemplified by maduwas held in households (whether held inside or outside) where audierrces can number in the hundreds. Spatially, the limit of the ritual's ambience (its sit¡uwa) is defined by the fence su¡rounding the house whereas sociallp who is welcome to attend is set by the sponsor personally even though this extends beyond the limits of the household

The same principle is in operation when nudwtøs are held in temple and school venues both of which, nowadays, are synonymous with gøm maduuns. This is described as'ileknnu ekay', tlrte two are one, precisely because they are all collectively paid for. Buddhist Temples, even in the urban ar@s, are often located on what

otherwise would be mülulce between suburbs, also lcrown as'gam.a'. A gam nuduwa

within theailarøprecincts however, incorporates an audience not only from the local

residents of surounding villages but people who live elsewhere but identify with the

particrrlar temple as their 'gama'temple. The term 'gøma' itself incorPorates more

Æ People are articulated as individuals to a temple but collectively, they a¡e seen as a temple s fullowers Qiriunrøya)

% ..^" indeed they are for the routes take by palwas as I show in the next drapter. Ritual boundaries always have social implications. 238

than an idyllic rural setting. Even when a gafi nndrtn so called is held in decidedty urban surround.ings in a school yard it has the power to disartictrlate lower levels of social organization and to corstitute a moral community in reliation to itself.

The political implications of ritual sponsorship emerge from this ritual organization of people in space which e:

'villiage' of audiences, it was obvious from proferred information that many people came from afar to these maduwas because they had reliatives or friends within the boundary of the particular ritual. There was one madwm held in Ratnapura - the cultural border town between the Up Country and the Low Country and the Ruhunu area - each of which is recognizable by its particular dance form, and in this case, dancers of each of the traditions vied to outshine each other within the context of the madrun performance. This is a perfornrative manifestation of the socially incorporative power of ritual sponsorship.

Ritual sponsorship constitutes a nercus of socíal relations which disarticulates

everyday rel,atioru to constitute a ritual community of place. Madnt¡øs are most commonly lmown by the location of their occuffence, unless someone simply

describes it as'ape' (our/my) 'village' moduun - this can equally refer to a maduwa in rural surroundings or one in a large u¡ban centre like Horana. Mailuwas are thus

particularized and they become personalized by the ritual sPonsor. This is

politically significant precisely because lhe maduun provides the opportunity for

speeches to be delivered to a taptive'audience. 239

This anaþis of the constitution of the madrutø's ritual audience clearþ shows why a ritual practitioner is able to describe Everyman as king. Ritual sponsorship constitutes a community of place, incorporating people of diverse economic and gocial statuses into a relatively personalized holistic social gouP. This is one serue in which the ritual practitioner's observation can be understood. But, as as the story of

King Seramana implies, there are moral implications to ritual sponsorship as well.

MorulValuc

One authentic aspect of the maduun is its spatial organization which, as I have argued, is cosmologfcally consonant with both contemporary and 'traditional' reasorìs for holding a maduwa. Another is the way ritual sponsorship constitutes an audience on the same inco¡porative principle whether the ritual is in a household, a school or a temple in either a rural (village) or an urban setting. In each case, and whether a madrun is individually or collectiveþ sponsored, each sponsor is

understood to act religiously as an individual - as a good Buddhist.

Buddhist cosmology therefore both transcends and encompasses the maduwø

by defining ritual sponsorship as an act of merit. Ritual sponsorship is clearly

portrayed as an act of merit in the origin myth which I presented earlier. It matters

not whether this is a recent inte¡polation on ancient texts, it functions to dialogize

this text into the present historical moment in a meaningful way. As I have shown in the previous sections, the maduun cosnologícally encomPasses the

sponsor/audience or athurqo,þt as a ritual sporìsor socíally encomPasses the ritual

audience. When the religious and social aspects of sponsorship are wn togetheq the

maduun, as an explicit piece of traditional culture ('øpe nnskrutluiya'), or as a text,

mediates the two. It is perhaps useful to quote Bakhtin here

Chronotopes lhe says] are mutually inclusive, they co-exist, they may be interwoven with, replace or oppose one another, contradict one another or find themselves in even more comPlex interrelationships (1 981 :252)[my addition]. 240

The relations between them are dialogical dialogized precisely by authors,listeners and readers. To speak of meritorious work, as I have argued in Part 1, is to speak of individuals. Ritual sporuorship, therefore, pivots on a contradiction between the social holism of audience constitution and the individualism of the religious act.

Meritorious work is fundamentally an act of individr¡al liberality and morality; it is an ethical act albeit with sodâl concomitants. It gives ethical valuue to secular prestige. Ritual sponsorship, like any good work is an act of merit @inkama) which results in praise Ørsinoadn). In keeping with this, De Silva says "...the vast majority of Buddhists, both monks and laymen, invest much of their time and a great

'deal of their wealth to acquire merit and to ensure their status in samsara (the cycle of existence)...Merit earning is the primary motivation for any action" (1980:261). De

Silva goes on to say that it is in the nature of merit to be transfered to or shared with rpfti4ana) deities (and the dead) and it is the case that people rejoice in another's merit Qattanumodaru\. It is clear from what I have said that only ritual sPonsors

cteatemerit and, as De Silva points out, in giving others the chance to rejoice in one's merits "..the giver does not give anything. His whole act is an offering of goodwill, of metta, of benevolence" (loc.cit.) De Silva emphasises that it is the mental attihrde - the thought and intention of the individual - that is meritorious (loc.cit.). For the merit creator, therefore, maduwa sporuorship is the perfect vehicle to display one's individual morality in the conto

The extent of such beneficience is seen in the cost and effort of sponsoring a maduwa and it is publicty displayed by the scale of the performarrce. The mnduun ts held in release of a vow (bara). Making a vow to hold a nuiluun obliges the ritual

sponsor to hire the priest, pay for the performers and all other exPenses for ritual

requirements. He must hire and pay for Washerpeople to provide the requisite pure

cloth for the ritual. He pays for clay pots, flowers and any other materials'ordered'

by the priest who presents the ritual sponsor with a list at the time of negotiating details of the performance (date, performative segtnents, number of perfortners, 24L

place, etc.). The sponsor further provides the labour-Poü¡er for building certain rituat stmctures, most notably the swing Øillò onwhich the Demon Gara dances27.

He also serves up to three meals for as many as 20 or more performers and provides other refreshments for them on demandä. He must provide material offerings of different sorts arul adequate amounts of money Íor pnileru. For practical PurPoses, the average cost of a reasonably sized naduun during my fieldwork was Rs 15,000' the value of which can be compared to the then monthly schoolteacher's salary of Rs

1"000. There are additional expenses incu¡red by the ritual sPonsor who hosts prestigeous invitees.

PoliticalValue

Hosting'dignitaries'adds to the prestige (præiddal of any performance and it is restricted by neither the social scale of tbre nuiluun nor the venue. Prestigeous

invitees include wealthy or highly placed relatives, employers, politicians and/or

monþ depending on the individual circumstances of sponsors. Invitees of very high social status (excluding monks) frequently attend only to light a la-P of

commencement, but even their brief presence signs the prestige of the occasion. Apart from monks, whose laws (vituyø) prorribe eating during the night, other

invitees are provided with elaborate meals2e, further contributing to the overall costs.

The very cost and amount of work associated with a maduun suggests that

peopte do not make a decision to hold one [ghtly. When a mailuun is collectiveþ

27 This is btrilt in the early hours of the morning after the maþr perfurmance. Performers offer no mo¡e than instructions þ the people who construct it. The latter are socially committed to the sPonsors.

æ Sponsors who provide inadequate or pær food and comforts - i.e., tea and cigarettes, washing facilities and so on a¡e sometimes loudly and openly ridiculed by perbrmets who see it as their right to be treated prop€rly. I infer that at times the criticism was as much directed to the priest as to the sponsor himself.

P Hosting is not required by ritual rules and the meal-taking is strictly hierarchized with the most prestigeous people in the particuLar context eating ñrst. Numberc ar€ not relerrant - i.e., if there is only one person of the highest status, s/he may be required to eat alone. 242

paid for, the involvemmt and often the cost is even greater, but there are 'political' rewards. The sponsors personally canvass an area for monetary contributions, offerings in kind and/or hetp but the financial burden remains their responsibility.

This is, of counse, a very useful way to become lcrown so, even though even the smallest contributor is also a sponsor in the strict ritual sense, those who collectiveþ made the vow or who made the vow on behalf of others are distinguished from them and called daya!,aslike lay temple helpers. I have more say about lay temple heþers in the next Chapter. In relation to the maduua,their role makes them public and they play the instrumental social function of drawing an audience to a maduun. The audience is, as I have shown, circumscribed in relation to ritual sponsorship and incorporated by the boundary of the ritual's ambierrce. But, þt as the sPonsor brings invitees, so too can those they incorporate, further incorporating people within the same ritual ambience. The composition of ritual audiences is therefore a complex network of social relations u.iquely constituted in relation to ritual sponsorship and it is thoroughly personalized.

Ritual sponsorship socially articulates a 'group'by disaficulating lower levels of social relationship thus transforming the group into a ritual community uis a vis the ritual. While observation of a mailuun's audience often reveals a yawning socio- economic gap between sponsors and audience, the madrun has its own tetur,

'athureyfl' to describe the entire collectivity as the beneñciary of ritual procedures and effects. The athureyo ís a ritual community, albeit one constituted in social ways.

While only the sponsor is addressed as'athurø' for the reasons discl¡ssed above, he incorporates the entire rih¡al audience as øthurqo by the act of making a vow.

People are incorporated into the ritual's ambience to receive protection from the deities precisely through the aegis of the ritual sPorìsor.

30 I t fo th" reader to Obeyesekere's (19&4:G37) detailed dirr¡ssion of the meaning of the term ' dlutta' as both'congregation' and'patient'. 243

. This fte" gfft of divine protection is the fundamental sociat act which defines the 'royal' basis of ritual sponsorship. It is to be distinguished from the rclígious tneaning of sporuorship although the two belong on a continuum of giving3l. The relative ethical or moral value of the two is the product of incorporation into the

Buddhist hierarchy of meritorious acts32. However, ritual sponsorship ocists in a contrad.iction between the social holism of the ritual community created by

sponsorship and the religious individualisms of meritorior¡s work

Text, Event and Lísteners/Readers

Tlne maduun is the free gift of divine protection in the form of ritual

performance provided by ritual sponsors. As such, it provides a personalized social

context for political speeches which praise the meritorious work of the ritual sPorìsor.

At larger maduutøs, especially although not exdwively, for those staged in Buddhist

temples, embossed invitations and small publications zulogizing the sponsors are

distributed. These publicatioru, and the verbal speeches dialogize contemporary

historical circumstances into the the meanings of the performative text. Here are a

few written examples which capture the essence of the dialogk between text and

contexÇ the first is by a monk

...gam madu 8iy9n þY !h". valuable aõistance of with the helP of the villagers [sic]. ed the harvest, our [sicl

31 naorc¿ from lowest to highest meritorious action or'right works' indude: giving to those in need, especiallybeggars, propitiating the deities, n"i"g alms to Buddhist monks and engaging in forms of meditative practice. The first fuur a¡e forrrs of liberality Qlmal whereas the meditative practices are (Dh'CIttnr¡¿). a¡e types of -oratity (síh) and both are in accordance with Buddhist l'aw based on the transcendenæ of desire, attachment and craving - avarice and |nlousy are ubiquitous but despised - and the absence of desire is denoted by various forms of giving throughout a naduun sr¡ch as hosiing, gift giving (bgg\ ahnsgiving (ilou), offfings to the gods as money @dcru) or in kind

32 Th" itt-tporation is Present in the origin m¡h of the núuun-

33 I .t* D¡mont's terminology, which has been disctrssed in the Int¡oduction although, as I have suggested, the ethnographic præedene for this contradiction is inscribed in the myth of the Buddha's Choice 244

villagers lsicl, perforrred such deity rituals as a q,¡stomp4. This time tof tieightenedithnic conflictl is atéo very zuitable for 99ch rituals as the corlntry is facing grave enemy attack¡. I_ t-"ish by this ritual that the counUy, nationJ fo_v_ernment-and arrred forces may receive the blessingstrñy additiorsl3s.

In the same publication, one of the leading sponeors who is a grano-sanølø or headman of several villages had this to say

The last example is entitled "Gammadu festival and rural [sic] culture".

Written by an affluent ayurvedic doctor, it epitomizes the values of the 'traditional' middle class which, it can now be suggested, are reflected in Obeyesekere and

Tambiah's expLanations for t}rre maduwa's demise.

...The gammaduwa has a very icl culture... where"having a maduwa in To""HOij

sornc of our cultuml oølues. In the inl music and obscene films, we should exert ourselves to preserve our crrltural values as the gam maduwa does [my emphases and additiorsl.

The last quotation in particular captures the way discourse idealizes rural/village life and opposes it to modernity. This written discourse is produced by ritual sponsors from the middleclasses and refers, quite clearly, to the contemporary calamity which is given in exegesis as one of the r@sons for holding a maduwa. The

g On OUeyesekere's account and from exegesis I understand that village nuilauns were still orchestrated by headmen or other dignitarie who, like those I call ritual slx)nsor, made the vow to hold the ritual.

35 Thi. is a direct quote but I do not cite tlre sou¡oe in the interests of anonymity- 245

written discourse is matctred by the e,rlogy heaped upon ritual sPonsors by their prestigeous invitees who are fulsome in their praise of the meritorious work of the sponsors. The more important the sponsors, the more important their invitees - nonetheless, the *me princíple opentes at all maduuas, large or small, thus enhancing personal prestige. Ritual audiences are thus exposed to the ritual as both a text and an event in an historical world.

Cosmos and society are articul,ated by ritual sponsorship. But, when the contradiction of sponsorship, between social holism and religious individualism, is sundered, tl,rre maduun becomes a-tradition posturing as Tradition. I condude this

Chapter by comparing two very prominent moduutøs, one personally sponsored by the President of Sri l¿nka, the other organized by the media. The different modes of authorization articulate the text of themaduwainto the present in different ways. The latter breaks the cosmic chronotopes and decidedly locates the maduwø in the hìstorícøl past, and presents it to newspaper readers as such.

Dialogízing the text

A very public and spectacular traditional maduun was held at the

Sughathadasa Stadium under the aegis of the then Prime Minister Premadasa (now

Sri lanka's President). It was held in release of a vow made requesting that rain would not wash out a soccer match between a parliamentary group and a grouP from the Colombo Municipal Council. I have been told that Colombo is the Prime

Minister's 'gømn'. The vow-making ceremony (kap hitou:eenu) was held at the

Stadium and there was no charge for the latter's use. Printed invitations which included a detailed programme were issued to special invitees and there were no formal restrictions on who could attend.

Another, equrally spectacular and public nudrun was held approximately two months later in the Vitura Maha Devi Parkunder the auspices of the Subasitha Press, 246

a weekly of the Associated Newspapers of Ceylon. The ritual was of a different performative hadition to the one held by the Prime Minister, Colombo96 but, the main difference between the two which defined tfus ntaduun as a-haditional was that the public was required to buy tickets.

Mndw¡as held in public stadia arv¡l cenhal parks are authentic by the cosmological criteria spelt out earlier but not if the criteria of sponsorship are not met and the relativeþ personalized eencompassment of the audience is absent. This signs a significant transformation; the audierrce is required to Pay the price for divine protection and social holism breaks down. When tickets are sold lor a maduwa, t}:re performance is dialogized into the context in a different way. The sponsor is not providing the protection of the deities to others from his own beneficence. The event becomes a coommercial transaction.

Qqite appropriately, therefore, in the Vihara Maha Devi Park instance, the press extolled the virtues of the ritual, not its sponsor(s), as an expression of an idealized past. As the title of the quotation below demonstrates, the past is qquated with the rurat in such a way that Jheruduun ítself becomes an anachronism - a thing plucked out of its own time frame, to be displayed as 'the past' in the 'modern' world.

The ritual received, in addition to sundry smaller articles in different newspapels, a full page article in 'sunday observer" (2 September 1984) entitled "Miracle of an ancient folk rite" from which I qgote.

Irlaha Devi Park on the night of tched the performance of Gam to the gods. Thís ís a k ilances of SríLanka

tr The priest who ocecuted the riæ regularly employed some of the performers from the other geo

items...to aúidt some of us haoe been acdtstotncil to tu¡n a blínd eye [My emphasesl.

At the time, the nudwn certainly was not a ftrre event - what was rare w¿rs the sale of tickeb to such an event. This flíes in the face of tradition arxl confounds the very politicat power of the ritual when sporsorship is traditional3T. It is perhaps enough to suggest that the Vihara Maha Devi Park nuduun sigrs the possibility of a historical transformation in a ritual tradition It is a salutary example of a-tradition posturing as Tradition.

Conclusion

Tltemaduwøis a thriving ritual whict¡, as a text, grves cosmological continuity to a transforming social context precisely because, as a performance, its reproduction is in the hands of speciatists. As an event, the ritual is no longer held because there is a community, its occurence creates a community as I have argued. The maduunhas the inco¡porative power to encompass new venues, it can be tailored to the requirements of its sponsor; it can be large or small, individually or collectively paid for, and include or exclude performative parts. I have shown that the reasons for sponsoring tlire mailuun are relevant to the historical moment. This does not imply inauthenticity, it simpty reveals the way the ritual text is meaningfully dialogized in the process of life. Clearly, the¡e are notioru of tradition associated with the maduwø which lead certain sections of the population to eqtrate them with 'the village' in an idealized way. And it is also certain that they provide an excellent vehicle for political propaganda where moral values and prestige intermingle but the discourse about these things only serves to embed the nudwn in contemPorary life þt as sureþ as the chronotopes of perfonnance afford cosmological consistency through

37 It would be naive, p€rhap6, to say that th€ ttrduvn held by Prime Minister Premadasa contributed to his later eler¡ation to the position of Prresident. However, his sponsorin g of a nduw was in keeping with his generral political mode of engaging closely with the rural people. 248

time. With its dual authorship, t}rre nuduun, as I suggested in the Introductiorl, Puts cosmic glitter on secrrl,ar status.

Many of the features of ritual sponsorship of the mailuwa are also present in the organization of t}rreperaluraas the next Chapter shows. The difference is a matter of degree. The peralura, aslargued in Chapter ? is the cosmogony - it is a canon for all other rituals. In the next Chapter, therefore, I examine the proliferation of Asala peraluras in the context of contem¡rorary Power relations. 249

CTIAPTER 7

Cosmos and Society - The Prism

unilerstandíng anlturæ, ancicnt or tlu people join nd ioining wlut the

Introduction

Asala peraharøs have proliferated in twentieth century Sri lanka, revealing political cleavages within Sinhalese society. And yet, each perfonnance of this ritual re-inforces a cosmological canon, which is systemaÉzd and articulated by a dominant class and caste. I argue here that the Wrølwra simultaneously unifies people on the cosmological plane and differentiates them socially and politically in a dialogicat movement which transcends lower levels of social organization such as caste and cl,ass. Paradoxically, rnig is achieved in the aggregate of individr¡als who participate in peraharøs, while peopte separate themselves from others in their socio-

political world vis avis the event of a particular petalura.

Again, by exploiting the ethnographic disþnction between the performance

of ritual based as it is on specialist ritual knowledge, and the social organization of

rituals as events, I show that each perølura is unique at the level of experierrce. Like

t}¡e møduwa, it is evaluated in terms of its scale, its ritual content and its authenticity

and my aim, in this Chapter, is to examine lhe perøIura in these terms. In Chapter 2, I

anaþed the ,Asala peralura as a performative text. In this Chapter, I locate the event

oL peralurø in its sociopolitical context. Like the madunn, thre peralwra has two

'authors'but my focr¡s here is on the way discourse dialogizes, and thus embeds, the

twin aspects of performance and event. I show that discourse about peralnrøs

operates internally to the cosmic meanings constituted by the rituat itself. In othe'

words, in discourse about peralura, people select from the possibílities posed by the

cosmic and social meanings of pøølnra but they fail to q¡restion the ritual's premise, 2s0

which is the figure of the Buddha. The discourse, th€n, is a dialogical process in the political authentication of what is Traditional.

This analysts of peralnrø further reveals the hierarthical and holistic nature of sociat relations. But, by paying close attention its social organization, I also show tlutperalura is the prism through whidr we can see the primary opposition between cosmos and societyi the opposition on which the division of this thesis is based.

Cosmologically speakinç alI peraluras are 'authentic' as I have shown in Chapter 2. At this level, Peralura is the apotheosis of tradition. However, its pøalnra's cosmological meanings exist in a particular social world where, as an event the peralura dialogizes cosmos and society.

It will become clear that the cosmological meanings oÍ perølarø aPPly universally to each person as an individual, while the social organization oÍ peralnra is holistic, constituting social units in their historical and political partiorlarity. In other words, there is a dualism inperalurawhich, in the light of the argument of Part

1, I see as constituting an existential contradiction between Religious Individualism and social holism, a dualism inversely implied by the name Sinhalese Buddhist'.

The argument is based on the Bakhtinian conception of language described in

the Introduction. The peralara, in its cosmic unity may be seen as a centripetal force

in Sinhalese Buddhist society, most partiorlarþ because of its significance as the

Buddhist cosmogony. It exists in the midst of heteraglossia; of a society divided in

terms of categories of being, kinship, gender, occupational specialism, educational

advantage and disadvantage, class, politicat affiliation and so on. In rel,ation to the

performative text of the prøIurø therefore, the discourse about peralwrø engages and interprets it in relation to the particularities of everyday life. This process is

described by Bakhtin as follows

forces, centrifuga] forcg Alongside the centripetal the -of -lalgu3gg carry- on their uniñtermpted wolk alongside verbal-ideological cenúa[zation and unification, the unintermpted Process of decentralization and disunification go forward...Every utterance Kotte É I was given to understand that all Raja Maha Viharas, which both Bellanwila and

claim to be, are of the Siam Nikaya and that only temples of this fraternity can hold

peraharas. This may have changed. F{owever, my argument primarily concerns the

relationship of temple and caste as will become clear. In the event, there are certainly

other temples, serving the Karava caste for example, which do not conduct perahøras' 251,

and rical

With the cosmological unity of the perfomunce of the Asala peralurø dialogizing in the bacþro.und, therefore,I develop my argument by firstly empirically locating the proliferation of peralurøs. Secondly, I examine the economy of a perøIura showing how the power rel¡ations of the wider socíety, already hinted at in Chapter 2, stmcture the social relatiorc of ritual. ildasked by the role of Buddhist monks, they holistically incorporate and encompass people in relation to place' Then, having identified a number of peraluras, I convey the ethos of the discourse about them,

through whictr, with Bakhtin's notions in mind,I illuminate the relatioruhip between

cosmos and society. The corrclusion introduces the voice of the media which, as I

show, is an aspect in the reproduction of the power relations which stimulate the

peralur a' s proliferation.

Bacþround

All peraluras occur in temples of the Siam Nitrayf \\e Axla peralura, in its

present form as a combined ritual for Buddha and the deities originated in the Up

Country Town of Kandy in the 18th century during the reign of King Kirti Sri Raþsinha. Notably, it was instituted by monks of that Fraternity (Malalgoda

19T6:6344), albeit paid for by the king. Today, the IGndy ,amla peralnrø is an event

of internationat religious significance and is a maþr tourist attlaction. The Kandy

Anlaperahnra is controlled and organized in alternate years by the senior Chapters of

the Siam Nikaya, the Malwatta and Asgriya Chapters, which are attached to The

Temple of the Tooth (hlada Mnligautù which houses the most revered Buddha icon,

the Eye Tooth Relic or Dølaita. As I have argued elsewhere (1983) there is a symbolic

relation between these Chapters, their names respectively denoting the 'garden'and

'forest'monasteries, and the Palace dwelling of the relic which exploits the Buddha's 252

choice (frontispiece) between the royal life and Buddhahood and this is enacted in all peralurasas Chapter 2 shows. It is the centralizing symbolism of the Dalada Maligøutø that gives rise to the opposition between the Up Country and Low Country in terms of the Buddha arul demons as described in the Introduction. More important than this symbolism for the moment is the fact that the Malwatta and Asgitiya Chapters still control what is probabty the largest extents of larud in Sri Lanka since the land reforms of the 7970'swhich placed ceilings on private land ownershiP.

According to Evers, IGndyan monastic larrctholdings are almost the same in

the twentieth century as they were in 1832 (797L76). Malalgoda cites an early figure

of 400,000 a(jræ (7976:76) and Iupp in 1978 tetls us that there were then 376,000 acres

attached to these two Chapters (1978:172). I have no evidence that this has changed.

Despite these landholdings, during my fieldwork Rs.S million was granted by the

then President f.R |ayewardena, for the continuance of the Kandy peraharø which, by definition, would be controlled by these Chapters and perhaPs, by thre Diyaunilana

Nilnme or lay official for the Palace who is legally appointed to this position by the

President. To the best of my lnowledge, IGndyan monastic landholdings are the

inalienable property of the Buddhist Order. They are Sanghikn property for which the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinances specify methods of appointment for lay

officials in the Up Country (basnryal,a nilames for shrines , the Diyausadana Nilame for

the Temple of the Tooth) and trustees in the Low Country. Property not described as

funghikafalls under the taw of Charitable Trust, an English law introduced in 1833,

although this does not mean that temple donations are nowadays tax exempt.

At the time of my fieldwork, there was a body called The Committee to

Consider the Report on the Efficient lvlanagement of Temple land shrinel ProPerty isUna-iiae. I had the good fortune to meet the Chairman, Dr. Wimalachandra, to

whom I am grateful for the following information. The Committee was comPosed-

amongst others, of a former Public Trustee who is now the President of the Law

College, the present Rrblic Trustee and the DePuV Commissioner of Buddhist 253

Affairs. They were conducting seminars all over Sri l^aril

Small extents of land have been acquired by some Low Country temples over time, but they are not lands originally granted by Kings as for Kandy and their importance differs, not the least in terrns of revenue and temple service which the royal grants entailed and still entail. For example, the Saman Danle, which falls between Up and Low Country still organizes its ryrølarø on the basis of docrrmented paraaeni and other types of hereditary land for ritual service. In 1985, the

Department of Buddhist Affairs was in the process of registering all shrines and their lands island-wide. On the figures then avail,able, those in lGndy, Ratnapura and

Kegalla, the latter two bordering Up and Low Country, were clearly the only areas where landownership had any significancg especially IGndy and its immediate

surrounds. The lJpllow country division described in the IntroductiorL therefore, is

more than a mere culh¡ral boundary. It is a material legacy of history which informs

rel¡atiorrs between temples in contemporary Sri lanka.

In this century, peraluras have proliferated in the L¡w Country where temples

are not landed. Amla peraluras are held at Belanwilla Rniø MaIu Vilnra and Kotte

Paja MaIu Vihara, both of which are funghika property. This is an important factor in

the non-accountability of monks for temple expenditure. The honorifics of the names

of these temples putatively signifies their relationship to kings. There are other

perøIuras in the Low Country, one at Kelaniya and another at Gangararru as well as 254

many significant ones for deitiesl. I have no information about the one at Kelaniya and do not include those for the deities alone which are, in any case, encompassed by tlne AsIa Walnras as could be e,xpected from the hierarchy of the pantheon. It is enough to give a brief outline of the history of Kotte, Bellanwila and Gangarama and that of therr perataras atd,the present ci¡cumstances of monks, priests and dryalcas2 of the first two.

Kotte temple is located at Pita-Kottq the place rurme of the 'outside' of the ancient royal capital of Kotte in what is now, since the erection of a new parliament house replete with an artificial lake, the official capital of Sri lånka, Sri

|ayawardenapura. The temple is upheld as one of the oldest temples in the counby with a history of association with the Daladn, now housed in IGndy, during Portuguese and D¡tch rule . The Kotte perølara started at the h¡rn of this century and is attributed to the discovery of divine weapons by the father of the main peralnra priest in his nearby shrine which was taken as a sign that a peralura should be commenced. The present Chief monk has been the incumbent only for a few years 'He since the death of his predecessor. does not speak English. T\e perølnra was originally worked by the priest who discovered the weapons and his son who is now in his seventies after him, with an intemrption of about 30 years. The continutation of this priest's relationship with t}rre peralura is now very tenuous and it is not expected that his son will be permitted to succeed him for political reasons by either the monk or the Døyal,a Sablu (the society of lay heþrs). \\e Dryaka fublu of this temple is composed of a number of public figures. The Kotte temple has recently been freshly painted.

1 Tho. are always held at the deities' main seats which I have marked on Map 1.

2 I ¿oyott is a lay helper bo a Buddhist temple. I discuss this role fully in the section on the wnomy of.pralnrø. 255

Bellanwila temple is an extremely wealthy and beautifully maintained temple which appears on post

30 years ago, within a decade of Sri lanka's Independence and it now rivals Kandy's in scale. The (Deputy) Chief monk not only speaks English but has a degree in sociology from the United Kingdom. The deity priests at BJþnwin have a unique hereditary position which has grown from the fortuitous circumstance of their father being selected to work in the shrine complex before the commencement of the peralwrø by the now deceased incumbent Chief monk There is no government appointed trustee for the Bellanwila shrine complex. T\eDryaka Sabln of this temple

is composed largely of local small-businessmen.

Gangararna temple is located almost in Colombo city. It is of the Siam Nikaya

but it is not a Rnia Matu Vílnrø. Gangarama templg like Bellanwil a, is beautifully

maintained and appears on post-cards. The senior monks are higily educated, the

one I spoke to had the command of seven languages. I had little direct contact with

this temple but it inaugurated aperaluraîn7979 under the auspices of the then Prime

4 TTe Chi"f monk was absent in Singapore, I will ¡ronetheless call his d"Ptty The Chief Monk' fur simplicity. 2s6

Minister and Member of Parliament for central Colombo, Mr. R. Premadasa, which is described as a revival of the Colombo Esala [sicl N,Iaha Perahara but is called the

Navam Perahara, it is held in February and celebrates an event in the life of the Buddha's disciples. It has now become the single largest and most spectacular peralwra in the festival cycle. It annually publishes a Statement of Accounts for peralurø listing special donations ranglng from Rs.20,0ü) to Rs.10. The total income for pemlura in 19tX¡ from donations, zubecriptions arv¡l tourists was Rs.899,915 of which tourists contributed Rs.178,000. Total erpenditure was totalled at Rs.970"8&5. I include the Gangaranu peralura even though it is unrelated to the others in its performance, because it belongs with them in the wider social context.

Two final points need to be made about monks. Firstly, despite their separation by temple, monks are linked hierarchically within the Siam Nikaya in terms of the Order's (Sanglu's\ mode of pupillary succession. Without delving into this opaque and problematic, if not sensitive area, this is a factor in both individual monk's relationships with the Døyaka Sablu of their temple and their relationship with other temples. In this regard, it is worth noting that while Bellanwila and Kotte peralurøs almost overlap each other, neither is held during the time of the IGndy peralara. Secondly, while the social location of monks is vital to the political dimension of peralura it must be remembered that it is as monks, that is, in tenrrs of their religious knowtedge, that they initiate and co-ordinate the ritual's timing, handle all ritual associated with the Relic and determine, after consultation with

'procession specialists's precisely the sequence and order of each comPonent of the

each procession.

5 TL"r= are very few of these peopk apparently. They are self-taught specialists in the meanings oÍ paluta. The Kotte and Bellanwila Temple have used the same Pqson over time, if not at the same time, so the differences in the respective processions signs the intervention of the monks. 257

Against this background of information I now descríbe the economy of peralura to indicate the way dass forces holistically sbrrcture t}lre peralum audience, creating divisiors within the social fabric.

The Economy

Ð Introduction

The fact is that peralwras nowadays proliferate6 so it is important to delve deeply into the social organization and economy of such extravaganzas as the basis for discussing the rel,ationship between them. In this section,I foct¡ss on the flow of money in the ecoonomy of peralara to show that relations of cliass external to the peralura structure its economy. These relations are mediated by the temple and

Buddhist monks, thereþ becoming obscured in favour of an ethos of holism ois a vis the ritual. T\eperalula economy I describe here is unique to the Low Country where temples do not have substantial land-holdings.

Aperaharøcosts between 350,000 and 600,000 rupees or 3.5 Jo 6IaIùs (a IaIù ts

100,000 rupees) which is an enormous sum of money in Sri lånka. This money is managed by Buddhist monks. I therefore analyse the role of monlcs in the organization of peralura. There are three things to be considered in this section. Firstly, by following the ritual division of liabour, I show how the economy of peralura is structu¡ed by class but mediated by monks. Secondly, I suggest that the economy functions to identify people and place constituting the relations of ritual as

6 The ,ts¿la poløn was a royal rittral inaugurated during the Kandyan P€d'od by the amalgamation of disparate rites, one for the Buddha Relic and one for the deities, in very much its contemporary form. As I have argued elsewhere (1983), after secession to the British, in the wake of a differential class formation between Up Country and [¡w Country, it gndually declined to parochial status. Around the turn of the century, according to the stories about how they began, new Asls palwes arcse in the [.ow Country with which I am concerned. The very proliferation of this ritual is þtification for examining the relationship between them in political terrns. 258

both personalized and holistic vtz a viz the temple arú, peralura. Finally, this exploration of the social dimension of peralum reveals once again how perfonners who are understood to be, and who define themselves as, 'traditíonal people', as I argued in Chapter 5, are subordinat"d by the economy of peralurfl as a service class, not caste. In other words, the economy of peralura renders o

iÐ Diaisionoflahour

T\e peratnrø division of labour is identical ürith the temple's everyday division of labour which involves a relation between monks, deity priests and members of a society of lay donors to the temple called fhe Døyøla Sabln. Between

two to four months before the peralura, the monk convenes the society to form a

special peralurø committee which indudes deity priests whether or not they are

normally members of it. The monk then informs everybody of the dates for the

forthcoming event which he has either catculated himself or arranged in consultation

with an astrologer. The first meeting also arranges a time for the Chief Monk, the

leading doyob (the name for a member of the society) and the Chief deity priest to

travel far south to the town of Kataragama to make a vow to the God of the same

name, seeking his protection for the whole event and all participants. This is the first

act in the organization of perølura,hioting at its encompassing Power. Thereafter, the

Doyfu Sablu,the monks, priests and performers each have different roles to play.

äÐ Dryakas, Donors ønd Dignitariæ

The inward flow of cash and goods for Wralura is the responsibility of a

society of lay donors. The society's function in peralara is the same as the society's

year round obligation to maintain what is a mendicant order of monks. Offerings to

Buddhist temples and monks creates merit Qin) for the individual but in the Low Country, the Society must be registered with the Minister of Companies and the 259

Government Treasurer must approve it7. Tenrples are not officially declared

Charitable Institutionss. These societies are internally btrreaucratized; they have presidents, chairrren, secretaries and treasurers as well as ordinary members.

Position holders are expressly selected on the basis of thei¡ social standinge. In most temples, the positions are held by high ranking state officials, politicians, chairmen of various govemment councils arul statutory bodies as well as heads of government

deparbnents. When there are ercceptions to this in ternples whidr hostperalaras,itts

the case that private dononr to the temple include exEemely wealthy entre¡reneurs or

businessmeilO. Membership is formally unrestricted but the caste of the incumbent

Fraternity of Monks is an influencing factofll. Office holders, therefore, are only

distinguishable from ordinary members by virtue of their class position, giving the

society its own division of l,abour which manifests in the work that people do and the

direction of summary orders. The only formal requirment for membership in the

society is that the person should be a pious laymanz.

7 I here deliberaæly þxtaposing religious conceptions of sudr acts with their bureauqatization."

E WhiL some temples perform cha¡itable worþ the funglu is after all a mendicant order. At the time of fieldworþ efforts were being made to have Þmples formally declared as Charitable Irutitutions without whictr, donations are not officially tax exemPt.

9 By which I mean class. There are both'westerniz€d'and 'tr¿ditional' people of means in Sri [ånka, distinguished by dress, each is a cultural o

10 This is relevant to l¡ater discussion about the rel,ationship betwænptahøas.

11 I do not know of r€cent rcsea¡ch in this a¡ea but Malalgoda (1976) attributes the prolifuration of Fraternities of different castes to ttre alteration of political and social organization after in" fun of the Kandyan Kingdom. Ideally, of course, caste should not be a consider¿tion for Buddhist monks precisely because of itreir asocial natu¡e. They lose ttreir family names uPon entry to the ffier which means that they lose caste.

12 I do not know of women who a¡e directly menrbe¡rs of this society. Their social status, as always, is dedved ftom that of their fattrers, brothers or husbands. Piety, however, is a religious facto' which does not discriminate in terms of gmder and I do know of women who a¡e public ñgures being extremely generous financial contributors to æmples. In other wotds, ttrey can create merit in their own right. 260

As a whole, the society has a year-round resporuibility to the temple and the monks. Members anange almsgivings (danc'l for monks, the more elaborate on special occasions when monks from other temples come to visit such as the Higher

Ordination ceremony (Upa.vmpila) and the offe¡ing of doth for monks robes at the

Ihthi¡u ceremony which ends the perid of retreat during whidr Wralnra is held. They are responsible for the considerable er(pelrses of a monk's funeral and they ensure the proper flow of gifts and food for any temple celebration including the daily business of Buddlø puja. Ordinary me¡nbers are most likely to do the daily work, ofñcials taking over on the elaborate and public, but monthly, full-moon(poya) days, denoting their higher status which is clearly visible in the reliation between dryolw at these events. All of these works are acts of merit and merit creation is based on an ideology of 'from each according to his means'so to be a member is to be

equally pious. However, the social distinctions have a direct bearing on the

collection of moneys for peralara.

It is the Døyok fubÍu's duty to find most of the money lor peralwra and it does

this in two ways, by personal donation and by collection from others. Here again,

class ptays a clear role. In the Low Country pubtic officials may not contribute to

perahara from the governrnent funds which they control. Howeve¡, their position is

utilized by them by collecting from nationally and regionally wealthy businessmen

whom they call friends (yøIuwoß). These dayalcas are said to be'...powerful enough to

hold 10 peralnras'. Ordinary members of the society, on the other hand collect by

door-knocking in their own residential area. Ideally there should be five 'vill,ages'

attached to peralural4 and it is important to note that they are called 'gamt','villiages',

even though they largely urban areas which we might call suburbs. In practice the

number is contingent upon current political circumstances. In the event, the people

who door-knock are rarely refused, but the donations, for which there are vouchers

13 Thir tut has the cpnnotation of 'connection' and not 'personal friend'.

1{ TL" number, as I explained in Chap,ter 4 is the number for humans, heæ it represents the four directions and a centre. 26L

prepard in the expected amounts of Rs. F10, are small Ttre largest donation I saw during door-knocking was Rs.100 which was specially receipted. Food and goods are sometimes offered in lizu of cash at both levels.

One o

In 1986 the cost of this was Rs.25,000. Another is the loan of generators to light the elephants an{ of cou¡se, the donation of the use of eþhants its€lFs. The less well- off offer a few coconuts or plantains from their gardens but each and every donation constitutes a personal relation between the contributor ard the ritual. It is clear that the latter contributions based on religious considerations could not, in themselves, support theperaluru.

Costs are defrayed by these offerings in kind but it is difficult to get precise information on the extent of the the monetary contributions from the rich and powerful. However, we can get a very loose approximatioil6 by deducting the sum of all other contributiotts to pralnr¿ from its cost. Door-lnocking produces only about Rs 15,000 to Rs.20,000. Another source of peralura income is the deity shrineslT. This varies for different temples but the Public Trustee's figure for one temple was Rs 13,000. The other main source of income is derived from letting temple space to traders and the fairground which we can estimate as around

Rs.35,000. Iæt me iust say a few words about this.

15 Th" daily cost of hiring elephants rargd f¡om Rs250/day for she elephants, Rs.3f)/day for males and Rs.450/day for tuskers. Even whm this is waived, the temple must provide elephant fodder, the collectbn of whictr is paid, menial worþ at Rs.75lday, plus travellint exPens€s and keep for the mahout/s. Sometimes, the generators a¡e offtred with the fuel that runs them and sometímes not. Neither of thes€ sorts of donation would appear to add up to the la¡ger cash donations.

16 ...given that the expense may not be precise either.

17 These funds are, as I mentioned in Ctrapter 2,Uæpt distinct from regular shrine proceeds by the introduction of special prahøa colbction boxes. The funds from one year are carried forward towards the fullowing year's expenses. The patærn of disribution of shrine income is usually U3 lot the temple, 1 ß fot maintenance of the shrine and 1/3 br tlre deity priests, unless they are working on a ksli basis (sæ Chap,ter 5). 262

In some temples, a space of 8 x 8 O with electricity provided is let for Rs.500. lvlany of the stall proprietonr who make a living from doing the ritual circuit complain that they cannot make a profit from these, but they all speak of writing earþ to the temples each year to secure a space. The fair owner must also pay for the space on which his fairground is erected. A recent innovation has been to call for tenders in the press for the use of temple spaces during prølurø. The small stall proprietors feel that this will do them out of business. In the event, it places them in a sub

While precise figures are not available and may in any case vary from year to year and in different temples, the extent of collections and donations from individual members of the elite is clearly enonnous. But what is more important is that the work of collecting and donating money lor peralura personalizes the ritual at all levels even as it constitutes the main contributors as dignitaries in the processioru.

These people, politicians, bureaucrats and the wealthy are given a role in peralnra

explicitly ranked in accordance with their level of donation. Those who give between Rs 3,000 and Rs.10,000 open (begtn) each night's perahara, the Maha

Peralura being the most prestigeous,of course. Donations between Rs.1,000 and

Rs.¿000 privilege people to 'open' (turn on) the lights which is always seen ar¡ a

special function. Other maior contributors parade according to the level of their

donations in the sartorial splervlour of the King's officials tn nilame costumes There

are lesser fuirctions in the deity rituals to be played by laymen who contribute

signficantly. The most prestigeous role for a layman is the honour of conveying the

Buddha Relic casket on his cloth-covered head in procession (npuaila peralnra) and

lt Thir includes a legally sanctiñed zone surrìounding some temples and should be distinguished frcm land owned by a temple. 263

this goes to either the most important dayala or the gretest contributor which is often the same persorL

The social ranking according to donation is subordinate in the processions to the cosmological ranking in whictr, as I suggested in Chapter 2, these people are ranked beneath the gods as mere mortals. But, in sociat tenns, they are clearly elite. Their names, occrrpátioru and generosity are publidy announced over the loudspeaker and they are lavishly praised for their meritorior¡s generosity and piety.

Clearþ, class, wealth and power in the wider society, create peralnra leaders

(pradluneya minìssu) as they constitute the basis for the division of labour within the

Dryfu Sabha. The relation between the elite arvl the Monkhood, as exemplified in the economy of perøInra, itself has traditional parallels in the relationship between the King and the Sangha analysed as a symbiotic reliation between the wheels of temporal and spiritual power (see Obeyesekere et.al.1972 and Bardwell Smith et.al.

lg78r. Wealth and the phitosophy of Buddhism reinforce each other symbiotically in

the econnomy of peralura, signed, perhapo, by the fact that the precise route of

peralnra is altered in relation to the homes, businesses or areas of political influence

of these contributorsl9. Qualitativeþ the same relation exists in the contemporary world through the relation of the Døyafu Sabla and the temple. The economy the ritual Wralmrø, perhaps evm more than the naduu¡a, exemplifies the import of practitioner's remark that, nowadays Everyone can be king'. The unspoken proviso,

of course, is 'as long as he is wealthy'.

Before proceeding, I wish to emphasize the fact that contemPorary society is

qualitatively different from the royal potity described in the Preamble to Part 2. The

holism of the social relations of ritual is not the product of a society ordered by caste.

Society is economically based on a rnarket economy and class. Nonetheless,

19 Th"r" are obvious restrictions on the extent to which this can occur in the space of a few miles but exact routes do change over the years to include or exdude suburbo. This is quite meaningless to the cosmological meanings of peralurc, to which a stræt is a street, although it does accouht fur some of the personal competition between public ñgures. 264

hierarchy in the form of retinue gives fornr to social relations both outside and within the context of ritual What the peralura economy does, however, is to unite people at a more inclusive or encompassing level The prestige of the occasion thus takes on political significance for the society at the level of the elite. Relations befiitean peralaras therefore sign competition between elite fiactions in society. I return to this point shortly.

io) Monþs, P tirsiß anrl P uf ormøs

Organizing performers is the province of the Chief Monk who claims to

'personally' invite and pay all performers. In fact, the Chief monk invites and pays only a few people directly in order to get 1500 or more perfortners working for the peralurø. Agair¡ tonnections' are personal. He invites one (or two) usually fairþ prominent representatives of each and every crrltural dance form in Sri lånl€, nominating how many bodies he wants and he pays only that representative a negotiated and undisclosed sum. The representative, in turn, invites known others who invite others aru:l so forth, in hierarchical order. On one occasion, all250 heuris¡ drummers were brought to the temple by one man who, he told me was paid Rs.100 per person. He invited ñrst his kin or very close associates and then others who are his frienrts (yaluwo) who in turn brought different people. This ¡s a co¡nmon pattern

for all groups, liarge or small At each level of invitation, a percentage is taken by the

inviter and the nett result, for the dancers and drummers about whom I know most

is that they get between Rs.65 and Rs.75 a day, depending on which dayls they

worked (i.e., more for the Malaperalnral, which was the equivalent of the day-labour

rate in 1986. The longer the line of invitees extends, the less those at the bottom

receive. As I argued in Chapter 5, there is really no such thing as a dancing troupe as

a permanentty bounded entity. What appears as such in the context of prølnra ts a looseþ bounded coalition of people, hierarchized within and articulated as

'¡rerformers' from the top. 26s

Invited by the monk and made a temporary member of the special society for organizing peralura the deity priest looks after only his own Part in the proceedings after the vow to tr(ataragama. This indudes inviting perforrners to assist in the deity lvork, including the ceremonial planting of the lap pole, the procession displaying divine insignia, the perforrrarrce surrounding Pattini's palarquin in the processions and the water

'specialists' in their composition. The monks, of course, are res¡ronsible for all of the ritual procedure surounding the Buddha Relic which makes these events Ailla peraluras. The Chief monk in particular is responsible for and takes pride in co- ordinating the cosmologicat meanings of the specialist work of others in Buddhist terms which accounts for the philosophical coherence of the resulting performance.

It accounts also for his role in hiring performers.

The priesþ while privileged by their one.third share of shrine takings, ¿rs we will see, are otherwise conflated with the rest of performers as a cliass of haditional specialists in relation to the ritual whole. The tentacles of invitation to performers reach across Sri Lanka, not only for the dancers invited by the priest but for those invited by the Chief monþ ¡rerformers come from widety dispersed areas, from Kandy to the Sabaragamuwa Province, which has its own dance form, and IGtaragama in the south. Drumming and dancing 'grou¡x' include thre heu¡isi and uileþ&i drummers, IGndyan dancers (who Êall into two categories, the ø¿s and pntheru dancers), theleatnili dancers for Kataragama, the utadìgaptun dancers from the Suniyam rituals, tlulmedancers from the Pattini ritual and many more. lvlany of

these people are of a service caste so calted, but there are now significant numbers

who are from other castes. In any cas€, as performers, the castes and ctrltural

differences they represent are conflated as they are relegated by the organization of

peralurø to the same cosmological space. In the dressing roonìs, which function as 266

sleeping quarters as well, there are no distirrctions made by the tenplc, not even for deity priests20. There are no privileges for any one group to eat differently or at separate times, they are fed together as perfonnens W ser. Any distinctions between the perforurers are demarcated entirely by them, by congregating in their own groups as ctrltural 'troupes'. There is considerable rivalry for status between Up Country anl Low Country perfonners but it takes the form of þking behaviour between 'troupes' in the peralnra context and therefore signs their 'equality' in the ritual context.

For all performersz relations within the groups are hierarchical and relations between them competitive in cultural terms which is an aspect in their selfdefinition as 'traditional people'. More than anything else, the work of performers, especially their dancing in the processions, is identified as the quintessential'traditional' aspect of peralura. And yet, in terms of the ritual organization, the perfonners are rendered equal as a class of traditionat specialists. This is signed by their bei.g paid day- labour rates for their services from the wealth of those with access to the means of production albeit indirectly mediated by the monks who ideally stand outside of the social world as symbolized by the very existence of the Daya?a fublu-

20 There is one case where there is special space fur the priests, most of whom live at the temple in anycase.

21 I han" included as Appendix 4 the shopping list fior food Íor the perforrrers þst to give an idea of the quantities involved. The food is ooked by paid proÍessionals and is sen¡ed in the monks' eating hall wherc I was also permitted to eat.

2 ... as for Washerpeople and Potters, there is status among their own people which produces hierarchy in perchøa- For examplg whether or not it is better paid, doing a phua is much mo¡e prestigeous than ttre work of first menstrr¡ation rite for ttre washerpeople. In the ritual context, the senior washerman who rnay run a laund4y business and is the invitee, may be seen giving orders to others he has invited on how to hang clean cloth in the ceilings of deity shrines. His zubordinates run in the peraturq picking up the pade after the tusker has passed over it, ùo replace it in ftont of the elephant again. Similarly, the main potter invited by the monk will bear the Water Pot on his head in rheKftwùbalpalura and allow subordinates to do less public chores. 267

tì Auilienc¿ and Place

Being a itayaka or a donor to peralnra, in cash or in kind, large or small, is the main factor in the constitution of ritual audiences. Most audiences to peralutø do not form simply in relation to the fact of a peralura, br¡t even if they do, there would be no perøIura without the dayal,as, donors and dignitaries. Whatever the status of the society member, ant partly becar¡se of a dærth of pr,rblic transPort late at nightB his home becomes the venue for hosting füends arvl relatives from elsewhere during the main week oÍ peralwra. This is a hidden cost perhaps as I was told by both rich and poor that this hosting should be 'like a wedding'. f @nnot estimate the numbers encompassed in this way, but a significant part of the audience is composed of networks of kin and friends extending considerably beyond the immediate location.

Even for those people who come without such ¡rersonal ties, there is the tie of locationbornof theuseof the term'gama'.Thenotion of 'gama', 'village',carùasI described in the previous Chapter, be loosely or precisely defined. It may refer to one's place of birth anC/or residencg or that of senior kin, depending on context.

Perahara is one context where identiñcation with 'village' by residence overrides factors such as caste and dass.

This explains the importance ol. Pqalnrøs being colloquially named by place

such as 'the Kandy peralnra','the Gangarama Wrølutø', 'the Kotte peralnra' 'the Belanwilla peralurø','the Kelaniya peralwra'and so on. In this way, they are all

identified with and by the identities of the prominent people who are either Temple

society members or significant donors to them, not the least on television and in the

media. Not all penlnras arc .4sln peraluras. IGndy, Kotte and Belanwilla are the

three most signiñcant hosts of Axla pralurø but when people talk about tllre peralnra

they attend, they refer to it as 'ape perøInra' or 'npe gamee peralørø','our village procession'. The relation of audience to peralurø is thus both personalized and

B Th""" are buses which run later than usual in the immediate regiorç but they are intolerably crowded wen by Sri tankan sta¡rdards. 268

holistic through the munificence of donors. Th¡s is evident in everydayliÍe, after the event of ritual in the way the temple becomes a mdiator, providing an avenue for poorer people to succesfully solicit the help of the well-to do and powerful as a result of their couìmon identification with place. The temple and the Waluta mediate and transform rel,ations of class in the everyday world.

Sumrury C-omment

The social organization of perøharø is personalized and holistic, albeit formed as a result of class relations which exist outside of it. If the analysis had been a purety financial one, it could be said that performers are to contributors as liabilities are to income. The importance of performers being paid cannot be overlooked in the religious context of the inward flow of cash and goods. By oppositioç this constitutes them as a specialist class of traditional performers, precisety as suggested by the cosmic use of space as I described in Chapter 2. They are separated by payment as a class of service specialists to the entire ritual audience. Ritual practitioners and mahouts are relegated to the nether regions of the temple during the process of the ritual but, of coursg mahouts are, by definition, the servants of the rich and powerful who can afford to own elephants. The hierarchical pattern of distinctions made between ritual practitioners of different cultural traditions is interesting. As cultural'groups' they are internally hierarchized, but they relate as equals with other groups, as exemplified by their þking behaviour.u.

ã A word should be said about unpaid participants. These are largely Boy Sout groups and gtoups of middle=

The same pattern is also evident in relatioru befioeenperøluras. The economy of perahara clearþ shows how organizational relations whidr are external to perølura,in partiarlar class, come to stn¡cture its internal relations on a Personalized and holistic basis. The external relations are masked by the role of monks in orchestrating and managing peralura. Monks are in no way accountable, except to themselves, for the way temple funds are spent arul they mediate the inward and outward flow of cash betr¿een classes. It is dear that there is every possibility of a temple making significant sunìs of money by holding a palurabut this is unlikely to be the primary motivation underþing them. More likely, the principles of the relationship between the king and the Sangha, a relationship behveen temporal and spiritual lrcwer, each reinforcing the other, is the traditional force behind peralnra. In their contempoËry proliferation all pøalaras embody this opposition but the proliferation is a product of political competition born of inchoates cl,ass processes, outside the event of peralurø.

All peralwras in the Low Country are personalized by donors and particularized by place. They are entities based on class relations in the wider society, masked and constituted as holistic by the mediation of Buddhist monks. The monks constitute the head, fhe døyalcns the will, the audience the body (with 'atms' of relatives and friends) arvl the perfonners are the feet, darrcing in peralurø. In this sens¡e, each peralmra ts a monad and, as the social voices presented below indicate, eachperalmra is in competition with others to authenticate hadition.

2t I aesctiUe class furces as inchoate because ñrstly, it is easy to make a distinctíon between traditional and modem people by vírtue of their dress, btrt it is certain that many PeoPle who dress in traditional sa¡ongs a¡e middledass and/or wealthy. Practitioners of ayunedic medicine, academics concened with the preservation of tr¿dition and so on dress differently to people in governmenl positions but it is not a dir€ct indication of wealth. In the same way, many well-todo people live very simply. 270

Social Voices

T\e peralura ts a perforrratíve text arvl an event in the world; as both, the perøIura is an obiect of discourse. As I argue here, the very unity of the discourse, which takes The Buddha as its unspoken premise, seryes to divide people amongst themselves. I began this Chapter by describing the empirical circtrmstarrces in which peralarasproliferated. I thm discr¡ssecl the way extcttttl relations of power, based on class, stnrctu¡ed the ínte¡nat relations of pralurø It is now appropriate to condude by analysing the differencebetuteen peralnrøs in the actual empirical context, without which we cannot go beyond the relatíve anonymous propositio4 that peralura represents Sri lånka in microcosm. In this final section, therefore,I show, following

Bakhtin, that relatiors of power in the wider society are exPressed through social voices, even as they articulate the particularities of conriousness. As Bakhtiñ argues,

...there are no'heutral" wOrds and forms - words and forms that can over, shot individual system of tion of the world (1981:293).

The social voices presented here speak in a chorus of division. The voices of

monks, priests and perforrners, ilayalcns, audiences, eve!ì in their individual particularity, repeat similar themes. They are social voices which speak in the

everyday world about peralnras as paficular events. Of course, the background for

has been painted by which implies two things; my selection of what these voices ^", is important¿nd the absence of the detail available to actors themselves.

Nonetheless, as far as possible,I attempt to allow the voices to speak for themselves,

before zummarising the patterns which appear. Throughout this section, it is my

'voice' which internally dialogizes the chorus of voices. This means that I transcribe

what was said to me in the interloctrtory situation, within the context I perceived as

an external observer. Put in the words of Bakhtin 271-

Monks

access to the temple and the peralwra.

Kotte peralarø explicitly excludes both. 272 have locals in the Dayalcn Sabln because this is the correct procedure for a temple.

of the society they are in. rumø | as of the at monk, it

Priests and Perfornrers

ritual work.

ritual lmowledge.

ã This term has been explained earlier. 273

Dayakas

Audiences 274

do say something, it is to ask'have you come to sge ow Øpe) peralara, 'what do you tñink ol ape dancer!, Priestq and elephants'? Some people go óut of their way to tell you about the wondrous wolk of.'ape 'lnn ni*"durd or their ehief mónt and they like to boast about the importance of those under whose auspices'their' peralnra is held. Arü, hst but not least, they see it, and- act towards it, as a crrltural festival Qrungalqa) whidr both commemorates funtal@! the Buddha and celebrató üú? deities (æth untiya) bgan'ny *nskrutluíyryl

Sumrury Comment

Recurrmt themes emerge from these voices. These are: a) status versus piety, b) inclusivity and jealousy c) üe authenticity of tradition and the peþrative use of the term mudalati. Patterns crystallize when these themes are seen against the background provided earlier.

Firstly, monks especially praise the piety of their own ilayaløsldonors.

Dayakas, reciprocally praise the piety of monks but they oPPose their own piety to the status pretentions of like others who are seen as þalous. Secondly, indwivity operates from the top down and the bottom up. Monks and dayakns/donors speak of providing peralnra for'our people'. Audiences, reciprocally, speak of 'our' peralura, monks anddryakas.

Priests, on the other hand, may include themselves in the collectivity bounded top and bottom but they do so mostly in terms of the authenticity of their own perfonnance. They thereby paficipate in the exclusivity, bounding themselves by criticizing their counterparts in other perøInras. However, like the monks, they also separate themselves from below, from the performers, albeit in the third person.

Performers belong within the sphere of reciprocal admiration in the first

person but outside of it in the third person by their criticisms of priests and by

assessing both monks and especially political figures who are dayakas/donors in

terms of their perceived individual piety/status acnoss different peralatøs and by

iudgi"S pcmluros,at least in part, by how much they are paid. 275

The pattern of these voices by category is ctearly hierarchical and encomp¡rss¡ing in the Dumontian sense with both horizontal and vefical boundaries marked by acrusations of þlousy, but it marks relations of actual interdependence in the way Heesterman describes for India. According to who is speakinp the idiom changes from status /piety to rítr¡al lmowledge but in the chorus of self-praise and jealousy constituting unity and division, the perforurers strike the only dirordant note. This is a product of their sitr¡ation as a service fuehctnnt ) dass, both within and outside Wrølura. However, as we have seen in Chapter 5, they also se¡nrate themselves in terms of prestige associated with the monopoly of ritual lrrowledge and iealousy accusations.

Despite the uniformity of the social voices, people do not only express themselves in terms of their sociat categories. The voices are the voices of individuals, speaking, as it were, from their particular social consciousness derived from their location in the wider society, q¡ralified by personal selection. It is clear that the monks, by virtue of their role in orchestratingperøIura both cosmologicatly and socially are encompassing figures. What they say, ultimateþ artictrlates with the wider context dominated by the Siam Nikaya, and especially the lGndy Chapters.

The Siam Nikaya is certainly a force in the reproduction of the cosmology made explicit in perahara. So too is caste if the unstatdC'oyiganucaste membership

requirement for the Døyatn Sablu in the Siam Nikaya temples is adhered to, the more

so if the Malwatta and Asgiriya Chapters are also still dominated by this caste. In

any case, aL peralnras are orchestrated in their higher meanings by monks of this

Fraternity which was responsible for the inauguration of the Amla perølura and

which retains the title of host to all ,4mla peruInras. Furthermore, by its dominant

location in this Fraternity, the Kandy perøIum constitutes the canon, the unity, or the 276

centripetal factor as Bakhtin might describe it, against whidr other peraluras may be seen as heteraglot, centrifugal expressions of its possibilities.

The debate about whether or not any partictrlar peralurø is authentic may be understood as a corolliary to this. Firstly, it questions a 'Êt'between the uniformity of

Buddhist philosophy and its orchestrationnpralarc by partiorlar monks. Secondly, and related to the first point, the criteria for authenticity is taken by Kotte temple to be that its praluru be a replica of the IGndy Asala peralur¿. Bellanwil,a, by contrast, clearty tn¡sts itself to provide an'authen6c' pemlura without reference to others. At the level of the individual, these differences may be partly explained by the

respective educational backgrounds of the two monks concerned, but it also 's¡reaks'

of the reliative positions of each temple in relation to Kandy and in the wíder society.

Kotte peralnrø was started at approximateþ the same time as the revival of

the IGndy peralurø earþ this century. Seneviratne recognized that the liatter, early in

the twentieth century, lvas a parochial ritual enhancing the prestige of the upwardly

mobile (See 197S Chapter 6). It was not the present monkwho inaugurated the Kotte

peraharn, but it ís he who locates Jhe present Kotte peralurø in rel¡ation to IGndy. By

contrast, Bellanwila temple has grown rapidly in the short time since Independerrce

and is quite realistically a'muilalalí's temple' as is Gangara¡rul, the rise of which is

more recent, because neither are landed in the way that Katdy is. The relative Power

of these temples is intricately tied to the wealth of those who associate with them and

the historical forces which see a shift in patterns of wealth in the wider society.

There is a final issue to be coruidered in regard to'authenticity', and this is whether or not women and demon masked dancers should be permitted to participate in processions. This is a matter of zuch empirical importance that it is

discr¡ssed extensively in the press and I argue that it is a product of a dual

consciousness which dialogizes cosmos and society. 277

On the one harul, Buddhism does not confine its congregation to men on any basis any more than it restricts people by caste purity anl a case could be made that even the caste factor in the Buddhist Fraternities is a thoroughly social conside¡ation.

On the other hand, Sinhalese social organization stmcturally subordinates women whatever their caste as clearly shown by the dearth of women in the Dryalu Sahfun.

Furthennore, the matter of deuron masked dancers pertains more to the social valuation of demons than the authenticity of their app€arance in the cosmological schema constihrted rn peralan' According to an early account' (cited in Pieris

1956:13F138), both wome!ì and demon-mask dancers perforured in the lGndy peralnrøþt after cession, indicating the liklihood that they had done so for the king's peralura,but nowadays, middledass people like to disassociate themselves from the demonic (see also IGpferer 1981:33), locating practices associated with them amongst

'traditional'people by which they mean village people and/or the urban poor. This flies in the face of practice, especially when we consider the propitiation of trGli in the urban areas (Chapter 4).

This debate, engaged i. by both men and women, occurs in the interstice between cosmos and society. I showed in Chapter 2 that there is no inconsistency in either women or demon masks appearing in processions precisely because they merely filled the spaces between the ritually valued segments, like so many other items. It could be asked why the inclusion of Boy Scouts and other similar groups is not disputed. I suggest that it is because women arul demon masks are,by nature, mediators.

By virhre of the cosmic process of birth, women mediate the social past and future. They give birth to children who take on their fathers' names. This can be conceptualized vertically as a cosmic dimension of historical time. Demons, on the

other han{ are beings of the inside, the demonic is an aspect within the cosmically

ã Thir could also account for ttre lowly status of ftmale monks (Bikls¡¿tÐ in Sri L¿nka. 278

constituted individual as I argued in Chapter 4. On the horizontal plane therefore, masks mediate the demonic from tnside to outside - they sign an irmption of the disordering power of the cosmos into the sodal world of which the demonic is a part in spatial telurs (Chapter 1). In different ways therefore, women and demons mediate cosmos and society, a mediation whidr is taken for granted in this discou¡se but which is nonetheless the product of the duality of cosmos and society which informs Sinhalese Buddhist consciousness.

Ultimateþ this debate and the chorus of voices discussed above demonstrate that discourse about perølnra is a debate withín the religio

Similarly, temples rise and fall in prominence through time as the example of

Bellanwila shows. I was told that this is especially the case when there is a change of government. In this flux, the only constant factor is Buddhism, precisely because of the relations of competition in the upper levels of society. The fact is that the

Asgiriya and lvfalwatta Chapters are firmly opposed to any legislative measr¡res which would þpardize their land-ownership. As it is, they have the power to define and reproduce conceptions of tradition, given the symbolic centrality of the

Temple of the Tooth which they control. The discourse about pemlurø q¡rite clearly selects from the possibilities of both cosmos and society, but it is a debate which takes for granted the constitution of both within a wider power structure. In this context,let me now pres€nt the voice of the media to conclude this Chapter. 279

Conclusion

Media

The whole city is caught up in the excitement of the Perahara, the pageant that beats all othôt pageants in Asír..áJotg t|re beautiful ^treìíti"e¿ ilutellerc lake of lGody síinph country folk anil -c¡ty_ míngle...þt as their fathérs had done for more than a hundred years (''Daily News", 9.8.84).

Clitle) "Esala perahera erùrances our national unity"_...Needless tosay, that the Dalalda perahera born of the Esala peiahera !"s received ínternatíonøl rqitæíon as a socío-religìous ecrytnolU rcflectíng upon all the true sttâtíficøtíotts of a anltuñl particþatíon, and also as a oiabl¿ tou¡ist atttactíoa CThe Island", 27.7.85) Asía's nost colourful pageant, 11 not one of the world's most glamorous spectadé...it is inost g¡atifying to note that President f.R jäyewdarderie has already rtar!4 exten{ing financial support to it wíth a magnanimous grânt of five millioñ ruPe9 -for last. y@r's Perahara...lñ ttre Space Ãge that is today,-children qqny soc-iofogigl changes have taken place ïitfr tñe result that of the 'Raþkari.ya' families of yêsteryear-socieÛ. are now taking to other þÞt_io an opporhmity- laden [sic] Hence tlrre neeií for financíal support ftom tle gooernment to ;un the Perahera yhory- continuity has to be mainhined...A nation without crrltural and historical roots ceases to be a nation. Money and commerce alone do not enrich a nation, its cohesive silver is its culture and rich traditions. Without that all-pervading silver a country becomes a land without a soul (Undated press dipping 1 emphases

The media's voice ctearly reflects the relations of power as they are. Without exceptior¡ the exerpts from the press cited above come from editorials on the Kandy

Peralura and they praise the relations of power which sustain it, despite the landholdings of the IGndyan Chapters of the Siam Nikaya, in the government Srant of Rs. 5 million. The political importance of this peralura cannot be overstated.

It is telting in this regard that, during my fieldwork, although all perølurøs got some coverage on the television, Low Countty AsIa peralaras usually received a small, single

are portrayd on post{ards, but not their pera}uras. I cannot comment the extent of publicity of pralarøs in the Sinhala language Press.

The content of media reporting participates in the discourse in the same manner as the other voices presented above, albeit daiming inclusivity at the national level on behatf of IGnd¡ "...the pageant that beats all other pageants in

Asiâ", "...internatÍonal reputation", "A nation without cultural and historical roots ceases to be a nation". A reader could be forgiven for thinking that the Kandy peraharøwas, not only the most spectacrrl,ar, but the only Asalaperølara in Sri Ianka, a matter I discuss with reference to the work of Seneviratne (1978) in the Condusion'

Quite clearþ the media is the voice of the middledass, it is therefore a voice internal to Sri t¡nkan society whictr claims to be obþtive or external but it succeeds by merely reinforcing the status quo.

Sinhalese culture is composed of men, women, social relations and rituals for the Buddha, deities and demons. The Sinhalese Buddhist definition of culture (sanskrutlurþ) includes all of these domains and is thus synonymous with the

Buddhist concept oÍ smsra. As different dornains of experience for the individual, however, each continually dialogizes the other at a variety of levels within the world defined by the Buddha.

In the Introduction I showed how the Temple of the Tooth and the Up

Country, and not the least the Dølada constitute a cosmic centre against which, in common ¡nrlarrce, the Low Country is equated with demon dancing. The Temple of

the Tooth and the DøIada are the metonymic symbols of the Buddha. The formen, being by name a Paliace bespeaks the mythology of Gautama Buddha who was born

to be King but chose the Path to Enlightenmenl Fac}l. Asala pernlura by name and

nature re-enacts this myth, the powerful symbolism of which will persist, I would

argue, as long as the Siam Nikaya is patronized by the powerful arrl wealthy - whicl¡

will continue precisely for the following reasons: fitstly because Buddhist Piety 2BL

requires the maintenance of the Buddhist Order and, secondly, this enhances enhance status and power as I have described. In other words, the relationshiP between spiritual and temporal power persists in contemPorary Sri Ianka, as exemplified in the economy of peralurø. But more than this, it reproduces a unity of discourse which creates differences between Sinhalese Buddhists.

TransLated to the level of experience, this means that the cosmology is universalized across all people through the medium of ritual whereas the social relations of ritual separate groups of people, transcending lower levels of caste and cla$s, giving them an identity beyond their social categories. People's individual consciousness is always a dialogical product selected from the possibilities of both ritual and partiorlar social dornains;cosmos and society. As we have seen,

cosmology and social organization are both hierarchical. However, the former is

experienced by individuals as individuals @art 1) in keeping with the religion of

which they are a part, the latter is experienc"d by them holisticatly (Part 2). The

pattern is crystallized through the prism of peralum.

What this means is that, for Sinhalese Buddhists, there is an existential

contradiction between religious individualism and social holism, a contradiction that

applies to men and women alike. This inte¡pretation, bas€d theoretically, as it is, on

the Bakhtinian conception of language, differs from others as I disctlss in the

Conclusion, precisely because Bakhtin's conception of language permits indigenous

discourse, in all its different manifestations, to be taken into account analytically.

Throughout this Chapter, indeed, throughout the thesis, therefore, my

reportage has dialogized my experience of what I understand to be the people's own

urxlerstanding of what is going on by separating arxl re

do in the spirit of Hocart's salutory remark quoted above. We cannot, as Hocart also

insists, confine our study to myth or religion "...n¡e must cast our net wide enough to

embrace the whole culture" (1970:40). Because of its cosmogonic function, its scale 282

and political significancg the peralurais ideal as the prism of the whole and Bakhtin's conception of language, as I have employed it, is the ideal theoretical tool for this

PurPose. 283

CONCLUSION

D ialogíc o r Sttttcturel Lo gn

t5 of ed

Through an examination of the Si¡rhatese Buddhist ritual complex and contemporary practices associated lvith ritual performance,I have argued that there is an existential contradiction in the Sinhalese Buddhist persorul which is a dynamic force in the reproduction of Sinhalese Buddhist culrure. The argument, based as it is on the Bakhtinian conception of language, significantly incorporates indigenous speech and naming practices into anaþis. This means that, while at the ethnographic level, the analyses offered here build on the work of Seneviratne (the (scorcery hierarchy), ryralwra), Obeyesekere (the mailuwø) and IGpferer practice and the overall interpretation differs from theirs in significant ways. After summarising my own interpretation, therefore, I conclude by dialogizing my voice with those of

these three other commentators on Sri lankan ritual life.

I began, in the Introduction, by presenting the Sri Iankan context in Sinhalese

Buddhist terms, describing it at its broadest level as having a cosmic SeogmPhy

ordered by Buddhism and symbolicatly centred by Kandyl. I explained that the

ethnographic region for this study was in the Low Country, but it was delimited by

the movement of ritual specialists thus encompassing both urban and rural areas2. I

then analysed the meaningful constitution of everyday sPace in Buddhist terms,

showing that the ritual laying of the main stone for dwellings constituted a hierarchy

of spacein-time, in terms of the oscillations of the earth/moon dyad around the sun. I argued that this hierarchically ordered Buddhist temples, deity shrines and

l The development of Anuradhapura analysed by Elizabeth Nissan (1989) is iust an aspect of the general proposition made here that Buddhism and politics are still symbiotically related, albeit with a different political locus.

2 The cultural differences between Up and Low Country are also quite clearly maintained by the competetive relationships between performers from the two zones. 284

domestic dwellings, between whictU in the everyday world was the sPace of the demonic (Chapter 1). Shifting from the personal sphere to the domain of public performative ritual, I then interpreted the paaluta as the historicization of the cosmogony (Chapter 2). I analysed the transvestite dance of the deity priest in

Chapter 3 to argue that the maduun for the Sinhalese Goddess Pattini is a rite of renewal and in Chapter 4 I argued that rites for the Demoness Kali can be seen as sacrificial soricery, renewing the cosmos by the destn¡ction or fragmentation of the life form. In terms of the timespa.ce co-ordinates common to all of these rituals, I concluded Part 1by arguing that there is an isomorPhism between the four-fold hierarchy of everyday space, the chronotopic structure of the ritual complex, and the

constitution of humans as cosmic monads or religious individuals.

In Part 2 I first analysed relations between ritual practitioners in terms of prestige arguing that this holistically orders social relations by confounding the

categories of kin and caste (Chapter 5). I then examined the constitution of ritual

audiences for the maduun in the contem¡rcrary context, drawing out the deeply

embedded nature of this rite and the sociological importance of sponsoring it (Chapter 6). In Chapter Z which staruCs as a prism for the whole, I examined the

relationship betrveen cosmos (Part 1) and society (Part 2).

The relationship between the parts of the thesrs, organized by þxtaposition,

analytically highlighted the way the cosmos orders the individual in its terms while

showing how, through the medium of ritual individuals identify themselves

holistically with others. In terms of the juxtaposition, therefore, I argued that the

cosmos may be corrceptualized vertically, as a relation between humans and the

Buddha, in agonistic tension with the Demoness Kali as depicted in the cosmic table

and diagram in Chapter 4. By contrast, I argued that relationsbefiiteen indivíduals,

being fundamentally socíal, could be understood in terms of the interactions of

actualpeople. Although these relations are hierarchical and holistic, and thus have

the same 'shape' as the cosmos they are named differently and are therefore 285

qualitativeþ different at the level of ex¡rerience. They can now be conceptualized as 'horizontal', intersecting within the religious monad. This intersection, whidt constitutes the contradiction between cosmic individualism and social holism, as I argued, is articulated ¡n each and every person through chronotopes: the four-fold cosmic chronotopes, and the historical chronotope whidr is 'name'. Name, as I argued in Chapter 4 is the historical chronotope whidr mediates the cosmos into society, as it mediates the cosmic monad into social reLations. As I have showç this conforms with Bakhtin's conception4 of language, in which form and content are the same (1981:259), and which he sees as being fundamentally duonotopic. It also conforms, as t argfed, with the Buddhist conception that 'name' fuand distinguishes the'form' (rupù of things in the world.

Throughout the dissertation, I focussed analytically on the way Sinhalese

Buddhists name, and talk about, their world. This methodology liberates our understanding of other people's worlds from the confines of externally imposed paradigms, by giving interpretive value to indigenous speech and naming practices.

So, while as an observer,I systematised the cosmos (Part 1) for analytical purposes, it is clear from my interpretation of social interaction and discourse (Part 2), that people freely select from the possibilities of their world. Each chapter, therefore, reveals the process by which people both create their own partictrlarity and contribute to their world's reproduction and transformation through time. This interpretation is a possibility of the Bakhtinian conception of language which is

intention" and clearly demonstrates that things do not fundamentaþ historical in it .)[-'t stay the same, they change in order to appear the same. Iæt me summarize each

chapter in this light.

In Chapter 1, I explained that the chronotopes of ritual articulate with the

oscillations of the sun, moon and earth. Each rite of stonelaying, whether in the urban or rural context, therefore reproduces the cosmos on earth, in which the Buddha is the sun, whose light is reflected through the full moon. Human 286

horosco¡res, as I showed, were fundamental in articrrlating humans into this

symbolically charged universe. I argued that this taken-for-granted rite, performed ubiquitously, both contafurs the seeds of the elaborate cosmic performances of rittnl

and encompasses transformation such that city buildings, schools, government institutiors and other novel 'dwelling places' fall into its rubric with the practice of

astrology.

In Chapter 2, I showed that the premise of the perøIura is the Buddha. The

figure of the Buddha, in this rite as in any other, transcends and irrcorporates the

meanings of other supernatural figures whose rituals I anaþed in Part 1. As I

argued, rites for these figures are authentic and universal by virtue of their use of the

cosmic meanings of time and space in the everyday'world, as constitut"d by

everyone who constructs a dwelling or has a horoscope made. However, the

proliferation of ,4sala peraluras signs a transformation. On the one hand, this proudly

proclaims t}lre contínuíty oÍ the belief that Sri lånka has an ordained role to maintain

the Triple Gem, a belief that corresponds with the distinction Sinhalese Buddhists

clearly make between religion Øgarw\ and culture (gnskutluia) as discussed in the

Introduction. On the other hand, the proliferation of peralmras reveals a nooel gap n

which discourse about the authenticity of tradition is located, as I showed in Chapter

7. This discourse occupies the space between cosmos and society, which is the sPace

created by the absence of a king, signing a historical transformation as I discuss

further below. It occupies the space between the meanings of perfonnance and the

meanings of ritual sponsorship.

Like the Peralnra, the rituals for Pattini and Kali have also transfonned.

Transformations in ritual performance can, and do, occur, albeit within the confines

of the cosmic chronotopes. As I argued in Chapter 3, the maduttn for Pattini has

transformed performatively to incorporate the transvestite dance of the deity priest,

thereby incorporating both gender meanings and the maternal image from the world

outside of ritual p"llor-rr,"". Furthermore, the maduunhas, as I demonstrated in 287

Chapter 6, shifted its locus, encompassing a different social order with its cosmologicat function of renewal intact, precisely because of its chronotopes. The social order, in tuni, has produced a transformation in rites for IGli, which is their apparently novel, public emergence in the u¡ban context. As I argued in Chapter 4, this is nonetheless completely consistent with pre+xisting Sinhalese Buddhist understarrlings of secrecy. While both of these transfornrations have occtured within a philosophical context which reinterprets the changes in its terms, the precise nature of the changes are largeþ the province of ritual specialists which mears that rituals are continually reinterpreted by them. Notably, the rites are constantly defined by religion (agamn) as culture @rcbutluia). However, no transformation occurs in a vaccrrum, it happens in a social context in a constant Process of defining itself, and there are always different points for the authorization of of transformation.

In order to irrcorporate the different points of transformation into a single work, I separateþ analysed various aspects of contempora{y social relations in the context of ritual performance. In relation to religion (ngama), social organization, like ritual performance, is itself seen as culture (snskrutlmiya), w to analyse social organizatiorç I treated ritual performance in stasis, as text. In Chapter 5, I then showed how relations between ritual practitioners, holistic and fluctuating as they are, permit us to see a historical transformation in relations between priests and performers. In Chapter 6, I articulated the corìsequences of viewing ritual performance as a text, as an obþt in the world, by showing how two modes of authorship articulate cosmic and historical chronotopes, giving the appeararrce of continuity in change. In Chapter 7, by following indigenous discou¡se,I crysta[ized the pattern, visible throughout Part 2, of holistic social relations. Sinhalese social organization is holistic, but, it is not a monolithic whole articulated at the top by a king, as was the IGndyan Kingdom briefly described in the Preamble to Part 2 Lt itself, this signs a transformation from holistic society in the D¡montian sense, discussed in the Introduction, to a society which is holistically fragmented within an 2BB

r-cosrn¡c bureaucratic state. In itself, as I have infered, this has been an important factor in the proliferationperaluras in the Low Country, the florescence of the maduwa and the emergence or ræmergence of IGli propitiation in the urban region. These transformations are all signed as the product of a bureaucratic, captialist state, by the constitution of ritual practitioners as a cl¿ss of traditional speciatists.

As I have argued, hierarchically organized social groups are orchestrated by prestige on the pattern of the royal polity and they are defined by men, any one of whom can behave 'like a king'. And, while I argued in Part 1 that both men and n¡omen participate equally in the cosmic or religious aspects of life, we can understand from Part 2, in partiarl,ar, through the discourse about whether women should be allowed to participate in peraharø, that the latter makes a social point from a male point of view. The question of how women fit into the social schema except in terms of their named relatioruhips with their fathers, brothers, husbands3 and, sometimes, even sons, is a matter for future research which might, in light of my interpretation, take a cosmological, rather than a kinshþ perspectivé. For the moment, however, the political implications of understanding society divided in terms of male striving for prestige, is relevant to understanding the formation of groups during outbreaks of ethnic violence. Clearty, these groups can be seen in terms of the very firmly grounded belief mentioned abovg as secul,ar, with the purpose of protecting Sinhala culture in order that Buddhism may thrive, as it is

'destined' to do, on the Island of Sri lånl

3 Ther" is a qualitative difftrence in the way women like Sirima Bandaranaike in Sri I¿nIc+ Indira Ghandi in India, Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan and Corazon Aquino in the Phillipines came to power and, for e:

4 Ttris might be especíally be useful in reconsidering Levi-Strauss' notion, based on Saussurian linguistics, that womerr are sígns in the logical structure of kinship. Levi-Strauss describes the structural homology between words and women as signs as follows: "That th€ mediating factor, in this case, should be the axrmen of thc group, who are cfuulot¿¡l between clans, lineages, or families, in place of the wds of tlu group, which are circr¡lated between individuals, does not at all change the fact that the es*ntial aspect of the phenomenon is identical in both cases" (192:61) [original emphasesl. 289

by Dnmont, and more preciseþ forrrulated to incorporate actual Power relations for the Indian conte:

It most certainly reflects the views of Sinhalese scholars rwiting on the subject of ethnic violence. While I have explored the way the event of ritual corrstitutes personalized, holistic g:oups which are often political, Tambiah (79fßr, Obeyesekere (1984b), and Gunasinghe (1984) have all, in different ways, recognized the implications of what I call retinue based on prestige, ditectly in relation to Sri Lanka's ethnic conflict. Tambiah speaks of a class of entrepeneurs (mudahli) who act as political brokers in ethnic strife, drawing gangs of large followings from the floating populations of urban Srí l^anka to wreak havoc on the Tamils. Obeyesekere describes the mudalatí's activities in similar terms when he says "Merchants employ the dispossessed proletarians...to eliminate business rivals during periods of post- election voiolence" í984b:76\. He qualifies this by saying that it has taken over from a situation where "respectable families" used to control voting behaviour which conforms both with my interpretation of retinue in its predominantly benign form and is in keeping with Wriggins observation about voting practices in the Up Country, mentioned earlier. However, from my interpretation of retinue and

prestige and its incorporative power, I question whether it is appropriate to say that

only muilalaliss are involved in this uìanner, particularly in light of the fact that Newton Gunsinghe, in his discussion of Sri lankan ethnic conflict, speaks

unproblernatically about the "...political patronage system (and) hvourites of the

politicians of the ruliog party" (7984:199), suggesting, as I would, that it is more

broadly based. Clearþ, these scholars are engaged in finding solutions to the

problem but it is notable that they neither question the formation of sectrlar 'retinues',

nor the fact that these are divisive of Sinhatese society. These views therefore sign

the fact that there are significant political divisions within Sinhala society.

5 I should reiterate that this term is most @uently used derogatorily, mo¡e often by the urüan, western edr¡cated middle classes. 290

As I have argued in relation to ritual, the tentades of division within

Sinhatese Buddhist society reach deepty into the social fabric. Only the leaders are

,risibly in conflict. This observation ¡aises a series of theoretical issues in relation to the work of Seneviratne on the IGndyan Walura, Obeyesekere on prestige and, especially, the male psyche, ard Kapferer in his use of the Stmcturalist method. I begin with Seneviratne.

Although writing in the 70's, Senevintne speaks of the Dalada Asala Pøalwta in Iqndy as though it were the only ritual of its type in Sri Lånka which, significantly, is not, and was then not the case, as I have shown. Appropos the d.ivisions within Sinhala society, however, Seneviratne dearly defines three culturally identifiable elite groups whictr, he argues, are in competition for control over this ritual. Explicitly emptoying a Weberian ideal-typical conception of social strata, he identifies the Kandyan aristocracy (radalal, a Nationalist elite interested in preserving Sinhalese crrlture who, by implication from what is said earlier, are composed of tow Country, low caste (Karnn and Salagørra) people of high socio- economic status, and a Westernized elite who are seen to embodyWestern rationality and who w perølmra merely as entertainment (1978:13G7Mr. Seniviratne contrasts these elite groups with peasants to whom he attributes a "...profound emotional

[religious] ex¡rerimce" (íbid.:746) in the context of peralmra. Despite its perceptive description of the divisions amongst the Sinhala elite strata, I wish to raise a number of points from this work in relation to my own.

Firstty, these divisions could help explain the very proliferation o1. AsIa

peraluras, a matter which Seneviratne ignores. Secondly, Senevirabre's use of the

Ideal Type attributes religious experience in relation to perølara only to the peasants

and urban poor. This is a very elitist view which belies the way many of the elite are

themselves immersed in Buddhist belief and practices, not the least by their everyday

participation in the Døyalca fublus of Buddhist temples, which is not oaly politically,

but religiously, inspired. Seneviratne's view ignores the very meaningful nah¡re of 29'J.

Buddhism to all its practitioners, whatever their station in life, and the absolute reverence which is paid to the Buddha. The third Point I wish to make is that, by employing the Weberian paradigur" Senevi¡abre temporally distorts the relationshiP between pralura and contemPorary society.

In this worlç Senevi¡abre provides an Ideal Typical account of lGndyan society and argues that the perøIurø,in that society,'reflected'the holistic relations of power, articulated by a king. The implicit assumption of such a model is that there was no conflict in holistic society which is historically falsd. He argues from the ideatized order of IGndyan society, that in contemporary society, as hierarchy basd on caste is breaking down, the contemporary pøalur¿ is an anachronism, having only show-off meanings for the Westernized elite who wish to impress the outside world, and traditional meanings for "...a traditional and rather small minority" (íbiil.:720)-

As he says

The dissonance between modern best manifested in the discreParrc egalitarianism dominant todaY goveÍìnmental and administrativ fundamental inequality that is (ibitl.z750).

Seneviratne's notion of egalitarianism is not D¡montian, it merely denotes anti-

privilegebased-on

accounts for the hierarchy tnperølura.

It is possible to sense a nostalgia for the way thingp were in Seniviratne's

anaþis. And yet, he derides both the elites who are in competition for the control of

the IGndy peralura, and the media, for an ideology of glorifyinS, and identifying

themselves with, a glorious past(ibù1.:721). Even though he derides the international

reputation of peralurø as a 'show off anachronism in contemporary society, therefore,

Seneviratne's voice echoes the voice of the media as I presented it in the last Chapter:

6 de Sil*'a (1981) and Pieris (1956) both diruss intrigre and conflict in the royal Polrty. 292

The phrases, "simple country folk arul city dwellers" and "...reflecting uPon all the

tme strati.fications of a crrltural paficþtion" are amply refrained by Seneviratne's

attribution of levels of belief rnperalum by "...a traditional and rather small minority"

as quoted earlier. Significantly, by choosing to study the ancientperøIura in relation

to its social context Ín terms of a Weberian paradigm, Seneviratne is able to show that

the perøIurø, in the past, was a rite of ¡rcwer, but he is unable to accept it as sudr

today, a product, perhapo, of his own position in rel,ation to Sri I¿nkan society. As I

have shown, the lGruly peralura ís a contemporary rite of Power, so powerful in fact, that centrifugal potiticat competition requires its emuløtíon, as Chapter 7

demonstrates, in order to distance from its centralÞing tendency. This competition

between peraluras dearty signs internal political competition as a dynamic factor in

the reproduction of the cosmos.

ln contrast with Seneviratne's voice, Obeyesekere's stands outside of the

material conditions which constitute and reproduce the cosmology, but inside in relation to individual meaning. There are three significances to this, the first of

which I drew attention to in Chapter 5. Obeyesekere, as I said, defined a 'traditional'

priesthood by drawing on a Weberian paradigm. In contrast, I demonstrated that

this limited our understanding of the transformation in relations between priests and

performers of different caste6, who find themselves in competition for the monopoly

of ritual knowledge but who, collectively as ritual practitioners, define themselves as

'traditional', and thus participate in their own devaluation in the eyes of the wider

society.

Secondty, and still employing a Weberian perspective which derives motivation from meaning (196a:88-723), Obeyesekere, explains transformations

within the Sinhalese Buddhist pantheon in its own idiom, that is, in terms of the

merit which is either transferred or denied to particular deities through time (see

7984:6Ç70). He thereby rationalizes the present systematization of the pantheon

which, as as I have shown, is clearþ maintained by relations of power. Winslow 293

(1978) has earlier estabtished, contra Obeyesekere, that there is no corresPondence between the actual importance of deity shrines and the ideal order of the pantheon.

But there is further evidence that power constitutes the 'canon' of cosmology, as it were, as reflected in unpublished resea¡ch by P. Endagarna of the Colombo Museum whose comprehensive data on deity shrines reveals a striking consistency in the hierarchy of gods ordered by Visnu in the urban region when compared to outlying areas to which Winslow's research also pertairu. These shrines, like the one at

Bellanwil¡a, are often built from, and organized by, the donations of the wealthy and educated. This does not refute Obeyesekere's proposition, it relativizes it.

Thirdly, Obeyesekere gives ontological priority to the individual psyche which is grounded in a familial context, rather than a socio-political one.

Obeyesekere relates the human emotions and the cosmology by way of a Freudian

paradigm. He describes this as a projective system whereby needs and neuroses are

created in the familial environment, leading people to supplicate certain supernatural

beings accordingly. I have already suggested that this leads to an unnecessarily

androcentric interpretation of the figure of Mother in the Sintralese Buddhist cosmos

(Chapter 4). But I wish to add that there is a another, related, issue. By the adoption

of this paradigm, all meaning is assumed to derive from relations beftoean people,

namely parents and children and, more particularþ mothers and sons. I certainly

do not deny the importance of the family to psychological equanimiryT, but people

grow up, their horizons extend and, in a Buddhist context as I have shown, there is

an orientation for all individr¡al selves which is Buddhism. Obeyesekere's view might heþ in understanding the psychologically disadvantaged, but it is counterproductive to impose such a paradigm on all people. Relations between

consciousness and society are, as I have argued, dialogical. The one is not a

7 I must say that the Freudian paradigm may have ¡elevance to the Westetn nuclear family model but it was my obsewation that men in Sri Lanka engage far more in the ca¡e of small childrcn in S¡i Lanka than do their cpunterparts, certainly in Australia. 294

reflection or projection of the other, both interpenetrate and mutually define the other in a continual process of personal selection.

That said, however, there is one area of Obeyesekere's work which is highly relevant to my own In coniunction with his analysis of the rite of horn pulling (øz lætiya) Obeyesekere pays partictrlar attention to the way l,anguage inculcates deeply felt emotions relating to prestíge arul shame amongst Sinhala males. He tells r¡s that, because of the vulnerability to enhancement of esteem, whidr is the outcome of such socialization, insults can result in outbursts of uncontrollable rage and violence

(1984:506). In Obeyesekere's view, there is a deep+eated drive in the male Sinhala personaliç to humiliate others ard glorify oneself (ibitl.:iûOl. He says

emphasesl.

Anyone familiar with the Sri Lankan context will recognize this issue instantþ. It is implied in the conception of prestige as I have described it and therfore needs to be considered as well in relation to Seneviratne's understanding of competition between social strata and IGpferer's understanding of hierarchy. Before discussing Kapferer's work, I should point out that, in this worh Obeyesekere uses the term Sinhal¡a' to describe the society, the family and the individual, not 'Sinhalese Buddhist', as

Western scholars are apt to do, even though he has examined the political significance of the shifting emphasis between the twin terms 'Sinhalese' arul 'Buddhist'elsewhere (1979). He thus clearþ distinguishes these particular aspects of culture (snslçutlwíya) as s€flrlar, in reliation to the religion Øgarul in which they are enmeshed, and thereby locates himself as 'inside' the conceptions which order

Sinhalese Buddhist society. 295

IGpferer's work, iir contrast with Senevirate's and Obeyesekere's, employs a

Structuralist paradigm. It therefore s€ryes as an appropriate vehicle through which the various problems associated with the Stmcturalist approach disct¡ssect in the Introduction can be addressed. As I demonstrated in reliation to the Bakhtinian conception of language which takes speech arrt living consciousness as its primary obiects, Sbarcturalism ignores the individr¡al and hvours abstract structures over social relations. It understands transformation in ternrs of homologies and it unifies by logical oppositions. Most importantly, therefore, it is ahistorical and it thus unequivocally tocates its authors outside of the domains they interpret. I consider

IGpferer's workin these terms.

Like D¡mont's, I(apferer's work is comparative. At the simplest level, he

opposes Sinhala and Australian nationalism in terms of D¡mont's opposition

between India and the West, hierarchy arut individualism as spelt out in the Introduction. However, he is concerned to explain the violence of Sinhalese

nationalism in Sinhalese Buddhist terms and the strength of the work, therefore,lies

in IGpferer's conception of the embodied nature of hierarchy in Sri Ianka which he

describes as follows. merely connected to t other, ts enboilíed tn influence accordingly

He continues in a footnote

In a deep sens¡e, t an embodiment in the an understanding as to me differences ol ctass interest conceived through Western egalitarian ey æ(ibid.:235,f1 2) lmy additionl.

In the light of my own interpretation, which similarly describ€s both the

personalized and holistic nature of social relations and the way these mask relations

of power based on class, the problem with lGpferer's conception of hierarchy, whidt

is derived from structuralist principles, is that it conflates social life with cosmic 296

order. It locates in a logical stn¡cture that which I have shown is highly negotiable and variable in practicg and it locates it at the level of the society as a whole.

Kapferer's view, therefore, neither allows for the divisioru within Sinhalese society, as I have revealed them, nor takes into account that social reliations are orchestrated around tnale prætrge as I have clearþ shown they are.

IGpferer argues that Sinhalese Buddhist holism can be understood in terms of the hierarrhical opposition between Buddhism and the demons which he variously equates with reason anC non-re¿rson (íhitl.:72) and the rational and irrational. The passiors, he says, are moments of irationality or reason lost Gbid:ÀlP. Both

Buddhism and the demonic, monks and demons, reason and non-reason, rationality and irrationality are seen as powerful forces in the constitution of the Sinhalese ontology of nationalism. The polarities are found in the structure of political myth and scorcery rituals. For IGpferer, the homologies between mytþ sorcery practice and ontologf all "essay a process" of transformation from encomPassing wholeness and its fragmentation. The empirical agent is, as it were, constituted in cosmic terms.

This is also the 'shape'of modern nationalism with the order of the Buddha at the

apex and the demonic fragmenting it from below. There is no mention of the socíal

relations of power which contribute to the reproduction of this cosmology.

This is because, following Drmont, Kapferer says that the

...Sinhalese Buddhist whole is deterrrinate of the parts and their

demonic: (ibitl.z?!).

E I would personally avoid the term 'rational' with rcference to Br¡ddhism precisely because it implies control. Buddhism, at least idealln imples release or'letting go. Furthermole, the notion that passions are irr¿tional and in need of control is, in my view, much more in keeping with a Christian ontology. 297

IGpferer go€s on to say that the Sinhalese "...conception of hierarchical process is one that recognizes change arul transformatíon as vital within it" (úi¡1.2706) and he transposes this homologously to the social arxl political world of everyday ex¡rerimce where, he argues, it can be seen in ttte way envy rel,ates to moveable wealth (ibiil.:7b,107). I say more about this in a momenL

There is a strong Durkheimianism in lGpferer's abstract approach, as there is in Dumont's work9, which arises from a straight substihrtion of Buddha and the demons for D¡mont's structure of Brahmin and untouchablelo despite the disclaimer that "In Hindu India, hierarchy and differentiation unify the whole; they do not divide it' (ibid.:1}). At least by tatking abôut the ideology of caste, D¡mont is talking about social otganizatíon (if not social relations), something IGpferer rarely mentions in this work Instead, Kapferer's approach is furdamentally ahistorícal and smacks of functionalism. D¡rl¡heim (1976) makes a distinction between religion and magic in terms of thei¡ rel¡ative power to constitute a moral community. Religioç he says, is everywhere "...inseparable from the idea of the Church" (ibítl:4Ðbut"There ís no church of ttu$' Gbù1.:M)fonginal emphasisl. Religion constitutes collective moral order and magic works agairut it. Religion, in Durkheim's view, functions to bind a group in common but magic does not result in binding together those who adhere to it bp.cit.). Atguing against the proposition that magic is full of religion and religion of magiC D¡rkheim says "It is difficult to sr¡stain this thesis, because of the marked repugnance of religion for magic, and in return, the hostility of the second toward

the first (ibitt:.43'). IGpferer does not separate magic from religion like D¡rkheim,

quite the contrary, but he does give to religion, Buddhism, the power to create an

ordered moral community which he sees as underurined by the demonic.

9 One might even suggest that Ptato is diatogizing in the background!

10 E. Valentine Daniel (1989) who also finds æhoes of Durkheimianism in Kapferer's work, has *A remarked in his rer¡iew that the book might well have been suHitted Celebration of l¡uis D¡mont"- 298

Kapferer identi.fies the ethos of holistic social relations in Sri Lanka "l"arly but, by having his analytical attention focr¡ssed on the national level, his voice implicitly þins the self

If Buddhism creates an ordered moral community, by my argument,

Sinhalese nationalism is corutituted from an aggregate of individuals precisely because Buddhists experience themselves as individuals. The demonic ís the principle of disaggregation in social relations as I have argued elsewherél, and which Kapferer has suggested in his discussion of moveable wealth and scorcery

(ibid:70|7081. However, Buddhism does zot constitute social relations as I have clearly demonstrated in this thesis and further discussed here in relation to the formation of groups in ethnic conflict.

The material base of the contemporary state is cl,ass, not caste. In the absence of a quasidivine mortal kiog, the Sinhalese state is no longer articulated as a whole in cosmologfcally herarchical termsz. Furthennore, even in royal times, the king, as

11 In a conference paper presented in 1988 entitled "C-onflict in Hierarchy" I have argued on similar lines that by following þlousy accrrsations, the boundaries of hierarchy are constituted situationally in the weryday world.

12 It -y Honou¡s Thesis (19et) I a¡gued as folbws for the centrality of the king in understanding the Sinhalese royal polit¡ "I have said it is not poosiblq exc€É analytically, to s€Parate political, religious and secular 'systems' in the lGndyan Kingdom but, erren if they are separated anal¡icalln they can be seen to all operate within the logic of hierardry. I explained this logic in terms of sexr¡al symbolism and in terms o1rcþbríya,in whidr authority and legitimacy derived from the king. But caste also linked mþlcuiye and the religious 'systear' in the working of the Kingdom. This is evident in ttre fact the chieß were entitled to services from alt thoce subordinate þ them, even outside their provinces, when they tr¿velled. But they did not have authority over Tom Tom Beaters outside their own provirrce (Pteris 195622). Tom Tom Beaters, as a caste of uorcists, repteented ttre loweet ritual point in the caste hierarchy, and their cpntrol was over demons, the lowest point in the newly brought together pa.ntheon ta referenæ to ttre inaugural Ãsala pralwal, excluding spirits and ghosts. As the king retained superordinate right over the senices of the Tom Tom Beaters, so the Buddha himself issues ærcn or warrant to the demons (Obeyesekete 19í6:13). In both 'system's authority could be delegated only uilhintlre extremes of the hierarchy, with the'top'and bottom having di¡ect relations. In this example, the 'religious' and the 'secular' worked through the nexus of the kÍng in terms of nifuriW" (bid.:32). I furthet argued that this represented "..a systematic incorporation of the lowest in the highest..and can thereúore be seen as ci¡cul,ar" (íbid.:331. It can be seen from this that thete are clear parattels between my interpr€tation of the relatbnship between coamos and society articulated by the king, and Kapúerer's, although, even theç I did not employ a paradigm. 299

Heestennan (1985) arguesß, stood, in his sodal aspect, for the order of conflict within society and the Buddhist king like everybody else, was an individual in moral terms. The same may be said of contemporary politicians as I have shown.

IGpferer conflates cosmoo and societyla and elides Power from his analysis. The work is ahistorical and his abstract notion of ontology, which is structurally homologous with political myth and scorcery practice, dmíes the authenticity of the voices of Sinhalese p€ople striving to fincl a solution to ethnic violence. As he puts it, because it distorts the structuræ he isoliates, the engagement of myth in reality through discourse is ideological

If ideology ts a ilístortío¿ of the realities upon which it reflects, this itístortíoitsnotproducedmerelY,såff ,r"i*ålffi l"#"t"jfffi :

ontological commihnent of the monks as monks who are nr9*t 9o*l of a ðosmological attitude that has deep implicatioru for their orientation in the world. I¡rsofar as the chronides are important references in the political discourse of modern Sri lanka, the ideotogical disfnrtíõns of the past become the foundation of the ideolo$cal ilistoftíors of the present" (1988:82)

In this statement, IGpferer is discr¡ssing politicat rhetoric, the validity of which can often be questioned. However, such a conception of distortion is a possibility

ß ..against D¡mont in relation to the Indian cþntext.

14 This is confounded by either ethnographic inaccuracy or g¡os6 overjeneralization from a particutar instance in his description of the Sinhalese Goddess Pattini which he us€s to support his argument about the ubiquity of the cosmic process of hierarchy and fragmentation. "She is recognized [he saysl as having a number of different manifestations, some of them demonic and destructive. The rituals which address her move her progressively fiom a low to a high poosibilþ of being, the highest representing her most incorporative and enompassing stage" (1988:11). This simply does not conf,orm with reality in the region where rites for Pattini predominate; Pattini does not aPP€ar in ritual prcgressively moving fiom a low to high status as the analþs in Chapte 3 clearly shows. Furthetmore, neither Pattini nor any other guardian or highet deity in the Sinhalese pantheon has any demonic manifiestations, this is a prcperty only of the godling Sunþm on whoce rituals Kapferer's argument is largely based. Only one god in the pantheon has the power of øats¡ or trartsformation and this is Visnu who does not manifest as a demon but sometimes transforrrs himself, in myttç to a woman. Pattini has no demonic manifestations as Obeyeseke¡e (19&4) also makes dear, albeit she has a complementaty ounterpa¡t kown as the Demoness Kali for whom quite different rituals are performed (see Chaper 4). In additiorç l(apfuer d¡aws on the concept of ür/,hisøiltrr to support his argument and yet, in Ther¿r¡adin Buddhism, there is no role lor thebo/;hiøtæ.. 300

precisely of the structuralist faith in obiectivity as I discr¡ssed in the Introduction"

Furthermore, in this statement, IGpferer expressly excludes the significance of the socitl locatíon of speakers, in diametrical opposition to the Bakhtinian view. later he casts the same stnrcturalist gazæ at the work of Seneviratne, Obeyesekere and other Sri lankan scholans, to criticize their conceptualization of the rel,ations between myth, ritual and practice He criticizes them on two grourds (see 1988:3948) which rel,ate directly to the differences between Stmcturalism and the work of Bakhtin as employed in this thesis.

Firstly, Kapferer argues that Sri tankan scholars attempt to separate the fantastical aspects of myth such as lions fornicating with hurnans, from the possibie, i.e., the corquests of kings in actual historical time. This is a product, he argues, of a common serìse which lies outside the logic of myth [síc] and which is the product of a rationalist cosmology imbibed by this class through Western education and similar factors. He also shows how through this discourse, this class defines itself in reLation to 'the folk' who they believe to subscribe to the fantastical in myth as actual. Cerhinly, this is the view from the top as I have also indicated with reference to

Seneviratnes work However, what IGpferer does not note is that the 'folk' also make the distinction between the fantastic and the rational. An example of this is the way ritual practitioners deride the origin myth of the rite for Pattini in which the verees, given in Chapter 6, describe a frog iumping up King Seramana's nose, causing him a headache. Everybody knows, they say, that this is ridicr¡lous, a lrog cannot iump into someone's nose. My point is that, the contradiction in cosmologtes as Kapferer calls them, is not dass specific, and the conflicting relation between thert could, upon further research, be seen as containing the potential for historical 301_

transfolzration nttrer than beíng saen as a distortion of the logical structure of mYthls.

IGpferer's second criticism of Sri I¿nkan scholars concerns the notion that myth is a reflection and legitimation of reality, a criticism he partiorlarþ directs at

Obeyesekere whose work he describes as suffering from the same "rationalist twist"

(ibíd.:431whictr" Kapferer argues, inco¡porates a tra¡uformation in the structure of

reasoning from outside of myth arul is the "...logic of the hegemonic process" (Ioc.cit.)

which is the rationalist cosmology described above.

These criticisms are based on the premise that Structuralism at least provides

a level of objectivity as long ¿rs care is taken not to import such ethnocentrisms as a

nature/culh¡re dichotomylG into analysis (ibid.:40Ìso that in his theoretical critique

about the fallacies of certain interpretations of the rel¡ation between myth and reality,

IGpferer does not take into account the important features of the work of Seneviratne

and Obeyesekere which I have discuss€d here. He fails to notice the dynamic Power

of division as a force in the reproduction and transformation of Sri Lankan society

and he gives a cosmic basis to violence which Obeyesekere might argue is a language

incrrlcated phenomenon reliated to male prestige.

Certainly, Seneviratne's (1978) central argument that the Asala penlura utas a

political rite of control but is nout an anachronism is based on a temporal dislocation

15 In saying this I am thinkiqg of Eliade who says "At a certain moment in History - especially in Greeæ and India but also in Egyp - an elite begins to lose int€rest in (this) ilioitu hislory and arrives (as in Greece) at the point of no longer believing in the rrlu while claiming still to believe in the Gods' (1%,t111). There are strong indications of this among segments of the Sinhalese Buddhist middb'class who propitiate deities at the shrines of Br¡ddhist ternples but who see the nduun for example, as a cultural aÉefact, not a religious performance.

16 This dictrotomy informed trGpferer's earlier work on demon excorcism as s€en in the following quotation. "The norural and ordered Sinhalese Buddhist view of the cosmic hierarchy, and action within it, is not one whictr sees nature opposed to culture. They are in relative harmony, but this is a function of ttre subordination of nature to culture, which, while structuring the relations in the cosmic hierarch¡ is dependent on the powet and ordercd articulation of levels in the cosmic totality itself...tet me stress the idea that natu¡e is not equivalent to disotder and culture to order. ffier and disorder are emergent in the proccss intemelating naturc with crrlture" (1983:104). 302

between the ideals of past hierarchical social organization and present ritual form.

But, he g¡ves voice to contem¡rcrary political conflicts within the Sinhalese state, a matter Kapferer barely considens. Furthennore, Obeyesekere, quite long ago described the importance of status for Sinhalese men (see for example 1967:Chapter9) and he has recently developed this precisely by using a'reflective'model of myth, to exlain the acute ercperience of shame in relation to status amongst Sinhala males

(1984:499-508). These are both significant factors in the dynamics of Sinhalese society as I have shown Part 2 of this thesis.

IGpferer's theoretical orientation locates him as the authoritative external observer,like D¡rkheim and Drmont, a position which has been deeply criticized by

Fabian (19æ)17 for failing to aclcrowledge one's own position as co-eval with the object of study in a single historicat world. It obscu¡es the experience of others and is evaluative of that experience, as descri-bed by Diamond who I quoted in this regard in the Introduction. This is clearly indicated in IGpferer's aim to understand the

"..-escalating murderous [sic] ethnic violerrce in Sri lånka" (ibit['2712) which he does without considering relations befiitcen Sinhalese and Tamils. IGpferer concludes with the cornment that

The solution to the currmt strife in Sri Iånka ts self-øüle¿t from the the removal of ethnic identity and ctified prirriples of political and social

I zuggest that, even from his own argument on ontology, it is hard to see how

people's oery beíng could be so simple to eliminate. IGpferer's argument certainly

conforms with a liberal democratic common sense whidr might see the Sinhalese

17 Fabian argues that there is frequently a denial of coevalness in the relations between anthropologist and his unit of study which is an epistemological slip, Placing distance between tlæ two, creating as Object, the cultu¡e of Other, and constituting ttre anthropologist as tlre Knowet. "Critical philosophy must inquire into the dialectical constitution of the other. To consider that reLation dialecticalþ means to recognize its concrete temporal, hisûorical and political conditions (19&l:x). More recentþ Paul Feyerabend (1987) has developed a similar position in his work entitled Fareunll b Rcaæn, in which he argues for philosophical, political and monl relativism. If you are going to interfere with others, he argues, do it because youbelíøe you are right, without þstifying your actions in terms of a supposed obiective truth. 303

Buddhist population as tearing itself apart with þlousy and pride, while blaming others, the Tamils, for its problems. But, whether or not this is analytically understood in terms of an obþctivist logic of ontolory, it must be clearly borne in mind that it ts nen who are engaged in the violence (on both sides of the conflict) and, as I have shown, the Sinhalese Buddhists cosmology encompasses both men ø¿d utorrren. In my view, this forcefully re-emphasizes the need to.coruider social relations and power in any analysis.

IGpferer's urxlerstanding of ideological distortion and his solution to the ethnic strife are revealed as almost insurmountable problems in terms of my own anaþis. As I have shown, the duality of Sinhalese Buddhist life is so deeply embedded, in everyday space, in the Island of Sri lanka, and in human being-in-the' world that the matter is unlikely to be solved without serious moral and political consideration, by those involved, of the æøtts which stimulate violerrce. This is also a theoretical point.

As explained in the Introduction and exemplified in this discussion of IGpferer's work, diatogic and stn¡ctural logic are incommensurable modes of viewing the world. By failing to consider events as significant factors in stimulating actiorç Kapferer simply systematizes the very c¡ìnon whidr supports the ideology he criticizes. While Kapferer deliberately strives to avoid valorizing one cultu¡al for:¡r above another, by dialogwing at the abstract levell8, he fails to satisfactorily explain either the internal divisions in Sinhalese society or the relatioru of ¡rower, disctlssed in Chapter 7, which reproduce the cosmological canon on which they are based. This is the product of Structuralism's comparative intention and is a corollorary to the fact

that, by definitiorU the methods of Stn¡cturalism locate the author as ¿rn outsider to

the obþt of study as a whole. Kapferer's work is a clear indication of the way the

18 ...which is a contradiction in terms. 304

Struch¡ralist paradigm limits analysis to the word, ignoring the very impulse that reaches out beyond it, as Bakhtin, cited abovg argues.

The rnrior¡s paradigms discussecl here eadr conceptualwe a particular relation betweenmyth, ritual and reality. Each leads to a totally different conclusion, as much integral to the variotrs authorial positions, I suggest, as to the actual relation between these three domains of ocperience. Using a Weberian paradigm,

Seneviratne focr¡sses critically on social strata in conteurporary Sri l¡nkan society,

Obeyesekere focusses critically, via Freudian concepts, on the Sinhala psyche, and

Kapferer criticially ass€sses nationalism in ternrs of structural logicle. Each criticism

identifies the authorial position which claims to speak for the whole. Seneviratne, as

I have suggested, authorially adopts the position of an elite insider, Obeyesekere tends towards interpretive androcentrism and lGpferer, as the external observer,

relies on the putative obþtivity of Stmcturalisrn

Elitism, androcentrism and rationalism (obiectivity) corstitute the basis of

what Smittr, cited in the Introduction, calls the Discouse of Ruling. These are the

pitfalls of the paradigmatic approacþ epitomized, perhaps by French Structuralism,

which has the arrogance to study people without taking into account what they say

(or do, in the case of lævi-Strauss). With the exeption of Obeyesekerg who does

grapple with the way men (arxl to a lesser extent, women) are socialized through

language, these paradigms exclude speect¡ or, in IGpferer's case, consider speech to

be a distortion of a reality he perceives. This precludes, I suggest, all possibility of

understanding the trarrsformations which take place, as I have demonstrated, not at

the level of the social whole as such, but in parts, each in its own heteraglossic way

and time.

Biou.y oppositiors, to paraphrase Bakhtin again, are comllosed merely of words, and to shrdy them as such is þt as senseless as to study psychologicai

19 This is also a contradiction in terms in the light of Kapferer's appellation, 'anthropological criticism', for the New Ethnography (198824). 30s

experience outside its constitutive and engaging socio-political context. Paradigms denude the world of its constitutive parts - people - they strip the world of power

(something Weber himself could not be accr¡sed o0, which, as I have shown, significantly orchestrates the world of meaning. It is one thing to separate status and authority analytically as Dumont does, and quite another to see how they interpenebate, as Heesterman argues in relation to India, arud I have demonstrated in relation to Sri lånlq. Furthen¡rore, it takes the Bakhtinian corrception of language, which analytically reveals the way individual people select from, reproduce arrcl

transform the possibilities of their world, together with the insights of the New

Ethnographers, to liberate anthropology from the chains of paradigm and stmcture

to show how, at the level of ex¡rcrience, at the level of the living word, cosmos and

society, ideal and actual, status and authority are all dialogized by shifting reliatio¡ts

of power in a historical and continually transfonning world. This thesis takes a step

in that direction. 306

APPENDIX 1

The Water{utting Myth

Tlureu¡as o jalaralom) deitiæ sut

tluir fear. Upon drinking the potion'

In this myth we have the ocean, its demon, arv:l two shiPs (one containing humans and the other deities) and the land. The ship of humans is, of course, a metaphor for the ship of life being imperilted by demonic forces. The deities kill the ocean demon and contain his blood mixed with the ocean in a pot arxl give this to humans to drink It may seem odd that blood, usually thought of as impure, is offered to people in this myth. However, blood, like fresh, as against salt, water, is the life force. Like the demonic itself, it signs human attachment to the world. What is significant is that demon btood mixed with sea-water transposes humans onto the safety of land.

By drinking the bloodied sea water, hurnans imbibe, and thus participate in, the cosmos. There is an oscillation in this myth. As humans swallow the cosmic potion, they incorporate both the demonic and the divine and find themselves on land. To make its point, the myth inverts or reverses the everyday order of things in

which the demons are the drinker of blood - the order of the beginning of the myth.

But, in so doing it describes the embodiment of demonic and divine forces as a

cosmic requirement of mortal existence in keeping with my anaþis in Part 1. 307

APPENDIX 2

Sequential Composition of Mah¡ Perahar¡: an interpretation

Introduction

\\e MaIa peralwa is deliberately arranged in accordance with the advice of people who specialize in peralura com¡rosition. There are three ritually relevant components of the Mnlu Pqalnrø, one for the Buddha, one for the male deities and one for the Goddess Pattini. These sections are 'colour coded'. The elephant in the

Buddha section is caparisoned in gotd, the elephants for the male deities are respectively caparisoned in white, blue and red and the Pattini section is also identified by the colour red. Even in its sequential composition, therefore, Maln

Peralurø has different levels. One is for the Buddha, one for the deities, one for the

Goddess and one for mortals.

The procession otherwise includes a variety of performers and particiPants who are interspersed between the ritually relevant sections and the ritual as a whole is punctuated and framed by white cloth and otherboundary markers.

My interpretation focuses on the rihrally significant items in the procession

because there are so rnâny participants in it that full seqr'rential description is even

beyond the scope of this supplementary paper. Interspersed throughout the

procession are boy rout troups and groups of dancing school children and bearers of National, historical and regional flags who all participate as volunteers. Some

performers, who are paid, perform'iust for entertainment'. These include demon-

mask dancers, rvrlurntiya-n:øsk dancers wearing masks with white and black hair,

uniformed threelegged dancers as well asWadigaPatunadancers who are integral to

the rite called the Suniyanu, atñ. Kolnmba Karia dancers who spectacularly bal,ance a

large egg on their heads for the duration of the procession. Other people particþte 308

in the processions as a form of devotion (bhaWí) or as a personal offering rquiø), most frequentty dancing thÊlønn¡li dancing described below. Dignitaríes also walk in the processions. All of these items in the processions are irelevant to the ritual value of those I describe. They do, however, have a very important social significance as I show in Chapter 7. In relation to the ritual as a whole, these may here be seen as

'culture'in contrast to cosmos.

The Great Procession

A shot signals the commencement of the procession which is over a mile in length and traverses a distance at least equivalent to its length over a period o12-3 hours. Whipcrackers take the lead, followed by the fire'players tgini kariyo) in alternating teams. Like all performers who form part of the ritual intent of peralurø, they consecrate themselves and their paraphernalia before participation. In the procession, their aim is to spin huge fire wheels and poles in the air and on the ground, sometimes upright and sometimes horizontally. The effect is a continuous rotation of fire, the symbol of energy in the universe. The fire players are followed, after parallel rows of National, historical and provincial flags, by Haoisi drumming. Halisi drumming is the primal sound rn perølum. Teams of løt¡isi drummers numbering from ãF50 in parallel rows are led by the conch (luk-gedi) and a flute

(horø¡uun) and they play the garwn-pila or þurney beat. These drummers are followed by 10 or more Buddhist flags followed by dancers called pntheru dancers who are singular in that they sing songs in praise of the Buddha as part of their

dancing ¡rerformance.

In this, the first ritually significant section of the procession, space is first of

all broken by leather, gtving place to the elemmtal substance fire, followed by the

primal sound olhctoisi which also denotes motion by the type of rythm played Space

is then symbolically identified as place by the inclusion of Sinhala flags and then the 309

Buddhist flags and dancers, singrng in praise of thè Buddha, relate this place, the nation with its regions arut particular history, to the Buddhist religion. Peralnra thtts wordlessly presents an ordered image of theSinhaleseBuddhist tradition.

The procession is then punctuated by a boy waitcing on the ground, dressed in white cloth arul carrying the Buddhist flag and, after a grouP of school-boys planng the lí-þ,¿li or stick dance, an elephant, known as the Wtaffiuna or first elephant, conveying a person called the peramutø rala appears. Tl.te Peramunn Raln ts followed by another official on an elephant called ttre C'aianayøþaNilame. The former is simply the head of the processiorç the latter is the officer or keeper of the elephants and he carries the goad of the mahouts proudly in front of him. The.costumes of these two officials are those of royal times but in contemporary perølura their use is integrat not to the social order but to the procession itself. The wearers of the costumes are not socially significant and the roles are ptayed by lowly ritual functionaries of the temple. The boy in white cloth in front of them marks a transition which, by the entrance of elephants, is a movement upwards.

ThePeramunaRnlaand the CaiønayakaNilame signify the imminence of the on- coming knranduun tusker or the elephant conveying the Relic of the Buddha which is followed, albeit interspersed by the different particþnts I have descriH, by the elephants conveying the deity weaporìs. The participants between the elephants simply fall into the interstices of the procession and boys wearing white socks on uncaparisoned elephants punctuate the relations between the ritually valued sections.

For example, after the first two elephants, a costumed boy astride an elephant

and carrying a Buddhist flag appears, wearing white socks. After him a group of

dancers calted Ruhunu Suilamatra perform in accordance with their ritual tradition

which belongs in the south-west of the island. Again two boys, both wearing white

socks and astride elephants, one Érr'ting a cobra hood and the other a pearl 3r.0

umbrellia, follow. These are the appurtenances of the laranilwn and they herald the imminence of the tusker.

Framed betn¡een these boys on eþhants arul wearing white socks are three groups of between Z) and 40 darrers, each accompanid by a different drum. The first is a small flat drum, open on one side, called the røfuna which is both played by hand and spr¡n on long bamboo poles. The raharu is associated culturally with the transmission of messages. It is followed by another gfoup of the pantlteru dancers singing songs of praise of the Buddha. The final group of dancers wear much the same costume as the pntheru dancers but are resplendant with silver headpieces which give them their name as IA/¿s dancers. Dernarcated from the front section of the procession by the boys wearing white socks, these three groups of dancers herald the on-coming tusker, conveying tlu illutuþ,nranduun and announce the glory of the

Buddha.

There are usually as many as 40 ø¿s dancers accompanied by as many drummers preceding t}lre karaniluøø tusker, they follow the elephants for the main male deities. Performatively, z¡æ dancing is a spectacular sight and the gatlu bera which accompanies them is a poignant sound for most people - it has an echo to it

and a very distinctive and captivating r''thm' The word 'z{'ss' means mask (wæ muna

means face mask). The zres headpiece ornaments the forehead like a sun+hade and

leaves the head urrcovered. The zr¿s dance is a form of worship, which is signed by

the fact that at least one dancer perfornrs throughout the procession facing the tusker

iust in front of thepuada on which it treads. These dancers also follow the elephants for the four guardian deities, thus framing the ritually relevant sections, except the

røniloli for Pattini.

T}.te l,arønduzr tusker is preceded and followed by cobra hoods and is

surrounded by appurtenances such as ¡æarl umbrellas, gold and silver sPears and it

is further framed by incense bearers and other attenCants continuously waving yak- 311_

tail fans. The elephant's caparison is golden - a sign of the sun The pearl umbrellas suggest the sea. The precíous metals, gold arul silverare the earth's hidden treasures.

Although these are royal appurtenances, the continuous motíon of the fans may be seen to represent the breath of life and the cobra hoods represent the eartir, here framing the tusker ard the Relic it conveys.

The no

Suniyam. He appears only represented by his priest, not by his weapons or in a

ransilige. The priestly figure representing him is dressed in white, marking a boundary and a transition from one state in the procession to another. Suniyam is

the godling klantaun) whose oscillating power of good and evil coirrcide with the phases of the moon. His inclusion (in his divine aspect), immediately after the

representation of the Buddha in the procession, conforms with his unique association

with the moon. The Suniyam component of Wralura aPPears appropriately, continguous with the Buddha component, in keeping with the reLation of moon too

sun. This explains the apparent i¡rcoruistency of this lesse¡ being appearing before

the four guardian deities in the procession's sequence.

The next com¡ronent of the procession is for Visnu, Sri l.anka's protector. The

Buddha represents the sun, Sunþm the waxing moon and Visnu the earth which is

Sri tanka. The segment begins with dancers on stilts lcrown as boru lefula or false

leg dancers. The stilt walkers represent the giants or titans (øsurasl defeated in myth

by Visnu. The first of these is a figure known as the Brahma figure which has two

faces: most of the others are dressed in transvestite costume. The two-faced Brahma

figure mediates between the sun/moon, Buddha/Suniyam components of the

procession; it faces forward to these and backward to the elephant representing

Visnu, the earth protector. The traruvestism represents all people, male anrd female

alikewhohavethepowerof the asuras orthedemonicwithinthem. Thestiltdancers

are immediately followed by another group of wæ dancers who, in keeping with 3t2

their costumes, provide a frame for the Visnu elephant, caparisoned in blue and conveying the røtailígewhich is led by a deity priest in a costume of the same colour.

The remairriler of the ritually relevant sections of the procession contain no zudr ambiguity. They are for the other Guardian Deities including Kataragama whose elephant is resplendant in red caparison, and Vibhisana and Saman respectively caparisoned in yellow and whiþ. The weaporu¡ of these deities are

conveyed, like the Relic casket, in brightty illuminated howdahs on the caparisoned

elephants. Heurisi drumming systematically precedes all of the deity segments and

and z,us dancing follows all but tllre randoli or palanquin for the Goddess.

Interspersed between these are rnany of the items, performative or otherwise, which l

mentioned in the beginning and each is punctuated by aboy, now without costume

and with bare torso but wearing white socks, on an elephant . The most spectacular

of these sections in the procession is the one for I(ataragama.

The lGtaragarna eþhant is sunourxled by smts atrd,IØuadi dancing. Kaoadí

dancing is performed only for lGtaragarna and is accompanied by a sound not

unlike modern rock music.l\e latndi is an arch caried on the shoulders of devotees

of this god, representing his vehide which is the peacock (Obeyesekere,798\:772).

One of the team's ol þøvadi dancers balances a giant egg called a kolnmbø almost a

third the size of himself for the duration of the procession. Itlany of the kau¡li

groups particþte as a form of private worship, as I have said, but at least one grouP

is formally placed in the procession to ritually worship t}tre ransilige containing

IGtaragama's weapons. The latter is therefore rihrally integral to the section.

The red, doth-covered palanq¡rin for Pattini is carried on the ground by

bearers. Tlul¡tu dancers who otherwise perform in ritual for the Goddess, dance in

worship of the Goddess in pralarø. Their costumes are made of glittering glass

beads matched by forehead pieces. These are princely coshrmes, in keeping with

their proximig to the divine, but their subordination to the earlier sections of the 313

rihral, especially that for the Buddha, is marked by the ritually pure white cloth which covers their heads. The røndoli,like other divine sections of the procession is on the same þurney with them arxt is accordingly preceded by hattisí dmmming but it is not followed by tlæ dancers who, both preceding arril following the Buddha and deity sections frame and thr¡s s€parate them from Pattini, a separation which is further marked by her participation on the ground. Howe.ver, the raniloli section is linked to the divine section of the procession by sharíng the colour red with the God

I(ataragama, a link which is acted out tn the phasic stnrchrre of the petøIura as I explained in the analysis of peralura.

To briefly summarize, tllre ksaniluzr tr¡sker is brightly lit and richly caparisoned in gold and treads on a poada. The other brilliantly caparisoned eþhants are also lit but do not tread on the white cloth carpet. The items interspersed between these either tread barefoot on the ground or sit on uncaparisoned eþhants. When these are boys punctuating the procession, they wear white socks, otherwise, elephanÇ either naked or multicoloured cloth covered, appear unlit either accompanied only their mahout or with a costumeless rider.

These elephants merely add to the splendour of a procession which is gauged in part by the number of eþhants in it. 31_4

APPENDIX 3

The Sequence of theMailuuta

kap hitaueemn þap planting (the vow) held any time during previous year nted outside ritual arena pekirina (consecration of space) Previous day maduunsite

Construction of ritual stmctures Perfornrance day

Devol Division - First Part

millalcapannoa Milla Tree Cutting (symbolic cessation of life) 5-6p.m. outside ritual arena

puja andlcnnnabun (offerings and supplications in preparation of context) 6-8p.m. inside ritual arena yalun iløhnø (dance obeisance) 8.30 p.m. inside ritual arena

kala prulama hitaueema (planting the Tree of the Torch of Time) 9 P.^. inside,'enclosing' ritual arena

lando$eni (evening offering to the Demon Mahasohon 10 p.m. inside to outside

Pattini Division

biso kap kitøueema (Planting the Biso kap) 10.3G11 p.m. in enclosure

tlnranyagea (ritual for the ceremonial arch) 11p.m. defining the centre

PATTINIDAAICING MIDNTGTIT PTVOT 315 tlulttu natum (dance of the twelve gds) 2.00 a.m. in endosure

.....[erut Pattini Divisionl.....

malupðilní offering to the Eighteen Disease Demons, Dahaata Sanni 3.30a.m. inside to outside

pinun (acrobatics) 3.45a.m. breaks cosmic (uppet) boundaries

WahallaDivision

Wahalla naÍum OVahalla dancing) 4 a.m. breaks spatial boundaries insideoutside

..... [end Wahalla Division]....

Devol Division - Second Part

øIyrunpidai (offerings to Kurumbura demons) &9 a.rn- outside the now openmaduunarena il niy an ge ilane (Nmsøiving) 9 a.m. anywhere in ritual ambierrce

Ootional Performances mythic enactrnents - only l,2and5 usually performed from mid-morning to late afternooru- depending on how many items in and around themaduun arena, now not sacred

7. Dolalu Pelapaliya - Twelve offerings (comic) L AmbaWiilearu-Shooting the lvlango (comic) 3. Ra¡ru Mntilla- Killing of Rama 4. Mara lpditru - Death and Resurection 5. DanolNøtum - Devol Dancing (comic) [note: a) the number of these items represents humans þt as the Devol Division in which they are enacted represens the everyday world, and b) only the comic items are presentty regularþ enactedl 316

ginipgíttu (fire walkby priest)

gedige (the fmit of the world; prevíously perfornred for king - now rarely performed but connects with the firewalk, nedlãting between divine and mortal realms)

MILK BOITING garíy ak natum (Gara dance) around 10 a.m. if no optional performances dose to thethom¡u or ceremonial arch before ornaments are taken out

pín ilenauta (Transfer of Merit)

puj a betu (Dmm offering) 317

APPENDIX 4

Food fo¡ Perfonnance

The followiog is a list of foodstufß purchased fo feed tl e performers, helpers and mahouts durihg peralnrø supplied by an administrative dayalcn.

Rice (35 One sac in) One sac Two sacks of lentils 250 kg pumpkin 10 kg limes 127/2kg tomatoes 2 sacks fresh beans (50 kg per sack) 2 sacks cucumbers 80 kg murunga (a vegetable) 1 sack cabbage Ækgfish (for only three days) 225kgdry fish 2 sacks onions 60 kg red onions 2 cwt potatoes 60 kg d¡ied chilli 37/2kg rnaldive fish 5 kg corianda Skgsuduru (a type of herb or dried seed for flavour) 7 l/zkgabba (a seed for flavour) 6 dried stem bundles of cinnamon (cinnamon sticks) 5 kg garlic 4 kg ginger 500 g sesame seed 500 g undu M. 5 kg mungatlm (græn Bram) 1 sack salt 12 bottles of coconut honey 15 kg pepper 6 kg saffron 4 kg dil seed 300 g cardamom 300 g cardamom 300 g cloves Tkggoroka (type of dried acid-producing fruit) 20 kg raw chilli Skgrømpe (dried leaf for curries) 2kgsera 0emon grass) 5 kg curry leaves 300 g of lime (for betel chewing) 7N gluippn (a bark-like substance for betel chewing) 31_ I

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