Portuguese As an Additional Language

SPRINGER BRIEFS IN LINGUISTICS

Ana C. Neves Portuguese as an Additional Language

123 SpringerBriefs in Linguistics More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/11940 Ana C. Neves

Portuguese as an Additional Language

123 Ana C. Neves Macao, China

ISSN 2197-0009 ISSN 2197-0017 (electronic) SpringerBriefs in Linguistics ISBN 978-3-030-33315-7 ISBN 978-3-030-33316-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33316-4

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This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland You can never understand one language until you understand at least two. —Geoffrey Willans Foreword

While diverse aspects of additional language education have received much attention with regard to languages such as English, Spanish and French, this has certainly not been the case for Portuguese. In fact, when it comes to the Portuguese language, comparative studies of the issues addressed in this book are mostly conspicuous for their absence. By means of the construct of additional language, the author is able to convey its merits and demerits, and the considerable challenges faced by additional language education by the comparison of three cases: Cape Verde (Portuguese as a second language), Switzerland (Portuguese as a heritage language) and Macao (Portuguese as a foreign language). Three fundamental and interlinked sociolinguistic dimensions conditioning additional language education (in the form of (e) migration, language use and language attitudes) are united and mediated through a fourth dimension: language education management policies. In the latter, the provision of Portuguese as a foreign language in Macao appears to suffer considerably due to the lack of a cohesive and consistent policy. Indeed, it is through this combination of the four sociolinguistic dimensions that the differences in logical extent of adequate and appropriate management of programmes for teaching additional languages are provided, leading the reader towards some very poignant issues, many of which are familiar to the language education specialist researcher, but which so frequently seem to be ignored by local authorities who ought to be well informed. Such issues entice the reader to further reflections: To what extent are teachers in the three case studies qualified and trained for teaching in second language, foreign language or heritage language situations? Are their methodologies appropriate for L2, FL and HL instruction or are these additional languages being taught inappropriately by outmoded methods such as the translation–grammar approach alluded to by the author, or even first language instruction methods? Comparative studies of the dimensions of additional language instruction of Portuguese are scant. This volume breaks new ground and inspires reflection.

Macau, China Alan Baxter May 2019

vii Acknowledgements

Obviously, this work would not have been possible without the collaboration of my friends and colleagues (in alphabetical order): Alan Baxter from the Faculty of Humanities of the University of Saint Joseph; Caio Christiano from the Pedagogical and Scientific Centre of the Portuguese Language of the Macao Polytechnic Institute; Dominika Swolkien from the University of Cape Verde; Eduardo Severino from the Department of Statistics and Operations Research of the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Lisbon; Gilda Cunha from the Department of Exact and Natural Sciences of the Higher School of Health Technology of Lisbon; Jacira Monteiro from the secondary school Luís Gonzaga Gomes in Macao; João Garrot from the School of Business and Entrepreneurship of the University of Saint Joseph in Macao; Lúcia Ramiro and Marta Reis from the Faculty of Human Kinetics/ ISAMB; and Sofia Menezes from the Department of Administration and Leadership of the Military Academy of Lisbon that were either available for an open academic discussion or to read parts of the book, making pertinent comments related to their research experience and expertise fields, from which I was always able to learn something new. I would also like to acknowledge Dulce Pereira, from CELGA-ILTEC, for the scientific review, and Pedro Martins, also from CELGA-ILTEC, for the editing of the entire manuscript, over and over again. Grateful thanks are due to the government entities and representatives of the Ministry of Education of Cape Verde, the Portuguese Teaching Coordination offices in Bern and Zurich, the Education and Youth Affairs Bureau in Macao for having allowed the data collection and, in particular, the Kredit Institut of the University of Zurich for financing a major study in 2004, a part of which is used here. A very special acknowledgement goes out to the Macao Foundation for a research fund received in 2017, which culminated in the publication of this book. Finally, I would also like to thank the team and the anonymous reviewers of Springer Nature for their support and the Observatório da Emigração as well as Enrique Argaez from Internet World Stats for the permissions to reproduce their graphs.

ix Introduction

Portuguese Within and Beyond Borders is a book whose writing was suggested upon a talk given at the 2015 Bridging Language Acquisition and Language Policy symposium held in Lund, Sweden. Its main aim is to disseminate information on Portuguese as a foreign, second and heritage language based on three case studies: Macao, Cape Verde and Switzerland, but, also, to contribute to sociolinguistic research on the policy and practice of a diasporic language such as Portuguese, in three different contexts that are very distant from one another. Its intention is to address issues that have not been dealt with before in the scientific literature, such as the relationship between the Portuguese language and its speakers and learners in microstates such as Cape Verde, Macao and Switzerland. We hope it will meet the interest of many readers, from students to researchers, to Portuguese-speaking families and language policy-makers. It has the purpose of serving anybody who is interested in the topic, in particular stakeholders such as students of any related studies, scholars interested in the field, decision-makers but also those interested in sociolinguistic issues of immigration and education policy. The ability to interact in more than one language is becoming an asset taken for granted in all linguistic domains: in the private, the public, the professional and the educational, when learning a foreign language is compulsory. Thus, learning another language, or several languages, has become an imperative, its teaching becoming more complex, because a number of considerations and decisions must be made, taking into consideration the final product, political and pedagogical objectives, and the target audience. If bilingualism is the objective, what does it actually mean to be bilingual in the process of becoming one? More specifically, what does it mean to have Portuguese as part of one’s linguistic repertoire or to want to learn Portuguese in the school context? This raises several possible questions that guided this book: (1) What is the status of the Portuguese language across three different and distant contexts in the world? Who wants to pass it on to their children and who wants to learn it? (2) Are there specific language policies for its promotion around the world, similar to the way French or English or German is promoted by language institutions supported by these various states? (3) Are there any curricular guidelines? (4) Is there any language legislation? (5) And how do

xi xii Introduction language policies affect the process of learning a language in a formal context? (6) How are resources allocated? (7) Are there any (standardized) tests? (8) Do students recognize themselves in the linguistic landscape of school? (9) Are there families who make language policy decisions deliberately? (10) What are the parents’ language choices? (11) What affects the language choices of young learners in and outside school? (12) What are teachers’ language choices: do they reinforce the use of the target language? (13) What influences children’s language attitudes? This book also contributes to the theoretical understanding of learning an additional language. It is, then, necessary to differentiate the formal and informal context of the language contact between the speaker’s first language and other language(s). In the former, we are referring to the institutional contact, especially at school level, while in the latter, we refer to the coexistence of several languages in single individuals and throughout history, especially motivated by trade relations, tourism, plantations, periods of war and conquest or by technological and scientific development. The study of language contact revealed parallels between the genesis of a language and the acquisition and/or learning of a vernacular language, leading to the emergence of various terms that intersect each other: creole language, non-native or indigenized variety, second language, heritage language and foreign language. Among the many terms that are used to describe languages today, we have chosen to look at Portuguese as a language used in a diasporic community and taught/learned in formal contexts as a foreign language, a heritage language or a second language. The choice of these three case studies is directly related to the sociohistorical background of the Portuguese presence in each of these communities and will become clearer at the end of Chap. 3. A prime goal was to observe the acquisition of Portuguese in contexts where another typologically different language is dominant. In the case of Portuguese as a second language in Cape Verde, one must consider that Cape Verde is the oldest of the Portuguese last colonies, uninhabited at the arrival of the Portuguese. Nowadays, both Portuguese and creole are spoken in the country, yet the dominant language is creole. In the case of Portuguese as a heritage language, Switzerland is one of the few countries where especially first, but also 1.5,1 generations of Portuguese immigrants can be easily found and accessed (in comparison with other countries, such as France, where second- and third-generation immigrants are the majority), yet the dominant language in the case study presented in this book. In the case of Macao, we see that it is a relatively autonomous city, with a special status from 1999 to 2049, yet the dominant language is Cantonese. Portuguese is facing different challenges in all these communities, as we shall see. In fact, each community is unique, and the practicalities of Portuguese in formal education were undergoing a shift at the time of the data

1The definitions of immigrant generations are not consensual. Henceforth, first generation refers to the first family member(s), foreign-born resident(s) that has (have) immigrated to a new, host country. The term 1.5 generation comprises those immigrants that relocate to the host country before or during their early adolescence and are therefore between the first and second generation. The second generation has at least one parent that was born in the country of origin. Introduction xiii collection in all three communities. Last but not least, the choice of these three case studies also relates to the fact that these are three of the countries where I have had several years of working experience in language education. The book is organized into six chapters. In Chap. 1, we will consider the three terms of second, foreign and heritage language throughout history in more detail, reflecting on the concepts, in order to present the dynamic relationship between them and expose the existing parallel between two study fields, namely sociolinguistics and second language acquisition. In Chap. 2, we will introduce population mobility in diasporic communities from a sociohistorical point of view, taking into consideration the three case studies of public primary schools in Macao, Switzerland and Cape Verde in order to better understand how Portuguese presence came into being in these territories. In Chap. 3, an outline of the language policies at the macro-, meso- and micro-levels in these three contexts will be given, in an attempt to address the 1–7 previously mentioned questions. In Chap. 4,wewill present contexts of language use by the young children in various domains, in order to answer questions 8–12. In Chap. 5, we will have a look into the children’s language attitudes based on a sociolinguistic questionnaire. Finally, the last chapter brings the topics covered throughout the book to a close, by comparing them and providing clues for future research. Contents

1 Portuguese as an Additional Language ...... 1 1.1 Foreign Language ...... 2 1.2 Second Language ...... 3 1.3 Heritage Language ...... 8 1.4 Language Contact and Transfer ...... 10 1.5 Language Maintenance ...... 11 1.6 Final Word ...... 12 References ...... 13 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread ...... 17 2.1 Cape Verde ...... 18 2.2 Macao ...... 21 2.3 Europe and the Case of Switzerland ...... 24 2.4 Final Word ...... 33 References ...... 33 3 Language Management in the Education Sector ...... 37 3.1 Portuguese Language Worldwide ...... 37 3.2 Language Management in the Educational Sector ...... 42 3.3 Cape Verde ...... 43 3.4 Switzerland ...... 45 3.5 Macao ...... 46 3.6 Final Word ...... 48 References ...... 48 4 Language Use ...... 51 4.1 Grandparents ...... 52 4.2 Parents ...... 53 4.3 Siblings ...... 55 4.4 Friends ...... 56 4.5 Classmates ...... 57

xv xvi Contents

4.6 Teachers...... 58 4.7 School’s Principal ...... 60 4.8 Basic Mathematics ...... 61 4.9 Writing Letters and Alike ...... 61 4.10 Reading ...... 63 4.11 Telling Jokes ...... 64 4.12 Watching TV ...... 66 4.13 Listening to the Radio...... 67 4.14 Shopping ...... 67 4.15 At the Doctor’s ...... 69 4.16 Final Word ...... 70 References ...... 71 5 Language Attitudes ...... 73 5.1 Population Origin and Background ...... 75 5.2 Language Attitudes ...... 87 5.3 Motivation to Attend School ...... 89 5.4 Language Attitudes and Motivation to Attend School ...... 92 5.5 Final Word ...... 99 References ...... 106

Final Considerations ...... 107 Abbreviations

BP Brazilian Portuguese CH Switzerland Chinese Any of the Chinese varieties, usually Mandarin and/or Cantonese CV Cape Verde EFL English as a foreign language EP European Portuguese IC Institute Camões L1 Native language, mother tongue, ﬁrst language L22 Second language LO Ofﬁcial language M Macao (P)FL Portuguese as a foreign language (P)HL Portuguese as a heritage language (P)FL Portuguese as a second language

2This denomination (L2) is used by opposition to its counterpart L1, ﬁrst language (also FL), which cannot be abbreviated to FL so that it is not confused with FL, used for Foreign Language. Therefore we use L2, which here also means SL. In other words we assume that the second language being learned after the mother tongue (L2) is the same as the ofﬁcial language (SL).

xvii List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Permanent outﬂows of Portuguese emigrants: the historical background by main destinations, America and Europe (OEm 2015). Reproduced from Baganha and Marques (2001) ...... 28 Fig. 4.1 Language spoken with grandparents ...... 53 Fig. 4.2 Language spoken with parents ...... 54 Fig. 4.3 Language spoken with siblings ...... 55 Fig. 4.4 Language spoken with friends ...... 57 Fig. 4.5 Language spoken with classmates...... 58 Fig. 4.6 Language spoken with teachers...... 59 Fig. 4.7 Language spoken with the school principal ...... 60 Fig. 4.8 Language used in doing basic mathematics ...... 62 Fig. 4.9 Language used in writing letters ...... 63 Fig. 4.10 Language used in reading ...... 64 Fig. 4.11 Language used in telling jokes ...... 65 Fig. 4.12 Language used in watching TV ...... 66 Fig. 4.13 Language used in listening to radio ...... 68 Fig. 4.14 Language used in shopping...... 69 Fig. 4.15 Language used at the doctor’s ...... 70

xix List of Tables

Table 2.1 Permanent outﬂows of Portuguese emigrants: the historical background by legal status (OEm 2015, p. 26)...... 26 Table 2.2 Emigrants by country of origin in 2010 (OEm 2015, p. 37). Reproduced from the World Bank, migration and remittances factbook 2011, second edition ...... 30 Table 2.3 Emigration and immigration rates in EU countries, in 2010 (OEm 2015, p. 35). Reproduced from the World Bank, migration and remittances factbook 2011, second edition..... 32 Table 3.1 Languages with at least 100 million ﬁrst-language speakers as of 2015 (Lewis et al. 2016) and of 2000 ...... 38 Table 3.2 Top ten languages used in the web (IWS 2017)...... 39 Table 3.3 Number of students in kindergarten, primary and secondary school, according to type of schedule, country, continent and type of NET in 2015 (IC Relatório de Actividades do Camões, IP 2015, 2016, p. 54), translated...... 41 Table 4.1 Population distribution by age and school grade ...... 51 Table 5.1 Mode and Q3 of the age of the participants in the questionnaire ...... 74 Table 5.2 CV sample distribution by gender and school grade ...... 75 Table 5.3 Sample distribution by place of birth ...... 76 Table 5.4 Sample distribution by father’s place of birth...... 77 Table 5.5 Sample distribution by mother’s place of birth...... 79 Table 5.6 CH sample distribution by gender and school grade ...... 80 Table 5.7 Place of birth according to school grade ...... 81 Table 5.8 Sample distribution by father’s place of birth...... 82 Table 5.9 Sample distribution by mother’s place of birth...... 83 Table 5.10 Macao sample distribution by school grade and gender ...... 84 Table 5.11 Place of living according to place of birth ...... 84 Table 5.12 Children’s place of birth according to father’s place of birth ...... 85

xxi xxii List of Tables

Table 5.13 Children’s place of birth according to mother’s place of birth ...... 86 Table 5.14 General positive language attitude cross-tabbed with type of community ...... 88 Table 5.15 General positive language attitude cross-tabbed with school grade ...... 89 Table 5.16 Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with type of community...... 91 Table 5.17 Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with school grade ...... 93 Table 5.18 Attending school for pleasure cross-tabbed with gender...... 94 Table 5.19 Attending school out of obligation cross-tabbed with gender ...... 95 Table 5.20 Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with attitude towards L1 ...... 96 Table 5.21 Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with attitude towards L2 ...... 98 Table 5.22 Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with general positive language attitude ...... 100 Table 5.23 Attending school for a better future cross-tabbed with L2 language attitude...... 102 Table 5.24 Attending school for pleasure cross-tabbed with L2 language attitude ...... 103 Table 5.25 Attending School out of obligation cross-tabbed with L2 language attitude...... 104 Table 5.26 Attending school for pleasure cross-tabbed with L1 language attitude ...... 105 Chapter 1 Portuguese as an Additional Language

Additional language is here understood as an overarching term for Portuguese as a foreign language, second language, heritage language, and also for its indigenised varieties. In this chapter, we will attempt to show how these terms are intertwined in different but overlapping contexts and continua, by establishing a link between theory and practice, and by emphasizing that an additional language always originates from language contact, of which the multilingual communities that make up our object of study are representative. The term additional language was first introduced by Schinke-Llano (1990), who used it to refer to any languages other than native ones. It is, thus, an operational definition referring to the final product of both processes: the conscious and formal learning of another language and the comparatively more natural and informal acquisition that a second language might be subject to. This is the case of Cape Verde, where Portuguese is mainly a second language, whereas the national language is actually the local creole variety, Cabo-verdiano1; Switzerland, where the Portuguese community is in contact with the local official German, French, Italian and Romansch languages, along with their local varieties and dialects, and where Portuguese is a heritage language; and Macao, where Portuguese has a partial co-official status that is not inclusive of the education domain, being thus considered a de facto foreign language. An account for this terminology based on the national language policies will be given in the following chapter. For now, we will see that these different types of contact have effects in the teaching/learning process. The term additional language experienced a boom in terms of its quantitative usage since the beginning of the twenty-first century, by referring mainly to the language of the majority that has simultaneously an official status which is usually English (Crosse 2007; Leung and Creese 2010; Mistry and Sood 2015) or what we understand in this book by second language, but it is also used to refer to an

1Creole languages themselves are also the result of a speciﬁc language contact.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 1 A. C. Neves, Portuguese as an Additional Language, SpringerBriefs in Linguistics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33316-4_1 2 1 Portuguese as an Additional Language omnipresent foreign language as is the specific case of English as a lingua franca (Schlatter and Garcez 2012) and, to a much lesser extent, French. It is possible to be exposed to the additional language across the curriculum and across several school years and age groups within any micro school system. The contact of the target language goes beyond the formal setting of the classroom, meaning that there is a chance of being exposed to the native variety through their (expanded) social network and the mass media. Moreover, although it is not a choice for the children that learn it, there is a probability that the learner also sees this language as a part of his or her linguistic repertoire and identity (Lanehart 1996). In this book, the term spans to all these communities and at the same time it does not disregard their backgrounds, whereas it can be used “to refer to a language other than the first” (Larsen-Freeman and Cameron 2012, p. 227), in the sense of what is also called additive bilingualism or additive approach (Spolsky 2009, p. 106), in the sense of the overarching term of “Portuguese as a foreign language” (Christiano 2017) or even “Portuguese as a non-native language” (Bizarro et al. 2013) as an equivalent overarching term, and certainly not in the sense of Schlatter’s “additional language”. This also applies to heritage speakers of 1.5 generation, taking into account that in their case, as was already mentioned, there is a language shift to the extent that the language that starts by being their mother tongue becomes at some point a second language, in the sense that it evolves to the less well mastered language in favour of the coexisting (official) language. Portuguese, in the three settings that form the object of study of this work, namely as a foreign language in Macao, as a second language in Cape Verde and as a heritage language in Switzerland, coexists with another language and is conveyed mainly by an educational institution, which means that it is accompanied by an instrumental learning motivation. Yet, it differs in its development in distinctive socio-historical contexts, in the structural systems available to the learner that account for much of the so-called negative transfer, in the transmission methods and in its ethnographic statuses. In any of these sociolinguistic situations, there are distinguishing features regarding language policies, language functions and domains of language use. The school domain gives us a unique opportunity to rethink these concepts, more precisely how they fit into the learning/teaching process and into the language management process (Spolsky 2009, p. 114).

1.1 Foreign Language

The first constructs resulting from a perspective that took foreign language into account date back to the sixteenth century and refer to the English language. It was in the middle of this century that the first bilingual textbooks for teaching English to speakers of other languages and the first dictionary of vernacular languages were published in Antwerp (Howatt 1997), followed in 1576 by the publication of the first tourist guide for foreigners. Two centuries later, in the eighteenth century, the first foreign language courses, in English, emerged in Portugal, having been introduced in 1.1 Foreign Language 3 educational systems of former colonies in the following century (Cunha 2004). The introduction of these courses was due to the need for communication, especially for trading purposes. However, only in the twentieth century, after the Second World War, and specifically in the case of the English language, did the teaching of English as a foreign language (henceforth EFL) obtain a boost from technological and scientific development—led by the United States—along with the international intensification of trade. This phenomenon began with the teaching of EFL, but quickly spread to other languages. In the case of the Portuguese language, in 1672, the Portuguese Jesuit Bento Pereira wrote the Ars grammatica in Latin pro Lingva lvsitana addiscenda, which is, most likely, the first grammar of Portuguese as a foreign language written in Latin (Silva and Marçalo 2013; Kemmler 2013). In the early twentieth century, multiple grammars arose showing a growing interest in Portuguese. Other European languages, such as Spanish, saw an earlier and more steadfast development, in comparison to Portuguese, which finds in A New Portuguese Grammar in Four Parts (1881), by António Vieira, its first grammar and seminal work in the dissemination of Portuguese as a foreign language, according to Silva and Marçalo (2013, p. 814). It is in foreign language teaching, limited to the classroom, that the language approach undergoes a change in the sense of using other methods than the traditional grammar-translation. A new impetus was given to foreign languages in the early 1970s, when Dell Hymes stressed the importance of the communicative competence (Hymes 1972), which has been referred to as communicative approach in applied linguistics. The main purpose of this was to promote greater interaction among students, leading to a learner-centred class and a functional curriculum that creates, as much as possible, a learning environment closer to the one of language acquisition. There is, therefore, an increasing trend to make the teaching of foreign language holistic, under the perspective of a hermeneutic approach, more focused on the real needs of learners, their goals and the final product (Kovalek and Chicoski 2008), putting aside rote learning and repetitive grammar and vocabulary-based exercises. It is in this context that the component of landeskundliche Information (“socio-cultural and patrimonial information”, own translation) also finds its place in the formal teaching of a foreign language, meaning that learners must also acquire information about the cultural hot topics of the target language’s country (Krüger 1991). Errors are viewed in a more permissive way in detriment of grammatical correctness, as long as they do not affect effective communication.

1.2 Second Language

The term second language only makes sense when defined by opposition to the one of first language, as put forward by Catford (1959), who used it for the first time. That is to say that we cannot talk about one without considering the other. Mounin (1993, p. 198) defines first language as the mother tongue: “au sens strict, langue de la mère. Par abus de langage, langue première d’un sujet donné, même si ce n’est pas 4 1 Portuguese as an Additional Language la langue de sa mère”.2 In fact, the first language of a speaker is generally considered to be the mother tongue(s), i.e. both terms are often synonymous, solely differentiated by this perspective. Hence, a second language can be considered a foreign language, which means that it is always the first language learned after the mother tongue; therefore, the use of the term second—although, by extension, the term can also refer to any other language acquired after one’s mother tongue. Nevertheless, there are differences between them that can be explained by their sociolinguistic contexts and transmission processes: acquisition and learning. Therefore, “learning a second language seems to imply more hours of study, greater diversity of ‘input’ language and patterns of interaction between teacher and students, focusing more on learning the target culture”, unlike a foreign language, that has a “less communicative nature, with only the teacher and materials as ‘input’ language” (Sousa 2001, pp. 89–90, own translation; cf. also Crystal 1987). Johnson and Johnson (1999, p. 129) also present some features of the acquisition of a second language: […] there are systematic stages of development; correction, reward and reinforcement do not appear to be directly influential in SLA [Second Language Acquisition], although some kinds of metalinguistic awareness may be; the knowledge that L2 learners develop goes beyond what they were exposed to in the input; SLA is not inevitable (learners may fossilize at different stages of development) and rarely fully successful. Both terms, acquisition and learning, put the weight on the context in which the language is learned. In the former, appropriation of a language happens in a natural environment, whereas the latter presupposes a formal environment like the classroom. The theory of behaviourism, spawned by Darwinism, sees the outcome of learnabil- ity as a set of habits strongly influenced by the environment, practice and (positive) reinforcement. The difference between first and second language, and acquisition and learning processes, relies then on the fact that, in the case of the second language, the speaker already acquired a set of habits that can be negatively transferred, if the habits diverge from the rules of the target language. This process is called negative transfer or interference, which is part of the developmental stages of the interlan- guage. The linguistic interferences are the object of study of error analysis, which was the basis of the research conducted under the Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis, developed by Lado (1957). However, a contrastive analysis proved unable to predict all errors produced by the learner (Larsen-Freeman and Long 2014). The influence of other language varieties is inevitable and it accounts, indeed, for negative transfers, although they do not occur consistently from learner to learner, i.e. it varies from one individual to another (Klein and Perdue 1992). Taking into consideration the type of process, the distinction between acquisition and learning dates back to Krashen’s work (Krashen 1981), featuring the former term as a natural process, carried out intuitively in a context of language immersion and without a conscious focus on linguistic forms, while the latter entails a conscious, systematic and formal process.

2Strictly speaking, language of the mother. By extension, the ﬁrst language of a given subject, even if it is not the language of his mother (own translation). 1.2 Second Language 5

Considering the sociolinguistic context, a foreign language process consists of learning any language other than the mother tongue, in a formal context where learners share another language, which is not the official language. A second language, on the other hand, is learned by speakers in a community where the target language often plays an institutional and official role, as is the case of Portuguese in the Portuguese-speaking countries of Africa, such as Cape Verde. This linguistic situation is distinguished from other similar situations, such as immigrant communities in Portugal or Brazil, because the contact with native speakers is narrower in the former as they learn the language as an indigenised variety from speakers that do not have Portuguese as their native language. In other words, and following the examples given by Cook (2002), second language users could be: a German businessman using Portuguese in Brazil, a Polish student using Portuguese in Portugal during her studies, a Chinese shop owner using Portuguese in Cape Verde, East Europeans who have recently moved to Portugal and started using the Portuguese language in their daily life, Portuguese children attending Swiss-German schools in Switzerland and using both Swiss German and High German in school, children in Cape Verde reaching schooling age and starting to use Portuguese, or writers such as the Angolan Ondjaki, the Mozambican Pauline Chiziane, the Jewish German Ilse Lieblich Losa and the Italian scholar Antonio Tabuchi as authors of books in Portuguese.3 Keeping in mind the sociolinguistic context and the transmission process underlying a second language, we can still observe that this particular setting includes different situations that seem to share one goal, namely, to master the target language as a native speaker, which is ultimately unattainable, i.e. a “failed” attempt to reach the linguistic competence of a model native speaker which does not exist or is not immediately accessible (cf. Crispim 1991, p. 16). Crispim (ibidem) further explains that the characteristics of a second language coincide with teaching/learning features of a foreign language only at an early stage. In other words, a second language is, in this sense, a non-native variety, just as the foreign language, whereas the main difference lies on the fact that both terms represent different stages in the learning continuum. In fact, non-native or indigenised varieties, as is the case of Portuguese in Cape Verde, are the result of linguistic contact and an adaptation to a new language ecology by the speakers, in order to meet the needs of the language community in question (Mufwene 2009). The first references to the term indigenised variety date back to the late twentieth century and were applied to Anglophone varieties of the Pacific region, where English is the second language, if not the official language, but definitely not the mother tongue of language communities. Such is the case of India, where English eventually became different from the English spoken in the United States or in Aus- tralia, where it has the dual status of first and national language. Among the PALOP

3It is worth noting that the examples given by Cook (2002) comprise second language speakers for whom the target language is effectively language number two, regardless of its ofﬁcial status, which is not the case here. Therefore, they are referred to as L2 users and not L2 speakers. 6 1 Portuguese as an Additional Language

(African Countries with Portuguese as an Official Language), we find similar situations in Angola (Ançã 1999) and Mozambique, where no more than a quarter of speakers (Spolsky 2009, p. 111) from different ethnic groups make use of Por- tuguese to understand each other, the indigenised variety representing a means of communication that allows mutual understanding, when it is common to these communities. This feature is not limited to mainland Africa; insular members of African Countries with Portuguese as an Official Language (PALOP) also use Portuguese as a non-native variety in its international projection, at the expense of local national languages, often creole languages, as in Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe.4 Extending Mufwene (1994) on the indigenised varieties, Portuguese as a second language shares the following traits: 1. The absence of constant linguistic nativisation, i.e. it is not, from the beginning, the native language of the linguistic community; 2. The consequent lack of a normal process of transmission from generation to generation, as it is the case with mother tongues in general; 3. Their main conveyor are local schools and the media; 4. The coexistence of at least two languages, one of which is dominant, socially and politically; 5. The abrupt linguistic contact, since these languages are forced upon the learners without a gradual initiation phase, whereas its learning usually coincides with their schooling age; 6. The incomplete linguistic input, because learners are not consistently exposed to a linguistic native model, as it is generally conveyed by non-native speakers and in a particular context; 7. And the consequent negative language learning, because it is imposed with sparse references to the national culture of the learners’ mother tongue. Indigenised varieties are useful to their communities because they provide a written standard and a writing system when national languages, for one reason or another, cannot afford one. This phenomenon is illustrated by the relationship between the “distance language” (Distanzsprache), associated with the written language, and the “proximity language” (Nähesprache), associated with the everyday oral language (Meisenburg 1999), representing more of a continuum, a continuous sequence whose adjacent elements are not perceived as being different from each other, than a hierar- chy, in which its elements are ranked one above the other. These two concepts were originally introduced by Koch and Oesterreicher (1990) to distinguish the written language from the spoken language in the Romanesque space, referring respectively to the worship/scholar Latin—used in writing, and the common/popular Latin—used in speaking and subject to the influences that led to the current vernacular Romance languages. In other words, this distinction is based on the specific situation of diglossia, as a result of an asymmetric language status. The proximity language appears

4Examples of indigenised Portuguese would be “estabelecimento de comidas” for “restaurant” (EP: restaurante) in Macao, “mata-bicho” for “breakfast” (EP: pequeno-almoço;BP:café da manhã)in Angola and Mozambique, or “praia de mar” for “beach” (EP: praia) in Cape Verde. 1.2 Second Language 7 associated with the socially and politically “lower” linguistic variety, without a written standard form and used only orally, while the distance language is connected to the socially and politically “higher” variety, with its own spelling system and, therefore, used in written communication. In the specific context of the Portuguese-speaking world, Massa (1994) calls this phenomenon the utilitarian Lusography, because the written usefulness of the Portuguese language in the five PALOP is one of the factors that enhances the use of the official language. Other than that, and specifically in the case of Angola and Mozambique, there is another reason to use Portuguese. Authors such as Godinho (2011) foresee the expansion of Portuguese linked to its unique role as a lingua franca, or common language, with international projection, as communication would otherwise not be possible, due to the existence of numerous local languages that do not allow a mutual understanding (see also Martinho 1997). Sridhar and Sridhar (1994, pp. 44–48) criticize the theories of acquisition of a second language, when applied to these varieties, for not considering the following aspects: 1. The goal of learning a second language in these communities is not to reach a native competence in that language; 2. The available input is sufficiently extensive and intensive to allow the active competence in the second language, but restrictive and limited, often to the classroom, compared to the learning of a first language if compared to the acquisition of a first language or even a second language in a geographical area, because the learner is not exposed to all styles, structures and speech acts normally associated with native speakers; 3. The replacement model does not apply to these contexts, because one language does not replace the other; there is an additive model instead, where the languages complement each other by being used with different communicative functions, which does not imply in any way that indigenised varieties are functionally reduced; 4. Motivation for learning a second language should ideally be integrative, but, in this case, it is instrumental, being that it must only complement the functions of the first language and enable communication with the outside; 5. The role of the mother tongue is not limited to linguistic interference during second language learning, since it might also serve as a creative contribution of loanwords and expressions to the enrichment of the target language, the local non-native variety; 6. Learning a second language is, in these cases, a group phenomenon and not only an individual phenomenon. It is interesting to notice that the research areas of second and foreign language have had a different focus. While the former has been concentrated on the acquisition process and its final product as a group phenomenon, the latter focussed on teaching and learning methodologies and in the specific context of formal education (Leiria 2004, p. 8). Again, the distinction between each of them is not always clear and may move closer to the subject matter but away from the perspective in which this 8 1 Portuguese as an Additional Language study is carried out. It is in this context of difficult delimitation and definition of both concepts that the concept of additional language is here proposed.

1.3 Heritage Language

The term heritage language was first used in Canada and then developed in the USA (Cummins 1983), being usually used to refer to the second generation of emigrants that acquires two languages simultaneously, one of which in the familial context (Flores and Melo-Pfeifer 2014, p. 18). Authors such as Cabo and Rothman (2012) rightfully advocate that speakers of heritage languages cannot be described as revealing similar traits of “incomplete acquisition”, as was the case, because some characteristics of the heritage language might not be fully acquired due to reduced input. A heritage speaker starts by acquiring his family language as his first language or mother tongue, but then shifts at some point in time to another language, as the first and heritage language becomes closer to a foreign or second language (Leiria 2004, p. 7). For this reason, Flores (2013), among other researchers from the Portuguese-speaking world, considers only second and third generation immigrants as heritage language speakers. In the words of Cabo and Rothman (2012: 451), a heritage speaker “is a bilingual who has acquired a family (the heritage language) and a majority societal language naturalistically in early childhood. […] acquisition crucially must take place in a situation where the home language is decisively not the language of the greater society”. Valdés (2005) extends the definition of the term to include the minority languages in their host countries. This is what Hélot (2003, p. 258) denominates as languages of origin or migrant languages, which are exogenous languages, by opposition to the regional varieties, which are endogenous languages. Yet, again, the term incomplete acquisition presupposes the comparison to a group of native speakers, monolinguals, which is not the purpose of a second and/or heritage language. Besides, some of the acquired features are also derived from cross-generational attrition (Sorace 2004). This means that what is labelled as incomplete acquisition originates, in fact, from contact-induced changes in the input from first generation speakers. Unlike a speaker of a non-native or even a foreign language, heritage speakers use the language in a naturalistic setting with a natural transmission process, that is, not in a classroom, and are very early bilinguals, usually since birth (Lee 2014). In the case of the heritage community under study in Switzerland, but also in the case of Portuguese as a heritage language in general, this last point does not apply in a consistent manner, as some of the children move to the community after having started school in their homeland, Portugal. However, there is a language switch as they start using the language with an official status in the host community, as it is the case of the Portuguese community in Switzerland. García et al. (2008) include in this group the “emergent bilinguals”: children who are in the process of becoming bilingual through school, by acquiring the host language, in which they have limited proficiency (see also Spolsky 2009, p. 102 ff.); they are between 3 and 21 years old; 1.3 Heritage Language 9 they attend primary or secondary school, having no record of kindergarten enrolment; they were probably born outside the host country; they have a low socio-economic background and live mainly in urban areas and in households in which grown-ups do not speak the host language, having a comparatively low schooling level. In addition, over 30% of their school peers are also second language learners, unlike the second language proficient students (García et al. 2008). In the specific context of the US, they are usually referred to as “limited English proficient (LEP) and English language learners (ELL), […] English learners, culturally and linguistically diverse, children with English language communication barriers, English as a Second Language, language minority and bilingual” (García et al. 2008, p. 7, original emphasis). Often, these speakers are faced with the more complex process of learning a third language (García-Mayo 2012), as the host communities have their own dialects, distinctive from the standard variety or varieties. This leads us to an underlying feature in the object of this study, namely, diglossia, in the sense that at least two languages co-exist in the target communities, being that the choice of one over the other depends strongly upon the communicative functions that are supposed to be achieved. This is the case of children in Cape Verde, that speak Cape Verdean Creole among friends, but Portuguese in school; it is also the case of children in Macao, that have to learn Mandarin in the official schools, while the main local variety is Cantonese; it is likewise the case of Portuguese emigrant children in Switzerland, that use Swiss German in informal and High German in other more formal contexts, including in the school domain. These are just some random examples that show that we are dealing not only with bilingual but also diglossic communities. The relationship between diglossia and bilingualism was first established by Joshua A. Fishman, for whom the concept of diglossia5 is also extended to languages that are related to each other (Fishman 1967; cf. DeCamp 1977; Romaine 1988, 1995; García 2013, p. 156). According to Ferguson (1959), in the case of a diglossic community, there is a linguistic variety with a low status, the L-variety, because it is not equally recognised by the official bodies, meaning it is not used in the same situations, under the same circumstances or with the same purposes as the high variety or H-variety. Crystal (1987) and Johnson and Johnson (1999) go further by referring that the former is limited to a familial and informal context, whereas the latter is used at the institutional level and for the standard writing system. According to Dubois (1973), diglossia can refer to a bilingual situation, the coexistence of two languages in the same geographic space, although with different socio-political statuses. It can also refer to an individual’s ability to use another language fluently in other contexts. In any case, it is a bilingual situation that affects the whole linguistic community (Mounin 1993; Mateus and Xavier 1992). It is in this sense that Johnson and John- son (1999) name it “bilingualism in society” (1999, 30–31). Following García et al. (2012, p. 46), the diglossic view of language, i.e. that different varieties or languages

5The term diglossia became famous with the seminal paper carrying the same title by Charles Ferguson, considered to be the father of the traditional understanding of diglossia, although the concept goes back to Psichari, in 1928, referring to the Greek language (Prudent 1981, p. 15). 10 1 Portuguese as an Additional Language are used for different purposes and functions, has been a common tenet in educational practices, promoting the gap between the standard language or variety and the home language and/or local varieties in bilingual programs. This is an external construct imposed on bilinguals themselves, who do not see their language practices, such as code-switching, code-mixing, borrowing, calques, translanguaging and transliteracy, as a usage of separate languages, but rather their own language repertoire (García 2015, p. 131). According to García, bilingualism goes beyond named languages, as bilinguals make use of a unitary language system, in which framing languages as L1, L2, and akin, has become outdated (García 2017), just as the notions of additive and subtractive bilingualism, as they presuppose a monolingual model of language that does not apply to bilinguals. Similarly, translanguaging is a better term to describe situations of code-switching and code-mixing, as it gives agency to the bilingual speaker in a bilingual language model, in which both languages are accessible and are a part of a bilingual continuum. In fact, the distinction among terms only makes sense when we take into consideration the genesis and evolution of the different types of language contact (cf. Chaudenson 1977, 2001, among others). If we consider the processes, the continua and the final linguistic outcomes, we will see that the differences are increasingly blurred, and that the concepts become closer to, or even complement, each other. Considering solely the final product, research findings show that learners sharing the same mother tongue do not always produce the same type of negative transfer in the target language, whereas learners having different mother tongues show sim- ilarities while learning the same target language (Mufwene 2010; Klein and Perdue 1992, among others). The convergence and divergence processes towards the target language during the appropriation process of a second or foreign language are tanta- mount to the ones that presumably occurred during the genesis of creole languages, making up a similar continuum. The contexts are different, yet the transfer processes are similar.

1.4 Language Contact and Transfer

In light of the foregoing, transfer has been a convergent point and a common object of study in different ﬁelds (creolistics, typological linguistics, language contact, language acquisition, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, applied linguistics) and, depending on the underlying research paradigm, it has been seen as possibly constrained to a higher or lesser extent. Hand in hand with the notion of transfer, regardless of the underlying theory, go deterministic rules based on the non-existing ideal of a native speaker. Nevertheless, it is a fact that even native speakers do not master in full and homogeneously the rules of their native language. There is, however, a tradition to speak in terms of variation and not in terms of negative transfer in this context. In other words, to some extent, variability has met with a degree of resistance in second language acquisition, by not being considered acceptable and innovative. 1.4 Language Contact and Transfer 11

Furthermore, the conceptualisation of the language system based on deterministic rules is usually associated with the idea that language is a modular system, organised in modules, just like a programming language has its commands organised in libraries. These are packages or sets of useful code, including, usually, a collection of operations, functions, variables and data structures, that once installed can be easily reused. This means that by conceiving the language as an organised, deterministic modular system, as traditional cognitive linguistics has done since its beginnings in the 1970s, we are trying, on one hand, to turn it into a formal language, which it is not, and, on the other, to ignore its basic socio-cultural nature. A fact that cannot be neglected is that language comes into being through interaction and actual usage by its interlocutors, within a speciﬁc socio-cultural context that is subject to variation and change. In this sense, both traditional cognitive linguistics and the behaviourist contrastive analysis are closer to each other than they seem to be; by not giving language variation and change the attention they deserve, as variation and change are the rule and not the exception. On the other hand, variation, and not transfer, has always been the object of study of sociolinguistics, which, although having evolved in a different direction than the other two ﬁelds—namely, cognitive and contrastive linguistics—could bridge the gap that emerged between these two, regarding second language acquisition. An emergentist approach (Larsen-Freeman and Cameron 2012; De Bot et al. 2007; Larsen-Freeman 1997) moves away from the mentalist and behaviourist frameworks, mainly by considering the group instead of the individual and by focussing on variation instead of transfer. The emergence of such speaking communities is complex, dynamic and adaptive to their constant changing circumstances and calls for a theory that embraces these complexity features.

1.5 Language Maintenance

Language use, in these contexts—of a second language on the account of the coexistence with a creole language, of a heritage language and even as a foreign language for its historical presence—is determinant for language maintenance and goes beyond what is stipulated by law at the national level, as we will see. Coupled with language use are language attitudes. They play a major role in language maintenance/loss, in the use of code-switching and code-mixing between the contrasting languages, in the acceptance or rejection of loanwords from the contrasting language, accommo- dation strategies (which is adapting or resisting to an interlocutor’s language style, as, for instance, in turn-taking, intonational patterns, etc.) and they reveal patterns of interaction between interlocutors, as well as the speaker’s social network, domains of language use (with and without conformity pressure) and ingroup solidarity. On one hand, language attitudes can be changed and influenced by the speaker’s and the community’s experience, literacy work, the existence of books with traditional stories in all relevant languages for the community, the additional publication of textbooks in the minority language or in the language without social prestige (Bradley 2002) and 12 1 Portuguese as an Additional Language other language production factors, such as scientific and technical literature, but also newspapers and other mass media, which are all means to institutionalise a language and promote its social and functional status (Parianou 2009). On the other, they jus- tify and are behind discriminating behaviour in education and employment (Fasold and Connor-Linton 2006), or even a translator’s choice of words. Linguistic changes are often the reflection of social attitudes. However, a language attitude is a learned, individual predisposition that has its roots in collective behaviour, but because it is influenced by experience, it is an important concept in bilingualism. Subsequently, it is also transposed to other objects associated with the target, as for instance the speakers of a certain language, or anything else associated with that language. Thus, language attitudes can help predicting a linguistic behaviour, like one’s choice of words or the tendency to use borrowed words (Fasold and Schiffrin 1989). From the developmental point of view in language learning, positive and negative language attitudes change around the ages of 7 and 10 in favour of the socially more prestigious form (Giles et al. 1983). There is also a turning point at the age of 9– 11, when children start showing increasingly more paradigmatic than syntagmatic associations. Marchand (2010) explains that this is not the “result from a process of maturation but rather from the investment in language as an object triggered in response to educational demands” (Marchand 2010, p. 126). In other words, the emphasis on vocabulary learning during the primary school teaching stimulated a focus on paradigmatic choices in this age group, that is later, in upper grades, replaced again by syntagmatic answers, when the focus is on communication skills. This accounts for our target population and the data presented in the subsequent chapters.

1.6 Final Word

Considering the three contexts of the Portuguese language as our object of study, we elaborated on three aspects of the term additional language, and on to what extent they diverge and converge with each other from the point of view of teaching practices, learning processes and type of input. This also explains why we employ this term and none of its counterparts. Consequently, it is a concept that considers mainly the end product or the learners’ proﬁciency level. Therefore, it disregards the sociolinguistic context and the transmission process of the language, which are the main distinctive features of the concepts of foreign language, second language and heritage language, as we will see. On one hand, it is an operational term that well serves our purpose here. On the other, it is applied to refer to communities in which a language majority gives prestige to an additional language with power similar to their own (García 2013, p. 157). In addition, the variability underlying this object of study brings the research ﬁelds of second language acquisition and sociolinguistics closer together. In the next chapter, we will focus on language management policies in the educational sector, considering the same three settings of this additional language. References 13

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Leung, C., and Creese, A. 2010. Additional language—approaches to teaching linguistic minority students. London: SAGE Publications Ltd. Marchand, P. 2010. Attitudes towards language: New perspectives. Revue Internationale de Psychologie Sociale, 125–153. Martinho, A.M. (1997). A língua portuguesa e as línguas africanas, Bantu crioulo, na África de língua oﬁcial portuguesa. Revista Cultural COMUNIDADES DE LÍNGUA PORTUGUESA (10/11), 54–63. Massa, J.-M. 1994. Lusophonie-Lusographie. Colloque International. I, 267–275. Rennes: Départ- ment du Portugais. Mateus, M.H., and M.F. Xavier. 1992. Dicionário de termos linguísticos. Lisboa: Edições Cosmos. Meisenburg, T. 1999. Überlegungen zum Diglossiebegriff. In Dialektgenerationen, Dialektfunktio- nen, Sprachwandel, ed. T. Stehl, 19–35. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag. Mistry, M., and K. Sood. 2015. English as an additional language in the early years—linking theory to practice. London, New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. Mounin, G. 1993 (2) [1974]. Dictionnaire de la linguistique. Paris: Quadrige/PUF. Mufwene, S. 1994. New Englishes and criteria for naming them. World Englishes, 21–30. Mufwene, S.S. 2009. Restructuring, hybridization and complexity in language evolution. In Com- plex processes in new languages, ed. E. Aboh and N. Smith, 367–401. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Mufwene, S. 2010. SLA and the emergence of creoles. Studies in Second Language Acquisition 32: 359–400. Parianou, A. 2009. Language attitude studies. In Translating from major into minor languages,ed. A. Parianou, 165–178. Athens: Diavlos. Prudent, L.-F. 1981. Diglossia et Interlecte. Langages, 13–37. Romaine, S. 1988. Pidgin and Creole languages. Harlow, New York: Longman. Romaine, S. 1995. Bilingualism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Schinke-Llano, L. 1990. Can foreign language learning be like second language acquisition? The curious case of immersion. In Second language acquisition—foreign language learning,eds.B. VanPatten, J.F. Lee, 216–225. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Schlatter, M., and P. Garcez. 2012. Línguas adicionais na escola: Aprendizagens colaborativas em inglês. Edelbra: Erechim. Silva, A.A., and Marçalo, M.J. 2013. António Vieira e John C. Branner—A Morfologia Revisi- tada. Gramáticas Antigas de Português Língua Estrangeira. In De la unidade del lenguaje a la diversidad de las lenguas, ed. J.F. Val Álvaro, 830–842. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza. Sorace, A. 2004. Native language attrition and developmental instability at the syntax-discourse interface: Data, interpretations and methods. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 7 (2), 1–3. Sousa, M.L. 2001. A Apredizagem das línguas não-maternas em contexto escolar. Questão - Revista do Departamento de Letras Clássicas e Modernas e do Centro de Estudos Linguísticos e Literários 0: 87–106. Spolsky, B. 2009. Language policy in schools. In Language management, ed. B. Spolsky, 90–114. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sridhar, S., & Sridhar, K. (1994). Indigenized Englishes as second languages: toward a functional theory of second language acquisition in multilingual contexts. In Second language acquisition: Socio-cultural and linguistic aspects of English in India, ed. K.A.R. Agnihotri, 41–63. New Delhi/Thousand Oaks/London: Sage Publications. Valdés, G. (2005). Bilingualism, Heritage Language Learners, and SLA Research: Opportunities Lost or Seized? The Modern Language Journal, III (89). Chapter 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread

Voluntary international population migration, as we nowadays know it, started with the Discoveries in the fifteenth century, and was particularly in effect during the sixteenth century. The milestones for this type of population mobility were set by the Portuguese and their Patronage,1 and later on reinforced by the Industrial Revolution and the economic changes that took place in Europe and America during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Arroteia 1983; Cepeda 1995, p. 10). Today, there are studies at the micro-level documenting that immigration may lead to an increasing enrolment in private schools in order to avoid the immigrant population in public schools (Mavisakalyan 2011). In fact, some authors consider Portugal to be the pioneer of globalisation (Reto 2012; Rodrigo and Devezas 2007). Although the influence of its language has never enjoyed a similar status, Portuguese was a language with a strong worldwide expansion. Demographically, Portugal kept a steady and extremely slow growing pace during the twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The first numeric data on continental population goes back to 1527, under King João III, revealing a population count of 1,120,000 inhabitants in continental Portugal. It is worth mentioning, though, that the Portuguese population was apparently not growing as fast as the rest of the world’s population. Around 1750, there was a total of 2,250,000 inhabitants in mainland Portugal, whose ratio was represented by 15.5 individuals for each one thousand inhabitants in Europe, which had a total of 145 million inhabitants. One century later, this ratio decreased to 13.1:1000, while the European population increased to an estimated 265 million people (Alarcão 1978, p. 55). Alarcão explains these numbers with the expansion and consolidation of the Portuguese empire. The Discoveries, which triggered a unique economic development, went hand in hand with a strong presence of the Church and the expansion of the Christian faith, which was mainly carried out in the local vernacular languages, giving also rise to the Portuguese-based pidgins, although the presence of other European languages was

1The royal patronage was an agreement between the Pope and the monarch, by means of which the Catholic kings in Portugal and Spain had the power to rule and organise the Catholic Church and make decisions regarding religious matters in the new territories. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 17 A. C. Neves, Portuguese as an Additional Language, SpringerBriefs in Linguistics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33316-4_2 18 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread notorious. It was this powerful ecclesiastical presence that also led to the expelling of Portuguese Jews from Portugal, around the same time, leaving them to seek refuge in the Netherlands, Germany and Italy (Cuesta et al. 1971, p. 44). It is important to keep in mind that the Catholic creed was ofﬁcially endorsed by the state until 1911, being that the missionaries, particularly the Jesuits, were in charge of education (Carreira 1987). Indeed, the strong link between religion and education was one of the most powerful forces in promoting imperialism, language spread and even its writing systems (García 2014, p. 88; Spolsky 2004, p. 48 ff.; Kaplan and Baldauf 1997). Until the eighteenth century, families had no interest in sending their children to school. This was considered to be a privilege or it was pursued to guarantee professional access to certain social spheres, and it was not accessible to everybody. Only in 1759 did the Portuguese state start funding some of the educational costs, although it did not cover all types of teachers. Further along, about 50 years later, already in the nineteenth century, girls started to have the right to a free education (Adão 1995, p. 225 ff.), when education for all was introduced by nation-states (Wright 2009, p. 71).

2.1 Cape Verde

The Cape Verdean archipelago was the first group of islands, among the current Portuguese-speaking African countries, to be occupied, as the islands were uninhabited upon the arrival of the Portuguese, in 1456. This became a strategic region in the slave trade between the West Coast of Africa and Brazil, since, for purposes of maritime sovereignty, it was convenient for the Portuguese to dominate that region. The occupation of this archipelago was carried out in a more spontaneous manner, without any specific official policy or guidelines. In 1461, families originating from the South of Portugal (Algarve) were sent to the island of Santiago, followed by the first missionaries, in 1466. The settlement on the islands was not linear either, meaning that different islands were settled in different periods in time, between the fifteenth and the nineteenth centuries, the island of Saint Vincent being the last one to be settled. The pirate attacks contributed to the acceleration of the settlement process, which was used as a defensive strategy. However, this was hampered by the lack of European settlers. As already mentioned, the Church played an important role when it came to education in the former Portuguese colonies, and, in Cape Verde, its presence became even stronger with the creation of the first Diocese in the sixteenth century, enabling the foundations of the Seminary of Saint Nicolau, in 1866, a relevant educational institution from that point on. The slaves represented the majority of the population, originating from Guinea, Senegal and Sierra Leone, speaking different languages that did not allow mutual understanding. They were split into three different groups, according mainly to their place of birth: boçais, ladinos and naturals.Theboçais were comprised of the slaves 2.1 Cape Verde 19 that had most recently arrived on the island of Santiago. The ladinos had been on the island for a long time, having arrived when they were children, after which they were baptised, received a basic education and were taught the Portuguese language in a very simple manner. This process of socialisation that included a sparse knowledge of the language was called ladinisation. The third group included the slaves born on the island. Similarly, the settlers were also referred to according to different categories: “brancos da nação” (white Portuguese), “brancos da Europa” (white Europeans) and “brancos da terra” (local white people) (Mota 1951). Another group that contributed to the economic growth of this territory was the lançados, individuals that at first might have held a temporary residence permit, later becoming illegal residents that lived permanently with the local people in blank areas that were not covered by the Por- tuguese trade control (Pimentel 2008, p. 85; Soares 2000). Consequently, they would lose their Portuguese citizenship, which could only be recovered by payment of a fine that accrued to a national hospital. Among them there were also adventurers, delinquents and other criminals who were sent by the Portuguese authorities to the colonies, with the purpose of reducing the number of imprisonments in Portugal (Carreira 1983, p. 52). African people referred to them as tangomaus, whose role as go-betweens linking different cultures became important due to their liaison with the tangomas, their African women. Along with the Portuguese, mainly from the South of Portugal and the archipelagos of Madeira and Azores, other Europeans also had a presence in the ethnographic foundation of the islands: Spaniards, Italians, English and Dutch, but also Jews, who found a refuge on the islands from the Inquisition that had started in the sixteenth century. At the end of the nineteenth century, when slavery was abolished, the majority of the population consisted of black people who had never attended school and, thus, were illiterate and unable to climb the social ladder. Therefore, the expression gente branco (white folk), in the Portuguese variety of Cape Verde, designates people who have a social status regardless of their skin colour, while its counterpart, gente preto, refers to the poor and humble. Living conditions in Cape Verde’s countryside remained difficult and were the driving force for many to leave their homeland, with countries such as the Netherlands and the USA as destination. The Portuguese monarchy had been associated with the Church through its longstanding patronage, giving rise to dissident voices that culminated with the regicide in 1908 and the establishment of the secular republic in 1910. Subsequently, Decree- Law no. 6:322 of 2 January, 1920, focuses on the religious missions that are now recognised as civilising missions. In terms of their teaching activity in the former Portuguese colonies, Art. 2 institutionalises the usage of Portuguese, allowing teaching in the native local language(s); this is reinforced by Art. 32, which forbids the teaching of any European languages other than Portuguese (Barreto 1968,p.5).This is in line with Art. 2 of Decree-Law no. 5239, of 18 March, 1919, which allows teaching institutions to perform their activities in either Portuguese or in a local native language. Later on, the Missionary Statutes of 1941, stipulated by Decree-Law no. 31207, of 5 April, charge the missionaries with the task of teaching and educating the 20 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread local people. Portuguese is, then, made compulsory in all schools, notwithstanding the use of local African languages for catechetical purposes (Barreto 1968,p.7). Authors, such as Barreto (1968, p. 16), called for the teaching of native languages, especially for literacy purposes, taking into account that direct literacy in Portuguese meant a rough shift and a total interruption of linguistic traditions. Nevertheless, a ministerial order that banned the use of local languages since 1921 in the West African Coast (Carreira 1984, pp. 72–73; Thiele 1991, p. 25) reinforced the national movement of independence of the Portuguese overseas territories. Curiously, the leader of this national movement, Amílcar Cabral, who used Crioulo during the anti-colonial fight, was also the one “proclaiming Portuguese as the language of development of an African national and scientific culture” (Walter and Benson 2009, p. 284). Indeed, the geographical proximity and the political liaison between Cape Verde and Guinea account for this apparent contradiction. Following the post war period, both regions shared a common political party created in 1956, joining forces in the fight for independence, which, in the case of Cape Verde, reaches its climax on July 5th, 1975. However, linguistically, both territories were completely different. The Cape Verdean Creole, the islands’ local variety, was considered to be a “broken” Portuguese, but still Portuguese, and not a different language, in spite of the historical and geographical proximity between the two countries. Actually, many did not consider Cape Verde to be a sustainable independent country, due to its climatic conditions, droughts, long and severe dry seasons, and water shortage that led to starvation. For these same reasons, with the national independence of Cape Verde, there was an increase in emigration, especially to Portugal, Netherlands, France, Italy, Senegal and the USA (Lesourd 1994, p. 126), although the first spontaneous migratory movements of Cape Verdeans go back to the turn of the eighteenth century, with the USA as their prime destination and whale fishing as their main income source (Carreira 1983, p. 66). This was later constrained by the introduction of the passport, in 1863, which aimed at curbing illegal emigration, and by the restrictions imposed by the US on the intake of illiterate immigrants, in 1915 (Carreira 1983, p. 84 ff.). The scarce raining periods and subsequent draughts and starvation were the main driving factors for forced emigration. As emigration affected mainly the male population, the Cape Verdean women started playing a major role in society, where they were left behind. In fact, the number of Cape Verdeans outside the country is larger than the number of inhabitants on the islands (Batalha and Carling 2008). Moreover, population mobility has become easier for Cape Verdeans with the mobility partnership with the European Union and its inclusion in Macaronesia (Cardoso 2015). More recently, between 2009 and 2014, it is estimated that over 16,000 individuals left the country, 36% for study purposes, 23% for reasons of family reunification, 21% in search of employment and 15% for health reasons (INE 2015, pp. 35, 38). Over 50% of these emigrants headed to Portugal, followed by France with 33%, and the USA with 17%, and, to a lesser extent, Brazil and Angola. Portugal and Brazil, followed by Spain, are the main destination countries for the ones who want to pursue their studies. This confirms the language proximity as a possible criterion 2.1 Cape Verde 21 for current emigration movements. Historical emigration still sets presence with new population movements for purposes of family reunification, especially to Portugal and the USA, but also to Senegal. France, Italy and Angola are the main destinations for the ones on the dole. Italy, France and Luxembourg stand out for the ones that leave for health issues. On the other side, Cape Verde is also the host country to a small community of expats. In 2014, 3.2% of the population, or 16,491 inhabitants, were foreigners resid- ing mainly in Santiago, Boavista, S. Vicente and Sal. Circa 35% of them belonged to ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) countries and over 40% came from other African countries, followed by 16.9% from Europe, 5.2% from America and 1.4% from Asia (INE 2015, pp. 14–17).

2.2 Macao

Circa 100 years after the Portuguese set foot on the Cape Verdean islands, they arrived in Macao, more precisely in the middle of the sixteenth century, in 1553, and were allowed by the Chinese authorities to remain there since 1557. There, they would establish the first trading post between the West and the Far East, although the territory of Macao, located on the southern tip of Zhongshan island, was never under the possession of the Portuguese. In fact, the Portuguese arrived at a time when the Ming dynasty was changing its maritime policy in favour of a stronger protection in Northern China. Macao, however, was not the first Chinese territory where the Portuguese attempted to settle. After the Battle of Tunmen, in 1521, and the Battle of Xicaowan, in 1522, the authorities in Beijing and Guangzhou announced a ban on trade with the Portuguese. There were two main reasons for this: on one hand, the Portuguese had already conquered Malacca, which by then was part of China’s sovereignty; on the other, the Portuguese started to build fortifications in Tunmen (屯门岛, “Tamão”), attacked Chinese ships and, with the help of local criminals, kidnapped not only Chinese men and women, but also children, for the purpose of slavery. Later, bribery of Chinese officials allowed trade on Shangchuan and Langbajiao. Yet, the Chinese had other interests in trading with the Portuguese. Firstly, the Portuguese represented a gatekeeper to the West, which could help the Chinese dealings with foreigners. Secondly, the Portuguese could assist in fighting the pirates’ attacks, since the Ming dynasty was too busy with military conflicts with the Mongolians in Northern China and with the Japanese over Korea. Thirdly, the easiest way to obtain ambergris, used as a component for longevity in Chinese medicine, was from the Portuguese (Hao 2011). Also here, the Portuguese missionaries, especially the Jesuits, came to play an important role. They identified themselves as coming from the大西洋國 (Grande Reino do Mar de Oeste, Big Reign of the West Sea) (Pereira 1899–1900, p. 16). At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, Macao was a small fishing village, where the Portuguese planned to dry their cargo after a storm. The waterway to Macao, passing between the islands of Taipa and Coloane to the West—incorporated 22 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread in the territory only in 1851 and 1854, respectively (Guoqiang 1999)—and the Henqin Island (“Ilha da Montanha”), to the East, made the Christian symbol of a cross, “the gate of the cross” (十字们), a perfect and auspicious sign that is reinforced by the name of the place in Fujianese: Ma Kok, meaning the temple of goddess A-Má,the patron of fishermen. Indeed, Macao was very well located, giving easy access to Guangzhou, which shortly after became one of the most important trade posts in China, and to other places in inland China, allowing the Portuguese to get closer and develop trade with this country. The two communities, Chinese and Portuguese, coexisted during a long time while having different languages, traditions, cultures, ways of living, territorial borders and even different authorities: the “mandarin” for the Chinese and the “governor” for the Portuguese. This political and administrative gap was also reinforced by a linguistic divide that the local creole language, Patuá, never managed to bridge (Rodrigues 1997;Aresta1995), although it was spoken by the school population in the middle of the 20th century (Aresta 1995), especially because it was considered to be a variety of Portuguese. This is one of the endangered Portuguese-based creole languages in Asia, currently spoken by a single handful of elder Macanese (Baxter 2007). At the beginning, foreigners were not allowed to build any constructions in stone until 1638, because they were supposed to stay in Macao for trade purposes and not for settling down. Besides, the Chinese mistrusted foreigners in a general way, afraid as they were that they would enslave their community members. It was not until the major Dutch attack on Macao in 1622 that the Chinese authorities were convinced of the importance of a defensive network (Lamas 1999). Furthermore, foreigners had to accept the tribute-trade system imposed by China to all its trade partners (Ptak 1995). It is the Joint Declaration of the Government of the People’s Republic of China and The Government of the Republic of Portugal on the question of Macao, signed in 1987, that puts an end to the Portuguese administration and to the territorial border issue. As mentioned above, the question of the geographical border was related to the fact that there were, so to speak, two borders. One of them was the now-called Border Gate, and the other one was the City Wall, built mainly for defence purposes, within which the Portuguese administration exercised its power. The term Special Administrative Region of China is introduced in the 1982 Constitution of China mainly to tackle the sensitive matter of Hong Kong and is then extended to Macao in 1999, along with the stipulations of the Joint Declaration, allowing Macao to retain its capitalist economy, in opposition to the socialist system of Mainland China. This comes to embody what Deng Xiaoping referred to as “one country, two systems” (Deng 1984). Due to the high number of churches clustered within the city walls, Macao was once known as “the Eastern Vatican”. However, with the introduction of gambling in the 1850s, and the end of its monopoly in 2001, it has since been considered to be the Las Vegas of the Far East (Cheng 2002), being home to over 35 casinos, a number that tends to grow. In its best years, and according to figures published by Macao’s regulator (DICJ 2015), Macao has seen a revenue of over 3 billion euros, deriving from the gambling industry. 2.2 Macao 23

Nevertheless, Portuguese is the language required for a professional path as a civil servant, before and after 1999 (Pacheco 2009; Moody 2008; Rodrigues 1997). According to Moody (2008), there are about 8,333 civil servants (43%) that speak Portuguese, in contrast to 11,329 English speakers (58.6%) in the same sector. The language of the majority of speakers, with a percentage of 98%, is Cantonese, and over 68% of them master Mandarin. Moreover, 70% of government institutions offer Internet services in English, alongside Portuguese and Chinese. Undoubtedly, Cantonese outnumbers any other languages. With a growing population of circa 19,000 inhabitants per square kilometre, Macao represents one of the most densely populated cities worldwide. According to the 2011 census, out of a total of 552,503 inhabitants, there are 449,274 whose common language is Cantonese (mostly speakers from the surrounding areas, such as Canton and Hong Kong), 27,129 whose usual language is Mandarin, 12,155 speakers of English as their everyday language, 9,415 Tagalog speakers and 4,022 Portuguese speakers (DSEC 2011). This goes to confirm that, although Portuguese is a co- official language, it is not the language of the majority, being that its speakers are outnumbered by English and Tagalog speakers. The growing importance of English and Mandarin is undeniable to the detriment of Cantonese. Compared to the year of 2001, the number of speakers of the first two languages increased, whereas the number of speakers of the latter decreased. Cantonese has always been the language of the majority and the most common means of instruction, setting presence in over 80% of the schools by the turn of the last century (Rodrigues 1997). Other languages prevailing in the territory are Japanese, Cambodian, Czech, French, Russian, Malay, and Nepalese. To many authors, the expansion of the Portuguese language in Macao failed mainly due to the lack of a sound second language policy (Pacheco 2009; Aresta 1995). A fact that might explain this is that Macao has never really belonged to the Portuguese alone, whether they like to admit it or not, as its administration was shared by the imposed presence of a Chinese official. Also, the linguistic landscape is not uniform, and the presence of the three main languages (Cantonese, Portuguese and English) reflects the prevailing sociolinguistic gap: in some cases, there are documents that only exist in the official Chinese variety; in others, documents can only be accessed in their English version; bus and taxi drivers usually speak either Mandarin or Cantonese; in some official institutions, service is provided in English, alongside Cantonese; in others, Portuguese and Mandarin are used; job announcements are usually posted using one or two of the languages. In other words, the official status of the languages in question does not have weight on the residents’ daily lives, and it could happen that a local speaker does not feel at ease speaking either Cantonese or Mandarin, not to mention any of the other two languages. As a Special Admin- istrative Region, Macao, like Hong Kong, has its own currency, post office, police force and citizenship (passport), but it does not have an army, and it is internationally represented by the People’s Republic of China. In its genesis, there was a major factor that contributed to a social divide in this community: Western women were not allowed to undergo such a long trip until the eighteenth century, which means that most of the Portuguese people were men – priests and sailors, or of any other related activity. On the other hand, and especially 24 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread at the beginning, the Portuguese men were not allowed to remain in the territory, and later they were constantly absent to pursue their maritime trade activity between continents. As a result, many families were left behind in Macao, which contributed, along with the Chinese tradition of the mui tsai (with the original meaning of 儿童奴役, “little young sister” in Cantonese), to a local society mainly composed by female individuals. The mui tsai were young girls from poor families that were made available to the well-off ones as servants and domestic helpers, in exchange for money that would, in turn, help support the girls’ families. This was considered to be a charitable practice, from the viewpoint of the Chinese, although the girls would also be used for establishing brothels (Souza 2012, p. 33; Seabra 2007; Yuen 2004; Smith 1981). This leads us to the conclusion that the Portuguese community in the Macauan2 society is associated with the feeling of mátria (“motherland”) in contrast to the one of pátria (“fatherland”) represented by Portugal (for more details, see Brookshaw 2000). This means that the Portuguese language in Macao has become a sort of “father tongue”, instead of a “mother tongue”, a status taken over by the other local languages.

2.3 Europe and the Case of Switzerland

In Europe, the fast-increasing economic development of some countries after the Second World War forced them to make use of foreign work force. This population mobility came to such an extent that, by the end of the twentieth century, over 15 million people living in Europe had a residence in a country other than their homeland (Cepeda 1995). For the host countries, this meant a cheap work force, in which the Portuguese immigrants were well represented. Portuguese emigration goes back to the Discoveries (Serrão 1985, p. 99; Arroteia 1983), since which there were several laws passed that show the concern of the Portuguese government with this situation, trying to curb the mass exodus during the subsequent century. Although the ﬁrst census carried out in Portugal dates from 1864, only in 1890 did ten-year censuses start being carried out. It is, however, difﬁcult to present exact numbers, due to the fact that there were many illegal migrants, which meant that they were not documented (for more details, see Baganha 1991, and Valério 2001). Nevertheless, in the nineteenth century, there were two major events that promoted immigration to Brazil, namely, its independence, in 1822, and the effective abolition

2Following Hao’s suggestion (2011, pp. 191 ff., 218), Macauan is used here as a general term, distinctive from Macanese. The former comprises the various members of this community who were born in Macao, regardless of their ethnicity and religious beliefs, whereas the latter refers to the Catholic and Portuguese-speaking members born in Macao, as the result of the reproduction of the local Portuguese population. In its earliest beginnings, this Eurasian community did not include the Chinese factor in its genetic constitution, rather the Portuguese, the Japanese, the Indians and the Malay, although the Chinese-bred have always outnumbered all other ethnicities (Baxter 2009). This distinction stems from the local Portuguese variety (more details in Brookshaw 2000, p. 271). 2.3 Europe and the Case of Switzerland 25 of slavery, in 1888 (Pereira 1998; Cepeda 1995). These events were followed by the Industrial Revolution, in which Portugal could not keep up with other European countries. So, until the First World War, Brazil remained as the preferred country of destination. Shortly thereafter, the world crisis of 1929 (along with restrictions imposed to immigration by Brazilian authorities, and to emigration by Portuguese official bodies) led to a decrease of this population inflow to South America, in which Argentina and Venezuela also appeared as destination countries, with 43,719 and 100,112 Portuguese immigrants, respectively, between 1948 and 1990 (Cepeda 1995, p. 37). The main pull factor for this exodus in the twentieth century lay in the structural crisis of agriculture in Portugal, which had as a main consequence the desertion of several inland villages, the aging of the population and even the closing down of schools that had no pupils to serve. It was only after the Second World War, in the middle of the 1950s, that the second phase of the Portuguese emigration started, this time having as a main destination other European countries, more specifically France (Serrão 1985), whose demographic statistics can trace the Portuguese presence in French territory back to 1876 (Cepeda 1995). According to Serrão (1985, p. 999), nearly 4 million inhabitants left Portugal between 1855 and 1973, whereas the total number of inhabitants was 5,446,760 in 1900 and 8,611,110 in 1970. Table 2.1 depicts the Portuguese emigration throughout the last century, more precisely between 1901 and 1973. Countries in the American continents have been a constant destination for Portuguese emigrants, with migration waves between over 80,000 people in 1911–13 and less than 10,000 migrants in periods of economic decay. These recession periods are especially char- acterised by the Great Depression at the end of the 1920s and the two world wars, after which there was a drop in Portuguese migration. At the end of the 1950s, the Portuguese emigrant finds new host countries in Europe, reaching a peak of 180,000 emigrants one decade later (Fig. 2.1). During its post-war reconstruction, Germany also opened the doors to the foreign work force, especially from former Yugoslavia, Turkey, Italy, Greece, Spain and Portugal. Since 1967, its intake of Portuguese nationals increased proportionally to other nationalities, making Portuguese the sixth most present nationality in German territory and the second most represented nationality within the active population. The possibility for family reunion contributed to this increasing number, especially from the 1970s onwards. Between 1960 and 1990, there were 130,000 Portuguese legal immigrants in Germany, working mainly in factories and alike (Cepeda 1995, p. 30). Spain is also listed among the destination countries for Portuguese emigration, although in this case it goes back to the sixteenth century, when there was already a Portuguese community in Seville. Later, in the second half of the nineteenth century, while the emigration mainstream was heading for Brazil, there was a small number of emigrants trying their luck in the neighbouring country, by working in the fields, or by mining and fishing. Actually, between 1958 and 1974, over 1.5 million Portuguese left their homeland. They were usually under the age of 35 and had not attained a third-grade 26 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread

Table 2.1 Permanent outﬂows of Portuguese emigrants: the historical background by legal status (OEm 2015, p. 26) Year Total By destination By legal status America Europe Other Clandestine Legal 1901 20,646 18,426 207 2013 3097 17,549 1902 24,170 21,916 290 1964 3626 20,544 1903 21,611 19,339 320 1952 3242 18,369 1904 28,304 25,963 379 1962 4246 24,058 1905 33,610 31,227 292 2091 5042 28,568 1906 38,093 34,094 369 3630 5714 32,379 1907 41,950 40,152 106 1692 6293 35,657 1908 40,995 40,046 83 866 6022 34,973 1909 37,451 37,295 67 89 5733 31,718 1910 39,675 39,359 48 268 5927 33,748 1911 59,549 59,150 253 146 4176 55,373 1912 88,834 88,383 329 122 6225 82,609 1913 77,425 77,015 407 3 5435 71,990 1914 25,730 25,576 114 40 1801 23,929 1915 19,314 18,830 390 94 1352 17,962 1916 24,897 21,662 2292 943 1743 23,154 1917 15,825 11,593 3381 851 1108 14,717 1918 11,853 7663 3219 971 830 11,023 1919 37,138 26,883 7989 2266 2600 34,538 1920 64,783 58,618 5008 1157 4535 60,248 1921 24,597 18,387 5167 1043 1722 22,875 1922 39,795 30,536 8488 771 2786 37,009 1923 40,171 28,395 11,195 581 2812 37,359 1924 29,710 17,294 12,003 413 2080 27,630 1925 22,884 15,697 6818 369 1602 21,282 1926 42,067 34,538 7087 442 2945 39,122 1927 27,674 24,375 3073 226 1937 25,737 1928 34,297 32,084 2013 200 2401 31,896 1929 40,361 35,898 4122 341 2825 37,536 1930 23,196 15,805 7014 377 1624 21,572 1931 6033 4055 1328 650 – 6033 1932 5909 5151 557 201 – 5909 1933 8905 7872 720 313 – 8905 1934 7472 6491 623 358 – 7472 (continued) 2.3 Europe and the Case of Switzerland 27

Table 2.1 (continued) Year Total By destination By legal status America Europe Other Clandestine Legal 1935 9140 8228 434 478 – 9140 1936 12,484 12,024 – 460 – 12,484 1937 14,667 13,505 – 1162 – 14,667 1938 13,609 11,290 – 2319 – 13,609 1939 17,807 17,466 – 341 – 17,807 1940 13,226 13,013 – 213 – 13,226 1941 6260 6191 – 69 – 6260 1942 2214 2108 – 106 – 2214 1943 893 660 – 233 – 893 1944 2424 2168 – 256 – 2424 1945 5938 5728 – 210 – 5938 1946 8275 8123 – 152 – 8275 1947 12,838 12,128 – 710 – 12,838 1948 12,343 11,474 – 869 – 12,343 1949 17,296 15,647 – 1649 – 17,296 1950 21,892 21,491 401 – – 21,892 1951 34,015 33,341 674 – 351 33,664 1952 47,407 46,544 863 – 389 47,018 1953 39,962 39,026 936 – 276 39,686 1954 41,190 40,234 956 – 179 41,011 1955 30,147 28,690 1457 – 351 29,796 1956 28,096 26,072 2024 – 1079 27,017 1957 33,894 32,150 1744 – 1538 32,356 1958 35,600 29,207 6393 – 1570 34,030 1959 34,754 29,780 4974 – 1296 33,458 1960 35,159 28,513 6646 – 2841 32,318 1961 38,572 27,499 11,073 – 5046 33,526 1962 43,002 24,376 18,626 – 9463 33,539 1963 55,218 22,420 32,798 – 17,389 37,829 1964 75,576 17,232 58,344 – 32,256 43,320 1965 91,488 17,557 73,931 – 28,736 62,752 1966 111,995 33,266 78,729 – 20,388 91,607 1967 94,712 28,584 66,128 – 16,197 78,515 (continued) 28 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread

Table 2.1 (continued) Year Total By destination By legal status America Europe Other Clandestine Legal 1968 96,227 27,014 69,213 – 27,246 68,981 1969 155,672 27,383 128,289 – 85,507 70,165 1970 183,205 22,659 160,546 – 116,845 66,360 1971 158,473 21,962 136,511 – 108,073 50,400 1972 115,545 20,122 95,423 – 61,461 54,084 1973 129,732 22,091 107,641 – 50,215 79,517 Reproduced from Baganha and Marques (2001)

2,00,000 1,80,000 1,60,000 1,40,000 1,20,000 1,00,000 80,000 60,000 40,000 20,000 0 1952 1973 1919 1925 1931 1901 1940 1949 1907 1913 1916 1922 1928 1934 1943 1967 1904 1910 1937 1946 1958 1964 1970 1961 1955

America Europe Other

Fig. 2.1 Permanent outﬂows of Portuguese emigrants: the historical background by main destinations, America and Europe (OEm 2015). Reproduced from Baganha and Marques (2001) primary school certiﬁcate, therefore not being eligible to hold a Portuguese passport (Fibbi 2010). Thus, they felt compelled to emigrate illegally. Table 2.1 gives us an overview of the Portuguese emigration by legal status and by the two main destinations, America and Europe, between 1901 and 1973. One feature distinguishes European and intercontinental migration: in the former, immigrants planned to return to their home country at some point, which was not the case in the latter. One main reason for this lies in the fact that the Portuguese communities living in developed European countries felt socially excluded, not so much because of the distance imposed by a completely different culture and language that they did not master, but mostly because they were at the bottom of the social ladder (Cepeda 1995; Serrão 1985). 2.3 Europe and the Case of Switzerland 29

Insular Portugal, Madeira and the Azores, were not spared, and contributed to the migration statistics, its emigrants preferring to find refuge in the USA, the second ranked country for Portuguese emigration on the other side of the Atlantic, at least until 1929, having reached a number of almost 90,000 people between 1911 and 1920. Again, as already mentioned, the exact number is unknown, although Cepeda (1995) puts forth a number of half a million Portuguese emigrants in the USA between 1820 and 1990. Then and again, emigration to Canada surpassed the inflow numbers to the USA, although Canadian authorities were more selective, looking for a specific profile of qualified labour, needed for the national economy. It is also important to state that Portuguese ex-colonies have always played a special role in population movements within the former Portuguese empire, which was sometimes reinforced by the government. This was again the case after the Second World War, in the decade of 1950, not only to ensure its presence on those territories, but also to keep the special conditions for trading and purchasing raw products. As the colonial war broke in Angola, in 1961, and in Mozambique, in 1964, the Portuguese authorities promoted a “collective emigration”, in an attempt to hamper the armed conflict (Valério 2001, p. 46; Cepeda 1995, p. 42). This contributed to the fact that the period of 1960–1970 saw the peak of the Portuguese population exodus, which affected mainly people within the age group of 20–39 years old, for the first time not just men, but also women. These women would not only accompany their husbands or join them shortly after their departure; they also started to pursue individual emigration, which was uncommon until this time (Cepeda 1995, p. 55). In 2010, Portugal occupied the twenty-second position in the top 30 countries of origin with 2.2 million emigrants worldwide, as we can see in Table 2.2 (OEm 2015). It is interesting to realise that Portugal is the only Portuguese-speaking country among the top countries regarding emigration. At the head of this list is Mexico, with 11.3 million emigrants, followed by India, Russia and China. Among European countries, we find Ukraine in 5th place with 6.6 million emigrants, the United Kingdom in 8th with 4.7 million, Turkey in 10th with 4.3 million, Germany in 13th with 3.5 million, followed by Italy and Poland (14th and 15th, respectively), and Romania in 18th, being that France lands in the 29th position, at the bottom of the ranking, with 1.7 million emigrants. Nonetheless, there was a considerable decrease in the emigration movement in the last quarter of the twentieth century, with over 82,000 legal emigrants leaving Portugal on a yearly basis between 1955 and 1974, whereas the number of Por- tuguese people emigrating yearly between 1974 and 1988 was 15,000. This first period coincides with the beginning of foreign immigration to Portugal, which surpassed 100,000 immigrants in 1994, and reached over 276,000 in 2005, mainly from Cape Verde (a number that has been declining), Brazil and Ukraine (Arroteia 2007), making up for the young Portuguese workforce that emigrated.3

3This has been supported by the creation of new laws, namely, Law no. 115 of 3 August, 1999, Decree-Law no. 75 of 9 May, 2000, and the nationality law regulated in the Organic Law no. 2 of 17 April, 2006, as well as other initiatives promoting the dignity and better social integration of the guest workers (Rato 2007). Subsequently, this situation is also mirrored in Portuguese schools, 30 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread

Table 2.2 Emigrants by Ranking Top countries of origin Emigrants, millions country of origin in 2010 (OEm 2015, p. 37). 1 Mexico 11.9 Reproduced from the World 2 India 11.4 Bank, migration and 3 Russian Federation 11.1 remittances factbook 2011, second edition 4 China 8.3 5 Ukraine 6.6 6 Bangladesh 5.4 7 Pakistan 4.7 8 United Kingdom 4.7 9 Philippines 4.3 10 Turkey 4.3 11 Egypt, Arab Rep. 3.7 12 Kazakhstan 3.7 13 Germany 3.5 14 Italy 3.5 15 Poland 3.1 16 Morocco 3.0 17 State of Palestine 3.0 18 Romania 2.8 19 Indonesia 2.5 20 United States 2.4 21 Afghanistan 2.3 22 Portugal 2.2 23 Vietnam 2.2 24 Colombia 2.1 25 Korea, Republic of 2.1 26 Uzbekistan 2.0 27 Sri Lanka 1.8 28 Belarus 1.8 29 France 1.7 30 Puerto Rico 1.7

Overall, there were about 110,000 Portuguese emigrants in 2014, the highest number since 1974. Although their five main destinations were located in Europe—the United Kingdom, France, Switzerland, Germany and Spain—this high number of where the number of distinctive nationalities amounted to 120, with so much as 80 home languages registered among primary school students at the beginning of this century, according to a survey carried out by the Education Ministry that covered a sample of over 15,000 pupils from over 1000 primary and secondary school institutions (Mateus 2011). 2.3 Europe and the Case of Switzerland 31 emigrants implies a general increase in inflow to all destination countries, including Angola, Mozambique and Brazil, among other Portuguese-speaking countries outside Europe, showing that language familiarity plays a main role in the choice of destination countries outside Europe. Belgium registered a particular increase of 35%. Spain was the only country where the number of Portuguese emigrants did not surpass the number of Portuguese people returning to Portugal (from Spain) or emigrating from Spain to another country, in light of the financial crisis and the consequent and sudden lack of employment opportunities in the construction business. This emigration increase also entails higher figures in naturalisation, i.e. many Por- tuguese emigrants are obtaining citizenship in their host countries, such as France, the USA, Switzerland, the UK and Luxembourg. Table 2.3 compares the immigration and emigration rates in EU countries in 2010, showing the countries that have a higher emigration rate, namely Portugal, along with Bulgaria, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. However, it also clearly depicts Portugal as one of the few countries whose emigration rate exceeds its immigration rate by at least twice as much, following Malta, Romania, Bulgaria and Lithuania. Although the percentage of Portuguese emigrants over the age of 15, with a higher education diploma, has increased between 2010 and 2015 (OEm 2015, p. 14), the majority of Portuguese migrants shows comparatively low academic qualifications and work skills. Similarly, whilst new arrivals of Portuguese emigrants are within working age, there is still an overall aging tendency, as the recent increase in emigration is not enough to compensate for its decreasing number between 1974 and the 1990s. Thus, there is a tendency for older and younger generations to settle down in host countries. This is mainly due to the fact that the unemployment rate in Portugal surpassed 16% in 2013, while the youth unemployment rate reached 38%. In the particular case of Switzerland, which has become one of the most representative countries for Portuguese emigration since the turn of twenty-first century, there were few Portuguese emigrants at the beginning of the second half of the twentieth century. They were mainly in Geneva, for studying purposes, along with a few scholars whose major reason for emigration was to escape the prevailing political repression in Portugal, which culminated with the Carnation Revolution on April 25th, 1974. This first group of Portuguese emigrants is rather distinctive from the foreign workers that started arriving in Switzerland in the 1960s, many of them facing some resistance from the authorities in this host country, afraid as they were that immigrants other than those coming from Spain or Italy would not be able to adapt to a completely different way of living (Fibbi 2010). Only about twenty years later, in the 1980s, did Portuguese labour emigrants find their way to Switzerland, in the form of a treaty that was signed by both countries, as opposed to France, which started changing its immigration policy one decade before, restricting the entrance of foreign work force. Until family reunion was allowed, women and children were often living illegally in Switzerland, yet they still found a way to work or attend school. In 2008, Portuguese citizens living in Switzerland reached 196,000 or 12% of the permanent foreign population in the country, following Italian and German 32 2 Population Mobility and Language Spread

Table 2.3 Emigration and Country Emigration rate Immigration rate immigration rates in EU countries, in 2010 (OEm Austria 7.1 15.6 2015, p. 35). Reproduced Belgium 4.3 13.7 from the World Bank, Bulgaria 16.0 1.4 migration and remittances factbook 2011, second edition Cyprus 17.0 17.5 Czech Republic 3.6 4.4 Denmark 4.7 8.8 Estonia 12.7 13.6 Finland 6.2 4.2 France 2.8 10.7 Germany 4.3 13.1 Greece 10.8 10.1 Hungary 4.6 3.7 Ireland 16.1 19.6 Italy 5.8 7.4 Latvia 12.2 8.8 Lithuania 13.5 4.0 Luxembourg 11.8 35.2 Malta 26.2 3.8 Netherlands 6.0 10.5 Poland 8.2 2.2 Portugal 20.8 8.6 Romania 13.1 0.6 Slovakia 9.6 2.4 Slovenia 6.5 8.1 Spain 3.0 15.2 Sweden 3.4 14.1 United Kingdom 7.5 11.2 emigrants. Unlike other migrant groups in Switzerland, 51% of the Portuguese usually have more than one dependent child, which is a relatively high number when compared to members of other EU-States, with a mere percentage of 28%. In 2007, almost 20% of Portuguese citizens in Switzerland were born in Swiss territory, compared to 9%, in 1987. One year later, 4% of the total number of naturalisations was granted to Portuguese citizens, especially women, which is a somewhat low number. Most of this community was born in Portugal and has been living in Switzerland for over five years, the cantons Waadt, Grisons (Graubünden) and Valais (Wallis) being the ones registering a higher number of Portuguese immigrants. Portuguese emigrants make up for a quarter, or 25%, of migrants in Brazil and the second ranked migrant inflow in Switzerland and Luxembourg. Portuguese-born 2.3 Europe and the Case of Switzerland 33 migrants are the second most numerous populations in Switzerland and France, and there are five other countries with over 100,000 Portuguese-born migrants: USA, Canada, UK, Germany and Spain. All in all, Portuguese emigrants account for 2.3 million people, or over 20% of the resident population in Portugal. In the future, this will affect the number of languages spoken by this part of the population and the number of people that speak Portuguese as a heritage language. Although not directly related with the central theme of this work, but because its role has already been referred to, it is, at this stage, important to mention the Church and its missionaries’ activity in emigrated communities. There was a shift in target: rather than carrying out pastoral education among native communities, the Church started following the people that were moving, the emigrants, in order to serve them and not the local native groups (for more details see Pedro 2006).

2.4 Final Word

In this chapter, we saw how population mobility into and out of Portugal has evolved for the past ﬁve centuries, by focusing on the impact it had on some central and local language policy measures, on its pull factors and on the role of the Church, especially with respect to the formal language teaching/learning process, until the beginning of the twentieth century. One factor that has always played a role in choosing the destination country is the language proximity, particularly when considering destination countries out of Europe. Chances for social climbing are also higher overseas where language barriers are hampered. In turn, within Europe, the general relevance of a feeling of belonging and cultural bond stands out by its geographical closeness and ethnical ties, as the Portuguese are also Europeans. At the moment, 20% of the Portuguese resident population is affected by emigration, which exceeds its immigration rate by twice as much, this having effects not only in terms of citizenship but also regarding the number of languages that is being assimilated by one ﬁfth of the Portuguese population, whose second generation will have Portuguese as a heritage language. Although in different contexts, the populations of Cape Verde and Macao undergo similar changes. This presupposes an increasing level of multilingualism of these communities, which should or will serve, sooner or later, as an indicator of the language expansion.

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Mateus, M.H. 2011. Diversidade linguística na Escola Portuguesa. Revista Lusófona de Educação 13–24. Mavisakalyan, A. 2011. Immigration, public education spending and private schooling. Southern Economic Journal 397–423. Moody, A. 2008. Macau English: Status, functions and forms. English Today, 3–15. Mota, A.T. 1951. Contactos Culturais Luso-Africanos. Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa 11. Lisbon: Soc. De Geografia de Lisboa. OEm, O.D. 2015. Portuguese Emigration Factbook 2015. Lisbon, Portugal: Observatório da Emigração. Pacheco, D. 2009. A língua Portuguesa em Macau e os efeitos da frustada tentativa de colonização linguística. Cadernos de Letras da UFF - Dossiê: Difusão da língua portuguesa 39: 41–66. Pedro, R.M. 2006. O pensamento da Igreja em relação às migrações humanas. Communio, XXIII 3: 337–350. Pereira, J.F. 1899–1900. Ta-ssi-yang-kuo. Archivos e Annaes do Extremo-Oriente Português,I(1). Pereira, A.D. 1998. Problemática social dos portugueses do Brasil. In Revista Cultural COMU- NIDADES DE LÍNGUA PORTUGUESA, ed. J.A. Neves (12): 61–63. Pimentel, M.D. 2008. Um contributo para a história de Cabo Verdee do Hospital de Todos-os-Santos de Lisboa. Ellipsis, 6: 83–106. Ptak, R. 1995. Sino-Portuguese contacts to the Macau foundation. In Portugal, the Pathfinder: Journeys from the Medieval Toward the Modern World 1300–1600, ed. G.D. Winius, 269–289. Rato, H. 2007. A integração de Portugal na globalização da imigração. Retrieved July 12, 2017, from Janus 2007. Reto, L. 2012. Potencial Económico da Língua Portuguesa. Lisbon: Edições Texto. Rodrigo, J.N., and T. Devezas. 2007. Pioneers of Globalization: Why Portuguese surprised the World. Lisboa: Papelmunde—SMG, Lta. Rodrigues, M.H. 1997. Línguas em contacto em Macau. Administração 893–904. Seabra, L. 2007. Traços da presença feminia em Macau. Campus Social (3/4): 197–208. Serrão, J. 1985. Notas sobre emigração e mudança social no Portugal Contemporâneo. Análise Social, xxi 995–1004. Smith, C.T. 1981. The Chinese church, labour and elites and the mui tsai question in the 1920’s. Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 21: 91–113. Soares, M.J. 2000. Para uma compreensão dos lançados nos rios da Guiné. Studia 147–222. Souza, G.B. 2012. Portuguese trade and society in China and the South China Sea 1630–1754. Cambridge: Cambridge Press University. Spolsky, B. 2004. The nature of language policy and its domains. In Language Policy, ed. S. Bernard, 39–56. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thiele, P. 1991. Kabuverdianu: Elementaria seiner TMA-Morphosyntax im lusokreolischen Vergleich, ed. N.W. Boretzky. Bochum: Universitätsverlag Dr. N. Brockmeyer. Valério, N. 2001. Estatísticas Históricas Portuguesas, Vol. I. Lisbon: Instituto Nacional de Estatística. Walter, S.L., and C. Benson. 2009. Language policy and medium of instruction in formal education. In The Cambridge Handbook of Language Policy, ed. B. Spolsky, 278–300. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wright, S. 2009. Language policy, the nation and nationalism. In The Cambridge Handbook of Language Policy, ed. B. Spolsky, 59–78. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yuen, K. 2004. Theorizing the Chinese: the Mui Tsai controversy and constructions of transnational Chineseness in Hong Kong and British Malaya. New Zealand Journal of Asian Studies 6: 95–110. Chapter 3 Language Management in the Education Sector

Historical factors have contributed to several particularities of the Portuguese language that deserve further attention in the study of second language acquisition and its policies.

3.1 Portuguese Language Worldwide

The Portuguese-speaking countries do not share a border with each other, when compared to other major languages worldwide, such as French, Spanish and Ara- bic. This means that they are isolated from each other, which is not the case of any other of the most spoken languages in the world. In fact, the case of the Portuguese-speaking world is unique, as Portuguese is the only of the 10 most spoken languages worldwide—Chinese varieties, Spanish, English, Arabic, Hindi, Bengali, Russian, Japanese and Punjabi (Simons and Fennig 2017)—that reveals a non-linear geographic line throughout the continents. Other features of the Portuguese-speaking world as one of the most spoken languages worldwide are: (1) its historical presence in all continents, resulting from the discoveries of the Portuguese; and (2) the fact that it has a diaspora, estimated in 5 million emigrants (Reto 2012, p. 43), which has, for decades, played a role as source of foreign exchange income, demographic aging and a shrinking working age population, among other. It is important to bear in mind that although Portuguese is among the most widely spoken languages in the world, which altogether are spoken by 43% of the world’s population, there are actually 6,833 living languages in use worldwide (Walter & Benson 2009, p. 279). Today, Portuguese counts with circa 250 million speakers that make up about 3.7% of the world population, almost 4% of the world wealth and 3.9% of the world’s GDP, if we consider the Portuguese emigrant communities (Reto 2012, p. 43). According to Cuesta and Da Luz (1971, p. 39), one seventh of the world was speaking Portuguese in the second half of the twentieth century. This goes back to the sixteenth century, when Portuguese was already proven to be © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 37 A. C. Neves, Portuguese as an Additional Language, SpringerBriefs in Linguistics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33316-4_3 38 3 Language Management in the Education Sector heard in the West African Coast (Guinea-Bissau and Casamance), but also in Cape Verde and in the Gulf of Guinea, later giving place to two main lingua francas in the Far-East: Indo-Portuguese in parts of India and Sri Lanka, and Malay-Portuguese, spoken in some parts of Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei and Indonesia (Pereira 2006, p. 59; for a more detailed list on the Portuguese territories, see Valério 2001). Patuá, the Sino-Portuguese creole originated in Macao, was at some point also spoken in Hong Kong. Back in those times, these varieties were considered to be a part of the Portuguese language (Pereira 2006, p. 55). Today, there are eight countries that have Portuguese as an official language, namely, Portugal, Brazil, Mozambique, Angola, Guinea Bissau, Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe and East Timor. Altogether, they cover 10.8 million km2 or 7.25% of the continental surface of the planet and they are located in inhabitable, temperate, tropical and equatorial areas. Portuguese is also a co-official language in Macao, with a special status (Pacheco 2009;Aresta1995), as discussed in Chap. 2. Portuguese-speaking countries are a part of the CPLP, the Community of the Por- tuguese Language Countries, which is the equivalent of the Commonwealth for English, La Francophonie for French, or the League of Arab Nations for Arabic. Table 3.1 gives an overview of the number of Portuguese speakers worldwide, both as a first language and as a second language, ranking in the 6th position with 202 million native speakers, in 2015 (Lewis et al. 2016), following Chinese, Spanish, English, Arabic and Hindi. By the turn of the millennium, the estimated number of first speakers was about 176 million (Grimes 2000), in opposition to 15 million who spoke Portuguese as a second language. These disparities in the numbers are mostly related with what is considered to be a second language but also with the access to the data, the point in time of data collection

Table 3.1 Languages with at least 100 million ﬁrst-language speakers as of 2015 (Lewis et al. 2016) and of 2000 2015 (Lewis et al. 2016) 2000 (Grimes 2000) Rank Language No. of native No. of second Total No. of native No. of second Total speakers in mio. language speakers in mio. language speakers in mio. speakers in mio. 1 Chinese 1302 – 1302 874 178 1052 2 Spanish 427 91 518 340 77 417 3 English 339 603 942 341 167 508 4 Arabic 267 – 267 (1) (1) – 5 Hindi 260 120 380 366 121 487 6 Portuguese 202 6 208 176 15 191 7 Bengali 189 19 208 207 4 211 8 Russian 171 29 200 147 (1) 147 9 Japanese 128 (2) 128 125 1 126 10 Punjabi 117 – 117 (1) (1) –

Adapted from Grimes (2000) 1No estimate available 2With only 11,500 speakers, which means less than one million, and therefore not included 3.1 Portuguese Language Worldwide 39 and the counting method. Nevertheless, the number of speakers of Portuguese as a second language is comparatively low in 2015. Still, the geographic, linguistic and cultural proximity to other Latin languages, especially Spanish, but also French, promotes trading and population mobility among those countries, as we could see in the former chapter. Consequently, Spanish has been introduced in the school curricula of Portugal and Brazil, whereas Argentina has included Portuguese in theirs as a compulsory language, which means that there is a probability that the demand for Portuguese will increase. This mutual inclusive exchange of the neighbouring language in the national curricula proves that a language is stronger or has more expansion chances when it is promoted along with another one. Another indicator of linguistic expansion subject to language management is the extent to which it is used on the Web. According to Table 3.2 below, Portuguese ranks in the 5th position among the top ten languages used on the Internet, with 155 million users in 2016, right after English, Chinese, Spanish and Arabic. It is worth noting that this number increased by 1939.7% within a time span of 16 years, reaching about 58% of the estimated population, especially when compared to other Indo-European languages such as English, Spanish, French and German, which are also among the top ten languages used on the Web. Demographic growth and the increase of Portuguese use on the Internet might increase the need for this language. However, the expansion of any language goes beyond the dimension of its usage, being equally inﬂuenced by extra-linguistic factors, such as the scientiﬁc, cultural and artistic representation in that language.

Table 3.2 Top ten languages used in the web (IWS 2017) Top ten languages in World Internet users Internet Internet Internet users the internet population for by language penetration users growth %ofWorld this language (% (2000–2018) (participation) (2018 population) (%) estimate) English 1,462,008,909 1,055,272,930 72.2 649.7 25.4 Chinese 1,452,593,223 804,634,814 55.4 2390.9 19.3 Spanish 515,759,912 337,892,295 65.5 1758.5 8.1 Arabic 435,636,462 219,041,264 50.3 8616.0 5.3 Portuguese 286,455,543 169,157,589 59.1 2132.8 4.1 Indonesian/Malaysian 299,271,514 168,755,091 56.4 2845.1 4.1 French 412,394,497 134,088,952 32.5 1017.6 3.2 Japanese 127,185,332 118,626,672 93.3 152.0 2.9 Russian 143,964,709 109,552,842 76.1 3434.0 2.6 German 96,820,909 92,099,951 95.1 234.7 2.2 Top 10 languages 5,135,270,101 3,209,122,400 62.5 1091.9 77.2 Rest of the languages 2,499,488,327 950,318,284 38.0 935.8 22.8 World total 7,634,758,428 4,159,440,684 54.5 1052.2 100.0 40 3 Language Management in the Education Sector

In the case of Portugal, the Camões Institute (IC) is the institution per se responsible for the promotion of the national language and culture abroad. It is a public institute that represents a branch of the indirect administration of the Portuguese State, following joint tasks from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Portugal, and plays a fundamental role in the dissemination of the Portuguese language and culture, whose presence worldwide has been growing. Its history goes back to 1992, when it was founded primarily to promote courses at the tertiary level in foreign institutions, although its predecessors date back as far as 1929 with the National Education Board (Junta da Educação Nacional); 1936, as the Institute for High Cul- ture (Instituto para a Alta Cultura); 1976, as the ICP (Institute of Portuguese Culture) and 1981, as the ICALP (Institute of Portuguese Language and Culture) (IC 2017). Their main objectives were to foster scientific research and intellectual exchange, and to provide international courses of Portuguese language and culture by means of financial support and event organization.1 The demand for language courses in other school levels grew with the increase of Portuguese emigration to Europe. After a period of transition, in 2012, the IC takes over the complete supervision of such courses at all levels being offered abroad, while simultaneously serving as a support to internationalise national literature, arts, music, cinema, architecture and design, among other cultural aspects. Table 3.3 shows the distribution of students attending courses of Portuguese Lan- guage and Culture at kindergarten (KG), primary and secondary schools in 2015, confirming the data on population mobility discussed in the previous chapter, in which France and Switzerland are the two main countries showing a demand for heritage language courses. As these courses are primarily meant for heritage language speakers, the proficiency level of this population varies considerably. Some of them are third or fourth generation speakers, which means that Portuguese might be a foreign language to them. In 2015, there was a total of 68,226 students attending courses in Portuguese heritage language and culture, 44,302 of which were included in the official network, whereas the other 23,924 were a part of the IC’s support network. In the case of the former, the IC is responsible for the staff recruitment and relocation costs, which is in place in Europe and Africa. In the case of the latter, the IC’s support is limited to the continuing education opportunities for teachers, and to the creation and maintenance of school libraries, selection of schoolbooks and issuing of certificates, which is applicable to all the other regions. The IC reached 157,586 students in 2015—2000 more than in 2013—the difference being mainly accounted for the tertiary level of education (IC 2016, p. 113). In the case of Brazil, the counterpart of the Camões Institute is the Cultural Depart- ment of Itamaraty, a department that is also included in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Brazil, covering the same purpose, which is to foster the language and culture of Brazil throughout the world. Regarding scientific production in Portuguese, ScIELO, an online and electronic scientific library created in Brazil, is a major contribution

1However, it is curious to note that the ﬁrst licentiate course of Portuguese offered by a foreign institution dates back to the sixteenth century, in Bordeaux (IC 2017). 3.1 Portuguese Language Worldwide 41

Table 3.3 Number of students in kindergarten, primary and secondary school, according to type of schedule, country, continent and type of NET1 in 2015 (IC Relatório de Actividades do Camões, IP 2015, 2016, p. 54), translated School level KG + grades Grades 5–6 Grades 7–9 Total 1–4 Type of schedule Paral. Integ. Paral. Integ. Paral. Integ. Germany 1026 88 1199 74 453 359 3199 Andorra 47 0 29 64 6 13 159 Spain 0 1478 0 3117 0 885 5480 Belgium 40 558 0 103 0 47 748 Holland 123 0 63 0 13 0 199 Luxembourg 0 224 834 1345 437 0 2840 France 8784 3669 662 415 0 249 13,779 United Kingdom 994 475 701 305 602 339 3416 Switzerland 3792 307 5439 28 1161 4 10,731 Total Europe 14,806 6799 8927 5451 2672 1896 40,551 South Africa 785 356 652 314 2107 Namibia 15 43 23 196 277 Swaziland 0 917 20 9 946 Zimbabwe 0 421 0 0 421 Total Africa 0 0 800 1737 695 519 3751 Total official network 14,806 6799 9727 7188 3367 2415 44,302 Canada 2263 1763 1268 1589 243 71 7197 USA 491 900 1323 890 0 11,818 15,422 Venezuela 200 0 300 0 270 20 790 Total America 2954 2663 2891 2479 513 11,909 23,409 Australia 271 40 59 0 145 0 515 Total support network 3225 2703 2950 2479 658 11,909 23,924 Total 18,031 9502 12,677 9667 4025 14,324 68,226 1The type of net can be of two sorts, either parallel or integrated. The former refers to a course ministered separately or in parallel to the compulsory timetable of the host school; the latter comprises courses included in the official timetable of the host school, along with all the other school subjects. to the expansion of the Portuguese language in the scientific domain, offering a collection of periodicals, journals and alike, mainly in Portuguese (but also in Spanish and English). There are two standardised proficiency exams supported by each of these institutions and countries: the CAPLE, in the case of the European variety, and the Celpe- Bras, in the case of the Brazilian. In China, where the number of Portuguese courses is growing (André 2017), another exam is gaining ground, namely, the China Exam of Portuguese Language (by Landswell Edu), which prepares students specifically 42 3 Language Management in the Education Sector for the business market with Portuguese-speaking countries. Those who excel in this exam are granted a well-paid job.

3.2 Language Management in the Educational Sector

Taking into consideration the current outlook of the Portuguese language worldwide, let us consider the language management of the specific three contexts that represent our object of study. We will concentrate on the process of language policy-making, by carrying out a description based on three main layers or levels—macro, meso and micro—as proposed by Kaplan and Baldauf (1997), which are not independent from each other (Baldauf 2008). This analysis does not intend to be exhaustive, but rather sectorial, limited to the educational sector, particularly the compulsory public system. There are definitely other relevant elements in terms of the overall process of language policy-making, but they are beyond the scope of this study. Language policy entails four characteristics: (a) it is tripartite in language practices, beliefs and ideologies that are reflected in elements other than named language varieties; so, (b) it is also concerned with individual language elements, like lexical choice, style, obscene or correct language; (c) it functions within a speech community, which can be a political or religious group or a regional alliance; and (d) it involves an array of non-linguistic factors and variables (Spolsky 2004,p.39ff.). The power of decision obviously lies with (but is by no means limited to) the states that can delegate their authority. This makes the process of language policy more complex or, at least, two-way, as language practices at the micro-level, in certain domains like the private one (e.g. family and friends), are “microcosms of what happens on a societal level” (Caldas 2009, p. 364), allowing for agency among individuals. Selecting a domain of language use—in this case, the formal education setting of primary schools—is one of the best ways to show the connections between the macro-level and the micro-level, as put forward by Kaplan and Baldauf (1997). Furthermore, they also shed light onto sociolinguistic factors (sociological macro- level) and reveal linguistic realisations (Fishman 1972). Naturally, language choice is intrinsically related not only to the domain and social situation but also to the speaker’s proficiency level and his cognitive development, which affects his willing- ness to speak the language, making the study of language policy more challenging, in particular when considering social groupings (Spolsky 2004,p.42ff.). Schools, just as families, are key agents of socialisation. They are, however, different in that the language spoken within the family is sometimes an unwrit- ten, local variety or a variety with a low status. In some cases, there are no teaching or reading materials in the language that is used at home or access to them might be constrained. This is a major gap that is directly related to language policy: the decision on the medium of instruction, which in turn raises other questions, such as when and if the use of the pupils’ mother tongue should be allowed or introduced at all, or which language should the teachers and other school stakeholders speak in the classroom. Another question is the teaching of languages other than the home 3.2 Language Management in the Educational Sector 43 and the official ones, which are usually referred to as foreign languages and clearly stated in the language policies of most countries (Spolsky 2004, 2009a), the most widely spoken languages consisting of 95% of those languages studied at European schools (Cenoz and Gorter 2009, p. 301). Notwithstanding the critical role of education systems, it is within the family and at home that language maintenance and language loss generally occurs (for more details see Spolsky 2004, 2009a, p. 109, 2009b). One of the main functions of language is education, and one of the most powerful forces in language management is the language policy implemented in the school system (Spolsky 2009a, p. 90). The above-mentioned three main layers of analysis are the macro-level, the meso- level and the micro-level. In the first layer, or the macro-level, we find national regulations, in the form of documents that moderate language policy. The meso- level comprises the institutions and the tools created to put the national regulations into practice (Kaplan and Baldauf 1997, p. 240), specifically in the education sector. Examples of such institutions are education ministries, regional offices and their representatives in foreign territories. Curricula, school materials and even the required teaching qualifications are the tools generated so that, at the micro-level, schools, teaching staff and students can comply with the regulations stipulated at the macro- level. Although language policy-making seems to be linear, there are situations that make it a complex issue, especially when we are dealing with multilingual and/or diglossic communities, but also when it is specifically related to the role of an additional language, as is the present case, and when the overt (or non-overt) cooperation between extra-national institutions is needed.

3.3 Cape Verde

Regarding Portuguese as a second language, as is the case on Cape Verdean Islands, the revised constitution of Cape Verde (CVG 2010) grants official status to Por- tuguese, its second language, and highlights the role of the Kabuverdianu creole, the first language, which should be promoted and developed, with specific emphasis on its writing system. As long as the new phonetic-phonological alphabet, proposed for the Cape Verdean creole, is not officially introduced in the school system, Por- tuguese still plays a critical role in printed materials for educational purposes, as reading materials for educational purposes are mainly (if not only) available in Por- tuguese, which, by extension, means that a consistent writing system can be found in the Portuguese language. The educational system is, since 1990, i.e. after the 15-year period of a single-party rule. It is centralised in the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports (Ministério da Educação, Cultura e Desporto), later renamed Ministry of Education, which was represented on each of the nine inhabited islands by several school directions (direções escolares), which have been broken down into school delegations (delegações escolares) at the county level (RCV,Republic of Cape Verde 2017). The Basic Law of Education (RCV, Republic of Cape Verde 1990)sets a milestone in the national education system, although it has been complemented 44 3 Language Management in the Education Sector by other decree-laws approved at the beginning of twentieth century—promoting, among other, the decentralisation of the decision-making process—and replaced by an updated version in 2010 (RCV, Republic of Cape Verde 2010), which, in addition, makes school compulsory until the eighth grade. It is also at the macro-level that the school subject of Portuguese (along with Mathematics) plays a major role in secondary schools, as students will have to retake the school year in case they fail these two subjects simultaneously (RCV, Republic of Cape Verde 2003, 2015). At the meso-level, some of the educational materials are printed in—and literally imported from—Portugal. Besides, much of the material produced in Cape Verde does not take into consideration its specific context, since it reproduces methodologies and pedagogical practices (Pires-Ferreira 2015) that go back to a longstanding tradition of Portuguese as a first language. This is to say that material produced in Cape Verde does not foresee the particular settings of Portuguese in its pedagogical context, by reduplicating pedagogical procedures considered to be less appropriate to second language learners, as was recently put forward by the Cape Verdean Min- ister of Education, Maritza Rosabal (Marchante 2016). Although apparently not so, the pioneer bilingual education project Turma Bilingue (Bilingual Class, own translation) carried out in Portugal by ILTEC presents another view on the matter, by providing an inclusive alternative that confirms that the setbacks of this language policy have less to do with the established role of Portuguese as an official language but more to do with the so far still neglected attention given to the creole language in classroom practices (Pereira 2014, 2018). This is simply due to the persistence of using either one language or the other as separate systems, with distinct functions, not assigning to both an egalitarian role in practical terms (just as the one they share in law documents), in spite of the positive results of teaching (in) both languages, shown by a pilot Project of Bilingual Literacy in Cape Verde carried out between 1987 and 1992. Although it did not reach the entire school population, the milestones were laid among the Cape-Verdean communities both in Portugal and in Cape Verde. The main medium of instruction at school is Portuguese, which implies that contents of all subjects are to be conveyed in this language, a fact that does not prevent stakeholders from employing the creole language, supposedly in less formal contexts. However, the creole language also serves the function of bridging the linguistic gap, being used as a way of conveying complex contents, while students are assessed in Portuguese. This paradox results in the fact that students’ proficiency in the second language is far from meeting the expectations of decision-makers. At the micro-level, or at the level where students are directly impacted, this involves a longer exposure to the target language and a broader diversity of linguistic input and exposure to linguistic varieties. This also presupposes a formal and conscious process of language learning, because it takes place in school. As the first language does not meet all the needs of the speakers, word loaning in the creole language is more common, mainly due to the fact that the national language, Cape Verdean creole, does not have a standardised writing system. Therefore, the second language represents the lexifier, or even the language of scientific knowledge, which depicts a diglossic community. However, there is a tendency to use the mother tongue excessively (with its lexical 3.3 Cape Verde 45 and phonetic loans) and not by opposition to the target language, making the bound- aries between the two languages blurred. It is, therefore, not surprising that, when approached in Portuguese, Cape Verdean native speakers answer in Creole convinced that they are interacting in Portuguese. In turn, if asked how to spell the word “book” (BP/EP: livro), for instance, in Cape Verdean, older generations will either hesitate or most probably say , whereas their counterparts will reassure you that it is .

3.4 Switzerland

Switzerland, among the host countries for Portuguese immigration in Europe, stands out at the macro-level for its unique Sprachengesetz (EDK 2007), which emphasises the mutual understanding of a multilingual community with four national languages as its landmark, by making the learning of at least one of the other national languages in the school system compulsory. Paragraph 5 of Art. 6 states that the official bodies should, as far as possible, make use of another language, when the interlocutor is not fluent in one of the four national languages. Particularly noteworthy is §3 of Art. 16, which encourages the cantons to grant financial support to the enhancement of the first language of speakers of other languages, among which are heritage languages. This is, however, a decision that has to be made at the cantonal level. Although those courses are taken over by the local Education Coordination of Portugal, they might as well be included in the regular school’s schedule, when the number of course participants justifies it. In any of the cases, the Common European Framework of Reference for languages sets the guidelines and benchmarks (CoE 2006). At the meso-level, the material is produced in Portugal by a variety of publishers that have their own selection criteria regarding book authors, topics and approaches. Teaching staff is temporarily relocated to the host country. According to Article 5 of the Portuguese Decree-Law no. 234/2012 (MEP 2012), the Camões Institute is the national entity in charge of teachers’ recruitment, placement and hiring, and in charge of supporting the recruitment and selection process initiated by entities other than the Portuguese. In fact, the majority of these courses are coordinated and managed by Portuguese official bodies, but there is a minority of Swiss schools that include such heritage courses in the students’ schedule. At the micro-level, students are exposed to a weekly average of two-hour courses, in most cases outside the school curriculum, depending on the size of the class, their family and relatives representing the main sources of input in terms of the target language. It starts as a process of acquiring the target language in an informal setting within their families and moves on to a conscious and more formal process of learning the rules of the target (heritage) language at school. Often, because parents do not master any of the host languages, these immigrant children function as “bridge individuals”, reflecting how micro-level management practices are outside the scope of regulations at the macro-level. 46 3 Language Management in the Education Sector

3.5 Macao

In the case of Macao, the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China grants the use of the local “languages in common use in the locality” (NPC 1982, pp. Section 6, Art. 121) at the macro-level, having made Mandarin the common and national language. This is reinforced by the local Basic Law of Macao, a mini-constitution that grants partial co-official status to the Portuguese language used by “executive authorities, legislature and judiciary of the Macao Special Administrative Region” (Government 1999, pp. Ch. I, Art. 9). It is worth noting that, so far, Macao has a singular school system that allows each school to develop its own curriculum. This means that each school, including the private ones, can decide which languages they make compulsory in their curricula, although there are financial incentives to the ones that contemplate Portuguese. The local entity responsible for the coordination of educational matters at the meso-level is the Education and Youth Affairs Bureau. There are currently 10 public schools, two of which have Chinese as the main means of instruction and eight of which offer Portuguese classes, whilst the private school system is represented by a majority of 67 institutions (DSEJ 2015) that are part of the free education system, i.e. students attending private schools that also receive financial support from the local government to cover tuition fees and alike. A law from 1977 makes private schools also eligible for subsidies and tax exemption (Bray and Koo 2005). Like Hong Kong and Taiwan, the writing system is based on the traditional character set. Similar to Hong Kong, the spoken language of the majority of the population of Macao is Cantonese, which is corollary in the school system: the means of communication is Cantonese, i.e. the content of school subjects is conveyed in this language, except in the Chinese Language subject, in which case Mandarin is the variety taught (MSAR, Macao Special Administrative Region 2014), although the character set learnt is the traditional (for more details see Liang 2015). Some impli- cations of the coexistence of these different scripts are discussed by Yan (2016). The following is an example of the different writing and oral systems for reference, turning the learning of a Chinese variety into the learning of two languages:

(traditional characters) Ngo5 dei6 gong2 jyut6 hyu5. (Romanization in Cantonese) Wǒ di jiǎng yuè yǔ. (Romanization in old Mandarin) (simplified characters) Wǒ men shuō Guǎngdōng huà. (Romanization in modern Mandarin) I PL speak Canton dialect. 'We speak Cantonese.'

With respect to the English language, in 2001, the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China stipulated the teaching of English as a mandatory subject in the third grade, instead of ﬁve grades later (Spolsky 2009a, p. 108). In Macao, 3.5 Macao 47

English was already compulsory, alongside the by then prevailing Portuguese curricula, and was the language of instruction in 13 local schools in the middle of the 1990s (Rodrigues 1997), although it is still poorly mastered by the residents. Therefore, it is not surprising that English is nowadays compulsory in the curricula of local private and public schools in Macao, with at least a two-hour weekly course. This means that the number of English speakers in Macao will certainly increase, just as it has been rising for the last years. Portuguese remains a rather de facto foreign language in the school system, because—despite its partial facultative co-official status—it is effectively the means of instruction in only two single primary schools: the Macao Portuguese School and the Portuguese section of the Luso-Chinese Primary School of Flora. Whereas the former is a private school, the latter is divided in two streams or sections, the Chinese (alias Cantonese) and the Portuguese, each offering one of the two languages as a means of instruction. These institutions, however, are not representative of the majority of the public primary schools, the so-called Luso-Chinese schools, which were created in order to promote both main local cultures and languages and which are the main focus of our study. Basically, these are government-run schools launched at the end of the 19th century that use Cantonese as the means of instruction, having Portuguese and Mandarin as compulsory school subjects (Tang and Bray 2000). The government neglect of the school system led to a historical multi-track system of religious, government and community schooling, at the primary and secondary levels, that account for this diversity of schooling systems and curricula (Adamson and Li 2005, p. 38). Hong Kong’s model was integrated in 1914 with the start-up of the Macao English College (Tang and Bray 2000). Most private schools were also registered with the Education Department of Guangdong, which made the application for higher education studies in this province easy, making the Chinese school system more accessible in general. This explains why among 77 schools in 2016, only ten are, in fact, run by the government, five of which are primary schools (DSEJ 2017), our target population. Considering that there are no national curricula, which means that curricula are school-based, the meso and micro-levels become somehow blurred. Materials in Portuguese are created by the local teaching staff, usually in the form of handouts and alike, along with locally produced course books. In other subjects, Hong Kong sets the tone in terms of materials and educational practices (Adamson and Li 2005, p. 35). More recently, in an attempt of gradually creating a national curriculum or at least standardising the education system, two important documents list descriptors of the required basic academic skills for the primary and secondary teaching levels of all three main languages (Portuguese, Chinese and English), both as first (vehicular or working) languages and as second languages (GSASC 2016, 2017). For instance, by the end of the primary school level, it is clear that Chinese first language learners are expected to recognise 3000 and write 2000 characters, whereas second language learners are required to recognize 2000 and write 800 of the most common characters. In any case, students are expected to learn both Chinese varieties with their different writing and sound systems, although to varying degrees. In the case of Portuguese as a first language, the quantitative curricular goals are not explicit. Although reading 48 3 Language Management in the Education Sector speed is set as a goal, it is up to the teacher to decide on time limits and length of text, for instance. The curricular goals for Portuguese second language learners are even more subjective and open to interpretation, which will make the learning progress unlikely to be observable or at least not as quantifiable as its counterpart. It is important to mention that there is no definition regarding both concepts of first and second languages in these documents, although the spectrum is quite wide. There are, for example, Cantonese native students that do not know how to write in Chinese and show difficulties in producing some of the Cantonese tones. This is the result of the diaspora of Cantonese speakers.

3.6 Final Word

The need for one language and the contexts in which this is felt are potential indicators of language expansion. Demographic growth, language status, Internet use, international standardised exams, curricula, adequate human and material resources are some examples of such indicators. In short, and in the case of the contexts discussed here, regarding the national curricula, Cape Verde follows its own national curricula; in Switzerland, the Portuguese curricula follow the Common European Framework of Reference for languages (for details on CEFR in this context, refer to Cenoz and Gorter 2009); and in Macao, there are no national curricula, which leads to the fact that each school develops their own. Furthermore, the majority of these courses are taught by non-native speakers, with the exception of the ones in Switzerland—for the time being. This is a completely different situation than what is happening with English teaching worldwide, in which there is a naïve belief that a language is best learnt and taught through a native teacher (Spolsky 2009a, p. 111). Other than that, one can see that all these communities have several multilingual layers, which force them to develop unique school systems in terms of language management. A special role throughout these layers is taken over by the curricula that are placed at the national level in Cape Verde, at the meso-level in Switzerland and at the micro-level in Macao.

References

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Bray, M., and R. Koo (eds.). 2005. Education and Society in Hong Kong and Macao Education and Society in Hong Kong and Macao, 2nd ed. Hong Kong: Springer. Caldas, S.J. 2009. Language policy in the family. In The Cambridge handbook of language policy, ed. B. Spolsky, 351–373. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cenoz, J., and D. Gorter. 2009. Language policy in education: Additional languages. In The Cam- bridge handbook of language policy, ed. B. Spolsky, 301–319. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CoE, C.O. 2006. Common European framework of reference for languages: Learning, teaching, assessment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cuesta, P.V., and M.A.M. Da Luz. (1971). Gramática da Língua Portuguesa. Lisboa: Edições 70. Cvg, C.V. 2010. Constituição da República de Cabo Verde, 2ª revisão ordinária. Praia, Cape Verde: Cape Verde Government. DSEJ, E.A. 2015. A guide to school enrollment 2015–1016. Macau: DSEJ. DSEJ, E.A. 2017. Estatísticas de Ensino. Retrieved from 1 Apr 2015http://portal.dsej.gov.mo/ webdsejspace/internet/Inter_main_page.jsp?id=8525. EDK, S.K. 2007. Bundesgesetz über die Landessprachen und die Verständigung zwischen den Sprachgemeinschaften (Sprachengesetz, SpG). Bern. Fishman, J.A. 1972. Language in sociocultural change. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Government, M. 1999 December. Basic law of the Macau special administrative region. Retrieved from 4 Sept 2016. http://bo.io.gov.mo/bo/i/1999/leibasica/index_uk.asp. Grimes, B.F. 2000. Ethnologue: Languages of the world, fourteenth edition. Retrieved from 5 Oct 2016. http://archive.ethnologue.com/14, http://archive.ethnologue.com/14/country_index. asp?place=all. GSASC, O.O. 2016. Despacho do Secretário para os Assuntos sociais e Cultura no. 19/2016. Boletim Oficial da Região Administrativa Especial de Macau - I Série, no. 9. Macao, Macao SAR, China. GSASC, O.O. 2017. Despacho do Secretário para os Assuntos Sociais e Cultura no. 56/2017. Boletim Oficial da Região Administrativa Especial de Macau - I Série, no. 26. Macao, Macao SAR, China. IC, I.C. 2016. Relatório de Actividades do Camões, IP 2015. Lisbon: IC/MNE. IC, I.C. 2017 07 11. Instituto Camões. Retrieved from http://www.instituto-camoes.pt/, http://www. instituto-camoes.pt/sobre/sobre-nos/gestao-sobrenos/historia/historia-do-instituto. IWS, I.W. 2017 December 31. Internet world stats. Retrieved from 6 Sept 6 2018 http://www. internetworldstats.com/stats7.htm. Kaplan, R.B., and R. Baldauf. 1997. Language planning: from practice to theory. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Liang, S. 2015. Language attitudes and identities in multilingual China—a linguistic ethnography. Cham: Springer International Publishing Switzerland. Lewis, M.P., Simons, G.F., Fennig, C.D. 2016. Ethnologue: Languages of the world, nineteenth edition. Retrieved from 2016 https://www.ethnologue.com, https://www.ethnologue.com/statistics/ size. Marchante, R. 2016. Ensino do Português como Língua Segunda não mexe com Constituição. Diário de Notícias. MEP, Ministry of Education of Portugal. 2012 10 30. Decree-Law no. 234/2012. Diário da República, no. 210(I). Lisbon, Portugal. MSAR, Macao Special Administrative Region. 2014. Administrative Regulation. Boletim Oficial I Série, no. 15 Macao. NPC, N.P. 1982. The constitution of the people’s of China. Retrieved from 15 Sept 2015. http:// www.npc.gov.cn/englishnpc/Constitution/node_2825.htm. Pacheco, D. 2009. A língua Portuguesa em Macau e os efeitos da frustada tentativa de colonização linguística. Cadernos de Letras da UFF - Dossiê: Difusão da língua portuguesa 39: 41–66. Pereira, D. 2006. O essencial sobre língua portuguesa: Crioulos de base portuguesa. Lisboa: Caminho. 50 3 Language Management in the Education Sector

Pereira, D. 2014. Acquisition and learning of Cape Verdean in a semiformal bilingual education context. Papia, 199–230. Pereira, D. 2018. O Cabo-Verdiano na educação: Implicações no desenvolvimento da língua portuguesa. Atas Jornadas de Língua Portuguesa Investigação e Ensino, pp. 183–202. Cidade da Praia: Edições UniCV. Pires-Ferreira, A.C. 2015. Que Cabo-Verdiano para o século XXI? Perpetivas a partir de manuais escolares. Atas do II Colóquio Cabo-Verdiano, pp. 93–107. Cidade da Praia: Edições UniCV. RCV, Republic of Cape Verde. 1990, December 29. Law No. 103/III/90. Lei de Bases do Sistema Educativo Cabo-Verdiano. Suplemento do Boletim Oficial, no. 52. Praia. RCV, Republic of Cape Verde. 2003, October 20. Decree-Law no. 42/2003. Praia. RCV, Republic of Cape Verde. 2010, May 7. Law no. 17/I/2010. Suplemento do Boletim Oficial, no. 17. Praia. RCV, Republic of Cape Verde. 2015, December 31. Decree-Law no. 71. Suplemento do Boletim Oficial.Praia. RCV, Republic of Cape Verde. (2017). Decree-Law 27. Boletim Oficial.Praia. Reto, L. 2012. Potencial Económico da Língua Portuguesa. Lisbon: Edições Texto. Rodrigues, M.H. 1997. Línguas em contacto em Macau. Administração, 893–904. Simons, G.F., and C.D. Fennig. 2017. Ethnologue: Languages of the world, twentieth edition, 20th ed. Dallas: SIL International. Spolsky, B. 2004. The nature of language policy and its domains. In language policy, ed. S. Bernard, 39–56. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Spolsky, B. (ed.). 2009a. The Cambridge handbook of language policy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Spolsky, B. 2009b. Language policy in schools. In Language management, ed. B. Spolsky, 90–114. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tang, K., Bray, M. 2000. Colonial models and the evolution of education systems—Centralization and decentralization in Hong Kong and Macau. Journal of Educational Administration, 468–485. Valério, N. (Coord). 2001. Estatísticas históricas Portuguesas, vol. I. Lisbon: Instituto Nacional de Estatística. Walter, S.L., and C. Benson. 2009. Language policy and medium of instruction in formal education. In The Cambridge handbook of language policy, ed. B. Spolsky, 278–300. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Yan, X. 2016. Macao has died, traditional Chinese characters have died’: a study of netizens’ comments on the choice of Chinese scripts in Macao. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 564–575. Chapter 4 Language Use

Bilingualism is about two languages. Yet, this does not mean that these communities are limited to the usage of only two languages. In fact, this is not the case at all. These young children are also learning other languages at school and they are exposed to other medium language(s) through acquaintances and the mass media. We are interested in scanning, as much as possible, the usage of the two languages that play a major role in these students’ daily life, especially at school, because these are the languages represented at school. When they learn a language under these circumstances, what pragmatic use do they make of it? One cannot decide on the means of instruction without monitoring its benefits for the end users outside school and on a long-term basis. The data from Cape Verde were collected in 2003/2004, from Switzerland in 2008 and from Macao in 2011. The total number of participants amounts to a total of 604 participants, 474 of which from Cape Verde, 67 from Macao and 49 from Switzerland, as one of the classes did not complete this part of the questionnaire. The former school directions in Cape Verde and the teachers in Switzerland and Macao helped with the data collection. The sample population was created based on a convenience sample with the following distribution (Table 4.1): The following findings stem from the same questionnaire mentioned in the upcom- ing Chap. 5. In the cases where the subjects did not provide their L1, this information was drawn from their answers to other questions whenever possible, such as their family background, for instance. Based on a five-option answer—only L1; almost only L1; both; almost only L2; always L2—students were asked to identify which

Table 4.1 Population distribution by age and school grade PFL PHL PSL Gender F M F M F M 4th grade 14 20 21 21 116 119 6th grade 16 17 10 11 123 100

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 51 A. C. Neves, Portuguese as an Additional Language, SpringerBriefs in Linguistics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33316-4_4 52 4 Language Use language they used in situations that can be drawn from the graph title. For purposes of analysis and data visualisation, the ﬁrst two and last two options were each merged together, resulting in two options instead of four. Whenever the situation described was not applicable to the child, s/he was asked to leave a blank answer. This was the case, for instance, for children that had no siblings or no grandparents. For the data visualisation, bar graphs for each item (e.g. grandparents, parents, classmates, etc.) were created with the percentage of language use, according to the contexts of Portuguese as a second (PSL), a heritage (PHL) or a foreign (PFL) language, taking into consideration cross-sectional school grade information. The graphs were produced with the programming language R (R Core Team 2017).

4.1 Grandparents

AsshownonFig.4.1, Portuguese has a special place in the generational interaction, especially for 93% of the sample population or the majority of the heritage language learners. It is the language of their grandparents. Children from mixed couples, with only one Portuguese-speaking parent, will tend to use both languages, which is the case of 4% of the participants in this study, or mostly the other language, which is usually German but also Italian, another ofﬁcial language of the host country in question. Yet, there is a clear decrease in the usage of Portuguese among sixth graders. The same happens, although proportionally inverted, with 2% of the second language speakers in Cape Verde, whose elder relatives have roots in the pre- independence period or before 1975. Those older generations were given the choice of double nationality before the Republic of Cape Verde came into being and they remained faithful to the Portuguese language. This is also convenient because this one language (out of the two possible) was the one that enabled communication overseas. It is also the case in those families living apart on different continents, in which some members neglected the usage of the Creole language and made use of Portuguese instead. This accounts for the 6% of second language learners who said they use both languages. Also, 93% of these children use Cape Verdean Creole to interact with their grandparents. This is not the case for foreign language speakers, 100% of which use another language to communicate with their grandparents. If extended to the target population, this means that the Luso-Chinese schools do not reach all the social layers of the population. 4.2 Parents 53

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50

47.4

56.5

School grade

% 50 6

25 50 45.9

34.8

2.2 3.2 4.3 0.6 2.2 0 1.9 0.9 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.1 Language spoken with grandparents

4.2 Parents

In the case of the heritage learners, one can observe that the importance of the heritage language decreases as a means of communication with the parents, with only 40% of the subjects in this situation, a number that tends to drop among sixth graders. A majority, or 50% of this sample population, makes use of both languages when speaking with their parents. In order to make the socialisation process easier for the whole family, some of them learn the language of the host country and promote it at home. This is supposed to facilitate the children’s integration in the new school system, whose teachers reinforce the usage of local languages, i.e. both Swiss and standard German. Some other parents stem from the host culture, which explains the 10.5% of children that use mostly German when interacting with their parents (Fig. 4.2). 54 4 Language Use

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50

School grade

% 50 6

29.2

25 25 50 44.9

20.8 4.2 14.6 3 6.3 3.2 1.3 0 06 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.2 Language spoken with parents

Some of the second language speakers, or 2% of these children, face an inverse situation, by being exposed to the Portuguese language through communication with their parents. It is worth mentioning that six of these nine children are attending the fourth grade, which might be indicative of a new trend. They are spread throughout five of the nine islands, which means that they are a very small minority. One of them has a parent born in Portugal, which might explain the employment of the Portuguese language in this context; and only four of them live and were born in the same place where their parents were born. This means that few parents deliberately use the additional language at home at the expense of the Creole language. Besides, 6% of the second language learners admit to using both languages, and the vast majority of 92% always or almost always use the Creole language. In the case of the coexistence between Portuguese and Cantonese in the Luso- Chinese schools, there is no doubt that the strongest language among them is the latter. In the case of bilingual children, Fujianese, Kejia, Yangjiang and Mandarin for the Chinese varieties, along with Thai, English and Tagalo, are among the languages 4.2 Parents 55 representing the population’s first language. Similar to the group of second language speakers, also 2% of this sample population, made up of Filipinos, use English at home instead of Tagalo, the national language of this country. This happens in spite of or exactly because they are living abroad, though this distinguishes them from the former mentioned group. Portuguese, however, finds no place here.

4.3 Siblings

Still in the private domain, Portuguese as an additional language loses ground to the coexisting language when interacting with siblings, especially among heritage language speakers, as displayed in Fig. 4.3. When compared to the previously discussed

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 51.6

45.2

School grade

% 50 6

17.1

25.7 25 48.4 46.3

25.7 14.3 14.3 4.6 2.9 1.1 0 2 0.9 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.3 Language spoken with siblings 56 4 Language Use

ﬁndings, there is a clear generational shift in the heritage community. In conversation with these speakers, they explain this language shift with the fact that siblings closer in age or younger than them attend the ofﬁcial local school and therefore they tend to speak the local language with their brothers and sisters. Siblings that are older in age were usually not schooled in the local German-speaking variety and therefore do not feel comfortable interacting in any language other than Portuguese, similar to the case of grandparents. Therefore, 17% of them employ mostly Portuguese, 40% both and 43% mainly the German language. Also, here, fourth graders (14.3%) are more likely to use Portuguese than sixth graders (2.9%). A similar situation can be found among second language speakers, although to a much lesser extent. In this case, the use of Portuguese is explained by the fact that a major part of those siblings live abroad and were forced to drop one of their languages, usually the mother tongue, sticking to the usage of Portuguese, the language in which they were most probably schooled in and a language that, according to them, opens (at least more) doors overseas. This explains the 2% of participants that employ mostly the Portuguese language and the 6.6% that use both. The general trend is, however, to use the Creole language with siblings as well, as proven by a majority of 91%. In the case of the foreign language speakers, this does not apply at all, and the Portuguese has no presence in the interaction of the Luso-Chinese schools’ children with their siblings.

4.4 Friends

Figure 4.4 displays an interaction with the same age group but in another context: their friends. It is also among the heritage speakers that the use of Portuguese drops signiﬁcantly to 4%, considering both fourth (2.1%) and sixth graders (2.1%). The group of friends can include both siblings and classmates (although not mutually exclusive), and the usage of Portuguese depends mainly on the fact of whether the children’s interlocutor is able to speak the target language or not. This seems to not be possible in the Chinese sections of the Luso-Chinese schools in Macao. Both foreign and second language speakers do not show any signiﬁcant difference in comparison to other sets of interlocutors discussed so far. 4.5 Classmates 57

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50

44.3

School grade

% 50 35.4 6

25 50 43.6 20.8

29.2

10.4 5.2 2.1 1.7 3.3 2.1 0 0 0 2 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.4 Language spoken with friends

4.5 Classmates

We will keep analysing the same age group, this time in a speciﬁc school context: the classmates. As displayed in Fig. 4.5, there is an increase in the usage of Por- tuguese among second language speakers when interacting with their classmates, which means that the use of this language is deﬁnitely reinforced through the classroom, where the additional language is employed by 18% of the children. 19% of the participants even admit using both languages with their classmates. Still, the majority of these students (42.5%) make use of the Cape-Verdean language, especially the fourth graders. This means that there is an increasing trend to use both languages, especially among sixth graders. The usage of Portuguese is also promoted in the classroom, with 23% of all heritage language speakers using both languages when interacting with their classmates. Unlike previous cases, the school grade does not play a role here. 58 4 Language Use

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 48.4

School grade 45.8 4

% 50 6

30.2 25 51.6 9.4 11.2

12.5 29.2

20.4 16.6 12.3 10.4

2.1 0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.5 Language spoken with classmates

The foreign language speakers are left alone here, with a minimal usage of the language. All foreign language learners resort mainly to the coexisting language, Cantonese, or even other neighbouring languages, and also their mother tongues. This, however, is not considered in our analysis, since we focus on the Portuguese language.

4.6 Teachers

It is noteworthy to see that the usage of Portuguese among the second language speakers increases in the interaction with their teachers, reaching 70%. Only 4% admit resorting mainly to the co-existing language and 25% admit using both languages. If we consider that both teachers and classmates are associated with the school, it 4.6 Teachers 59 is worth remarking that the difference in the usage of both languages is inversed (Fig. 4.6). In the case of the heritage speakers, they understood this question applied only to the Portuguese classroom and therefore some of them answered that they use mostly Portuguese (13%) while interacting with their teachers. The majority of these children mainly speak either German (30%) or both languages (57%). Foreign language learners, in turn, tend to use mostly Cantonese (79%) or both languages (21%), depending on the teacher or class. Sixth graders (15.2%) are more prone to use both languages, when compared to their counterparts (6.1%).

Another language Both languages Portuguese

43.9 34.6

School grade 29.2 40 4 % 6

18.8 20 6.1 37 34.8 14

27.1

15.2 10.4 12.5 10.7 2.6 2.1 0 1.1 0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.6 Language spoken with teachers 60 4 Language Use

4.7 School’s Principal

The Portuguese language is deﬁnitely reinforced by the school’s principal (a ﬁgure of authority) among the second language speakers, since 78% of them approach him mostly using Portuguese or the additional language. However, there are 7% that address the school’s principal in Cape Verdean Creole, and other 15% that admit to using both languages. The same does not apply to the other two groups, whose interaction is mainly in the coexisting language. In the case of the foreign language learners, attending a Chinese-medium school, as is the case, the school principal does not necessarily speak Portuguese, although it is a compulsory school subject. Some students also mentioned the possibility of approaching the school principal in English (Fig. 4.7).

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50

52.1

School grade

% 50 6

25 50

40.8 37.5

9.3 4.2 4.4 4.2 5.5 2.9 2.1 0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.7 Language spoken with the school principal 4.7 School’s Principal 61

This is not the case in the heritage speakers. Some school principals also speak Spanish or even Portuguese, which makes it more accessible for children. This affects 10% of the children, which is a very low number. The majority, or 90%, of the pupils approach the school principal in German. Not seldom are school principals from Ticino, the Swiss Canton where Italian, also a Latin language, is the main ofﬁcial language, and linguistically closer to Portuguese.

4.8 Basic Mathematics

When asked about the language they use to do basic mathematics—a skill that is developed in the school domain where the official language plays a major role— Portuguese decreases among the heritage speakers, with 9% of them still mainly using it and 24% resorting to both languages. The use of Portuguese in this context is usually null when children are schooled in another language (Fig. 4.8). In the case of the second language learners, Portuguese is used simultaneously with Cape Verdean Creole by 32% of the children. Another 37% admit using mainly Portuguese while doing basic mathematics. Yet, one has to keep in mind that the numbers, in terms of lexemes, are closely related to its lexifier, Portuguese, which might make the distinction between the two languages difficult for the young learners at this stage. Portuguese is not used among the foreign language speakers, at all. There are several factors that make learning numbers in an Asian language, like Chinese or Japanese, easier. In Portuguese or English, for example, twenty-eight words are needed to count to 100, whereas in Cantonese or Mandarin only eleven character- words are necessary. It is important to emphasize that, unlike an Indo-European language like Portuguese, most of “the mathematical concepts in Chinese bear a descriptive nature and are conceptually clear, with a concrete and visual register” (Oliveira et al. 2015, p. 1030). It is essential to be aware of these differences and constraints in multilingual formal contexts of learning a language.

4.9 Writing Letters and Alike

Another crucial skill that can be easily transposed from school to the outside world is the written production. In this speciﬁc case, we asked about the language used to write letters and alike, like emails, for instance. These results are displayed in Fig. 4.9. As we can see, the heritage language users tend to use mainly the coexisting language (28%)—in this case, German—or even both (72%), but deﬁnitely not Por- tuguese alone (0%). They make use of both languages mainly when they need parents to help them with their homework, but also in the case of them having been schooled in their home country. 62 4 Language Use

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50

School grade

4 % 50 39.1 6

21.8 25 50 12.2 16.7

15.2 28.3

19.8 15.5 14 4.3 8.7 4.3 0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.8 Language used in doing basic mathematics

In the case of the second language speakers, the ﬁndings show an inversion of the results shown so far, since the majority, or 77% of the subjects, uses Portuguese. There is a slight tendency for these learners to start using their mother tongue in writing, with 16% using both languages. However, the 8% that admitted using mainly Cape Verdean Creole are, in comparison, a low number. It is not surprising that foreign language users do not make use of Portuguese in this particular situation. 4.10 Reading 63

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50

34.6

School grade

43.5 4 % 50 6

25 50 13 42

28.3

11.6 15.2 3.8 3.8 4.2 0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.9 Language used in writing letters

4.10 Reading

In matters of reading, Portuguese is no longer the language per excellence among heritage learners, 43% of which use both, and 55% read mainly in German. This might be explained by the inﬂuence of school and the children’s duties (Fig. 4.10). Reading is another situation altogether, in which the use of Portuguese tends to increase among second language learners, with 70% of users, especially among the sixth graders, with 43.8%. Inversely, foreign language learners do not use it at all. These speakers do not usually make use of Portuguese in reading activities, which reinforces the designation of Portuguese as a foreign language as presented in Chap. 2. Furthermore, reading also seems to be associated with school. Only this can explain the high numbers of participants reading in the school language. This means 64 4 Language Use

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 49.2

26.5 School grade

% 50 6

23.4

25 50.8 43.8

17.4 21.3 19.1

5.7 5 2.1 0 1.6 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.10 Language used in reading that reading is mainly a duty or a school endeavour, and thus it is not seen as a free time activity.

4.11 Telling Jokes

Telling jokes is something we usually engage into in a language we feel comfortable with. It requires conﬁdence in the target language, which is obviously not Portuguese in the case of the foreign language speakers (Fig. 4.11). Surprisingly, it stops being used as the main language to tell jokes among the heritage speakers, whose majority, or 61%, of the participants use both languages in question. One third, or 35%, of the participants in this study admit to using mainly the coexisting language, German. The disparity in these numbers might be explained 4.11 Telling Jokes 65

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 49.2

School grade

% 50 6

39.1 15.8

25.8 17.4 25 50.8

30.1

21.7 8.1 17.4 15.4

2.2 4.8 2.2 0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.11 Language used in telling jokes by the learners who were schooled in German or in Portuguese. If schooled in Por- tuguese, this means that they had to change country, school and means of communication (just to mention a few) at some point after the age of 7. The later they moved to the host country, the higher the chances are that they will keep using Portuguese along with the coexisting language, at least for a while, or as long as their environment promotes its use—as long as they have peers in the same situation that prefer to speak Portuguese, for instance, or family members they see relatively regularly and who do not master any other language. Among the second language learners, the tendency is also for 46% of the children to use Cape Verdean Creole, whereas 41% use both languages. The remaining 13% admit to using mainly Portuguese, which is most probably due to their social network. This means that Portuguese is the means of communication either among their closest friends or family members, the audience for the jokes. 66 4 Language Use

4.12 Watching TV

Nowadays, the variety of programmes and channels in the Portuguese-speaking world is numerous, with an offer in different languages also among them, usually the ones of relevance for the local community. This makes it easier for children to be exposed to several language varieties (Fig. 4.12). Although there is a local Portuguese channel offered by TDM, the local broadcast station of Macao, none of the participants of the sample population makes use of it. Just as a side note, this channel also offers programmes with subtitles mainly in English, including the daily soap opera for the enjoyment of some English-speaking expats. Watching TV in both languages is favoured by 55% of the heritage learners. Only 4% watch TV mainly in Portuguese and 44% resort mostly to German. Other

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50.8

School grade

% 50 6

31.3 19.1

25 23.5 25 49.2

27.1 22.9 7.5 16.7 14.2 8.6 2.1 2.1 0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.12 Language used in watching TV 4.12 Watching TV 67 languages cannot be excluded in this community, such as French, Italian, Romansh and English, which are all offered or easily accessible in the German-speaking Swiss cantons. In the case of the second language learners, the ﬁndings are not much further apart from the ones of the previous group. In fact, 46% watch TV mostly in Cape Verdean Creole against 16% that watch it mostly in Portuguese. The majority of the former are sixth graders (27.1%); the latter do so most probably because of their families’ inﬂuence. 38% admit to resorting to both languages. The TV programmes offered in Cape Verde, especially for children, are usually dubbed in Brazilian Portuguese. It is, however, important to note that there is an audience and an offer in Cape Verdean Creole.

4.13 Listening to the Radio

Listening to the radio or music is another activity one can easily engage into, in order to enhance one’s language competence. With 66% of the sample population, heritage learners tend to listen to it mainly in the host language. Only 24% listen to the radio in both languages and 10% resort mostly to the Portuguese language. The German variety or L2 is more used for listening to the radio than for watching TV among these learners. Fourth graders (9.5%), especially from late arrivals to the host country, tend to use Portuguese in this situation (Fig. 4.13). Inversely, there is a higher number of second language learners listening to the radio (45%) in both languages than watching TV (38%), although the relative fre- quencies in both activities are slightly the same in this group of children. This is so in the case of using mainly the Portuguese language, with 18% (against 16% in watching TV), and mainly Cape Verdean Creole, with 37% (against 46% in watching TV). In the case of the foreign language learners, the pattern persists without resorting to Portuguese as an additional language, using mainly Cantonese.

4.14 Shopping

After having discussed several contexts of language use that are related to the private and school domains, we will now move to the third item with focus on the public domain (Fig. 4.14). For learners that move between two countries, carrying out shopping activities in both languages (40%) does not come as a surprise, although the majority admits to doing it mainly in German, the language of the host country, in which they spend most of the year. The 2% of the sample population that admitted to doing their shopping mainly in Portuguese can be explained by the fact that either they do it in Summer 68 4 Language Use

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50.8

School grade

% 50 33.3 6

25.5 14.8

25 49.2

33.3 14.3 10 22.1 19.4

9.5 9.5 8.2

0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.13 Language used in listening to radio when they are in Portugal or the increasing number of immigrants led to the opening of several shops specialised in selling Portuguese products. These shops are usually managed and owned by Portuguese people and they are located in the main cities, like Zurich. In fact, the only child that admitted to doing the shopping mainly in Portuguese lives in Zurich. There are shops that also sell Portuguese products along with other local items in Macao, although the majority of them are owned by Chinese businessmen. However, this does not affect the foreign language learners that never use Portuguese, as they limit their communication to Cantonese or even English. 4.15 At the Doctor’s 69

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50

40.1 School grade

% 50 6 29.2

27.1 25 50

38.5

29.2 5.9

12.5 3.6 8 2.1 3.9 0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.14 Language used in shopping

4.15 At the Doctor’s

When approaching the doctor or dentist, heritage learners resort mostly to German (79%), or to both languages (17%). A very small percentage (4%) uses mainly Portuguese, most probably because they avoid going to the doctor in the host country (Fig. 4.15). Second language learners, in turn, tend to use both languages (38%), either mostly Cape Verdean Creole (28%) or mostly Portuguese (34%). A university course in Medicine, in Cape Verde, was only created in 2015, which means that physicians were getting their qualiﬁcations through a means of communication other than Cape Verdean Creole. This might explain why both languages are used and the strong presence of Portuguese. 70 4 Language Use

Another language Both languages Portuguese 100

75 50.8

47.9 School grade

% 50 6

21.3 14.5 25 49.2 14.1

31.3

10.4 19.2 17.2 13.6 6.3 4.2 0 PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL PFL PHL PSL Type of community

Fig. 4.15 Language used at the doctor’s

Foreign language learners follow the pattern shown so far of resorting only to Cantonese, although other languages might be used in this context, such as English. So much so that some of the children have English as their ﬁrst language.

4.16 Final Word

As we see, the school plays a special role in keeping a language in use, as long as a sound legislation and a set of tangible tools exist. Authority figures in school relate more to the school’s principal and not so much to the teachers. A cross-sectional analysis does not show major differences among school grades. In Macao, the public Luso-Chinese schools, whose main concept is to keep the historical tradition and heritage of the coexistence of these two cultures and languages, 4.16 Final Word 71 proves to have failed to minimally engage students in the additional language. This might as well be the case with Mandarin. On the other hand, there are no Portuguese- speaking families in this set of the sample population, which means that this part of the community is not interested in pursuing studies in a Chinese-based school system. In Cape Verde, the lack of a consistent writing system still contributes to Lusog- raphy or the usage of the Portuguese language in overall writing tasks. Yet, it is important to note that the creole language keeps gaining ground. There are, overall, three factors that seem to influence the language choice of the speakers in these contexts and at this maturity level. The first one is the age of the children’s peers. There is a clear trend to make use of the common language, i.e. the language which is common to both parties and which is usually the most spoken language in the geographical delimitations of the community, regardless of its socio- political status. This is what happens with the children’s siblings, friends and even classmates. Although the latter share the same setting as the teachers, namely the school, children do not necessarily speak the same language with their classmates as they do with their teachers. Secondly, the language management at home, within the family, also plays a major role. This means that the language reinforced at home while having dinner or while talking with each parent, or even grandparent, will also have an impact on the children’s language choice in later contexts. It is in this sense that children perceive one language, over another, to be their mother tongue. The international status of this language might help them in approaching authority figures from abroad. The impact of language choice through language management at the family level is, however, not representative in the sample population. Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge its existence. Thirdly, we have to consider authoritative figures, like elder relatives and the school’s principal. Within the school domain, the latter plays a role of particular importance, which might motivate children to use one language over another. The same happens in the private domain, with elder relatives, although this is not sustainable in the long run, for obvious reasons.

References

Oliveira, M.F., J.G. Negreiros, and A.C. Neves. 2015. Constraints of learning mathematics: a systemic historical review of the literature. Educação Pesquisa, 1023–1037. R Core Team. 2017. R: A language and environment for statistical computing. Vienna, Austria: R Foundation for Statistical Computing. Chapter 5 Language Attitudes

This chapter deals with a quantitative description of the sample population with particular attention to their families’ origin and background, their attitudes towards the first and second languages and their main motivation to attend school. In the first stage, we will shed light on the population mobility underlying these communities through the birthplaces of their parents. Following descriptive data on these communities, inferential data on the language attitude of these young children will be presented. The first section of the questionnaire was aimed mainly at gathering sociolinguistic data on the subjects of the study, such as gender, age and school grade. Another section of the questionnaire included semi-closed questions on the main reasons for children to attend school, and if they feel comfortable with or like their first and second languages, followed by an open question on the reasons why. In most of the schools, the questionnaires were administered by the class teachers, as the researcher was not allowed or advised to do so. However, this proved to be beneficial, as class teachers knew students’ backgrounds and were able to help when needed. The education department was contacted and the researcher was assigned to the schools and/or teachers involved in the study. Therefore, a convenience sample was collected from 474 young students attending the fourth and sixth grade of the compulsory school system, with ages between 9 and 15 years old, in 2003/4. In the previous school year (2002/3), out of a total of 87,843 students enrolled in primary schools, there were 31,607 students enrolled in the fourth and sixth grade in Cape Verde (MECV 2003). The same questionnaire was adapted and administered to the sample populations of the other two communities, Switzerland and Macao, in 2008 and 2011, respectively. A total of 63 young learners (of Portuguese) in three German-speaking cantons of Switzerland (in 2007/8) and 67 children in Macao (in 2010/11) participated in the study. In 2007/8, there were about 14,000 students enrolled in the Portuguese courses in Switzerland, according to information provided by the local Education Coordination, although it was not possible to determine the exact number of students enrolled in the fourth and sixth grade, particularly. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 73 A. C. Neves, Portuguese as an Additional Language, SpringerBriefs in Linguistics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33316-4_5 74 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.1 Mode and Q3 of the age of the participants in the questionnaire PSL PHL PFL Grades 4th 6th 4th 6th 4th 6th Max. 14 16 12 14 14 14 Min. 8 10 9 11 9 11 Q3 11 12 10 12 10 13 Mode 11 11 10 12 9 11

In 2010/11, there were 23,785 students enrolled in primary schools in Macao, whereas 105 students were enrolled in the fourth grade and 138 in the sixth grade of the five official primary schools (DSEJ 2015, 2010). It is worth pointing out that the total number of enrolments refers to all non-tertiary schools in Macao, which make up for a total of 67 institutions. However, only 5 primary schools are considered to be Luso-Chinese, in the sense that they are fully sponsored by the government and offer compulsory courses in both languages—Chinese (both Cantonese and Man- darin, whereas the former is the medium of instruction) and Portuguese. The data was collected from two of these Luso-Chinese schools, although four of them were contacted. For the purpose of analysis, variables such as gender, school grade and the main reasons for attending school were considered as independent variables, while children’s attitudes to both their mother tongue and the official language(s) were treated as dependent variables. Data analysis was carried out in SPSS (IBM Inc. 2012). For the characterisation of the data, we used descriptive statistics, presenting the most relevant information in the form of tables, depending on the nature and scale of measurement of the variables under study. The study of possible association between variables was made using bivariate descriptive statistics, namely the association coefficient Phi. Where relevant, statistical inference techniques were used to verify the statistical significance of the results obtained. In particular, the chi-square test of independence (that indicates whether the difference in the data is significant) and Fisher’s exact test were used, whenever the conditions of applicability of the former were not verified.1 A level of significance of 5% was considered. The differences in the target population size account for the disparity in the size of the samples. Table 5.1 shows the age distribution of the three subgroups of the sample population, taking into account the mode and the third quartile, as well as the highest and the lowest age:

1This is to say that the latter test is applied when one of the cells, on a 2 × 2 table, has less expected counts than the expected counts on the counterpart cell. On a table bigger than 2 × 2, when there is more than 20% of cells with expected count less than 5, we look at the likelihood ratio. When the level of significance is lower than 0.05, we look either into the Phi-coefficient (on a 2 × 2table)or the Cramer’s V (on a bigger table), in order to identify the strength of the statistical significance of the relationship between the variables under study. In the following cross tabulations, the missing values and non-answers account for the difference in the totals. 5 Language Attitudes 75

Although the third quartile is relatively balanced throughout all geographical groups and respective school grades, it is worth mentioning that the oldest (aged 16) as well as the youngest (aged 8) participants are a part of the Cape Verdean group.

5.1 Population Origin and Background

Second language

The sample population of CV or of Portuguese as a second language is comprised of 474 subjects from all of the nine inhabited islands, taking into account that 16 respondents did not give any information regarding their gender (Table 5.2). It is pertinent to mention that the mobility of this population can be drawn from the difference between birthplace and place of living, as depicted on Table 5.3. Taking into consideration the preceding table, the islands of Sal and Boavista are the ones showing a higher intake of external inhabitants, either from other Cape Verdean islands or from abroad. This is clearly demonstrated by the difference between the total of children living on each of these islands and the total of children who were effectively born there. In the case of Sal, there is a total number of 60 participants, 24 of which were born on Sal, whereas the remaining ones account for migrants, mostly from other islands (16 from Sao Vicente, 9 from Sao Nicolau, 6 from Santiago, one from Fogo, one from Santo Antao, and one from Maio) but also from abroad, like Angola and the Netherlands, although they were schooled in Cape Verde. In the case of Boavista, 34 out of a total of 57 subjects were born on that same island, whereas 10 come from Santiago, 4 from Sal, 3 from Sao Vicente and 2 from Fogo. Cuba, England and Italy are also represented as birthplaces in this group. A similar analysis can be applied to the birthplace of male parents: Also, in terms of the male parents’ mobility, Table 5.4 shows that there is a comparatively higher intake on the islands of: Sao Vicente, where a relatively high number of male parents come from the adjacent island of Santo Antao (13); Boavista and Maio, with a representative intake of 7 and 12 migrants, respectively, from the

Table 5.2 CV sample distribution by gender and school grade Gender * school grade cross tabulation School grade Total 4th grade 6th grade Gender Female Count 116 123 239 % within school grade 49.4 55.2 52.2 Male Count 119 100 219 % within school grade 50.6 44.8 47.8 Total Count 235 223 458 % within school grade 100.0 100.0 100.0 76 5 Language Attitudes 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 53 46 28 34 41 69 44 52 92 Total 470 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 56 61 Sao Vicente 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 43 48 Santiago 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 6 0 0 41 49 Sao Nicolau 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 0 0 40 48 Santo Antao 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 6 0 1 1 9 0 1 24 60 16 Sal 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 1 1 0 0 44 49 Maio 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 0 1 0 0 0 50 55 Fogo 4 0 1 2 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 Boavista 57 34 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 Place of living Brava 43 41 Boavista Brava Brazil Cuba England Fogo Italy Maio Netherlands Portugal Russia Sal Santiago Santo Antao Sao Nicolau Sao Vicente Saudi Arabia Ukraine Angola Sample distribution by place of birth Birthplace * place of living cross tabulation Count Birthplace Total Table 5.3 5.1 Population Origin and Background 77 4 2 1 1 3 1 4 1 17 36 59 31 43 74 56 52 66 Total 451 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 2 1 37 13 59 Sao Vicente 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 1 0 1 0 3 2 1 35 48 Santiago 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 5 0 0 42 49 Sao Nicolau 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 4 0 0 31 38 Santo Antao 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 6 0 0 3 7 15 56 20 Sal 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 31 12 48 Maio 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 1 0 0 0 48 55 Fogo 0 2 0 1 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 0 0 2 0 Boavista 55 40 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 Place of living Brava 43 35 Angola Brava Boavista Cuba Fogo France Guinea Maio Mozambique Portugal Sal Santo Antao Sao Tome and Principe Sao Nicolau Spain Santiago Sao Vicente Sample distribution by father’s place of birth Father’s birthplace * place of living crossCount tabulation Father’s birthplace Total Table 5.4 78 5 Language Attitudes adjacent island of Santiago; and the special case of Sal, where over one third of the fathers comes from Sao Nicolau. The female parents are also no strangers to population mobility, especially on the islands of Sal, Brava and Sao Vicente (Table 5.5): In the case of Brava, the island shows a higher intake of female parents born abroad—more speciﬁcally in Angola. Sal displays a different pattern with over 80% of women stemming from other islands. This is mainly due to the rapid economic growth of the island, favoured by tourism investment. Heritage language

The participants from Switzerland, having Portuguese as a heritage language, amounted to a total of 63, which turned out to be quite balanced in terms of gender, but not in terms of school year, as displayed in Table 5.6. The main reason for this has to do with the fact that there is a general tendency for these students to drop out of the Portuguese school as they get older, especially in their teenage years, as we can see in Table 3.3, in Chap. 3. Population mobility is expected in the case of guest workers in Switzerland, and the sample population reflects this as well. From a total of 60 valid answers, 14 of the respondents were born in Portugal and one in Angola. Whereas most of them come either from the North (Viana do Castelo, Porto, Vila Real) or from the Centre of Portugal (Coimbra, Viseu, Castelo Branco), only one was found to come from the South, namely, from Faro. The following tables also demonstrate the presence of one family coming from Angola. However, two thirds or 39 participants in this study were born in the host cantons of Zurich and St. Gallen. The other five respondents moved from cantons such as Bern (BE), Luzern (LU) and Valais (VS). The majority or the 44 subjects of the sample population was born in Switzerland, which accounts for three quarters of the students. Thus, sixteen out of 60 children are 1.5 generation immigrants. Curiously, seven participants did not specify exactly in which area they were born in Portugal, as we can see under Portugal unsp(ecified). This might be explained by the fact that they moved to Switzerland at a very early age, and therefore do not remember the name of the location, or simply because they do not consider that information to be relevant. There are, certainly, other possible explanations (Table 5.7). Table 5.8 lists the distribution of birthplaces of male parents from the sample population, although there is a high number of missing values. Out of a total of 35 valid answers, 32 respondents (or the majority of them) were born in Portugal. There are three exceptions to this pattern: one father comes from Angola, one was born in Italy and another one comes from the canton of Grisons (GR). The South of Portugal is represented here by the district of Beja (2). Also, there is an increased presence of places in the Centre of Portugal, when compared to the children’s birthplaces. A similar pattern is found among the places of birth of female parents. Table 5.9 shows that the majority of these parents, precisely 33, were born in Portugal, being that insular Portugal is represented by Madeira. Only one female parent was born in Angola and another one in the canton of Sankt Gallen (SG). 5.1 Population Origin and Background 79 1 2 4 1 2 1 12 25 60 34 17 45 57 47 62 70 Total 440 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 5 14 38 60 Sao Vicente 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 1 2 37 46 Santiago 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 44 49 Sao Nicolau 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 37 36 Santo Antao 2 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 6 0 5 11 54 10 17 Sal 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 6 0 1 1 34 45 Maio 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 51 55 Fogo 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 0 1 Boavista 55 45 0 0 8 3 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 Place of living Brava 25 39 Angola Brava Boavista Fogo Guinea Italy Maio Portugal Russia Sal Santo Antao São Tomé Senegal Sao Nicolau Santiago Sao Vicente Sample distribution by mother’s place of birth Mother’s birthplace * place of living crossCount tabulation Mother’s birthplace Total Table 5.5 80 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.6 CH sample distribution by gender and school grade Gender * school grade cross tabulation School grade Total 4th grade 6th grade Gender Female Count 21 10 31 % within school grade 50.0 47.6 49.2 Male Count 21 11 32 % within school grade 50.0 52.4 50.8 Total Count 42 21 63 % within school grade 100.0 100.0 100.0

As one can see, seldom do these children share the same birthplace as one of their parents, which makes them distinctive from the other two groups of the sample population. Foreign language

The sample population having Portuguese as a foreign language, in Macao, had a total of 67 participants in the study, a group that is also relatively balanced in terms of gender per school year (Table 5.10). Regarding this group of the sample population, Table 5.11 shows that over two thirds of the subjects were born and live in Macao. Only two children, and presumably also the child that indicated China without specifying where, live on the other side of the border, in Zhuhai. Due to the increasing prices of housing in Macao, there is a general trend among the population to move their residence to closest and adjacent cities on the other side of the border, in Mainland China. Furthermore, among the respondents, there are 15 who were born in Mainland China, mainly in the Province of Canton or Guangdong (Zhongshan and Zhuhai), followed by ﬁve who were born in the Philippines, and a couple from Taiwan and Thailand. Since Macao is much smaller in terms of territorial surface, we present the parents’ data taking into consideration the birthplace of their children, similarly to the proce- dure regarding Switzerland’s data. Not all participants of this study (20) were able to name the place where their male parents were born. The cultural tradition of the “mui tsai” and the related social role of women, as well as the historical background, might well account for this situation (Souza 2012, p. 33; Seabra 2007; Yuen 2004; Smith 1981). As mentioned in Chap. 2, the “mui tsai” (儿童奴役), Romanised from the Cantonese “little young sister”, were young girls between the age of four and thirteen that were borrowed for 40 years, to provide domestic help to rich families, whilst, in exchange, their own impoverished families would get ﬁnancial support. Out of a total of 37 valid answers, we can see that 10 (or less than one third) of the male parents were born in Macao. Most of these parents were born in the nearby provinces of Fujian (4) and Guangdong (8), namely, Foshan, Zhuhai or Zhongshan. The farthest territory is Xinjiang, an autonomous territory located between Mongolia 5.1 Population Origin and Background 81

Table 5.7 Place of birth according to school grade Birthplace * school grade cross tabulation School grade Total 4th grade 6th grade Birthplace Angola Count 0 1 1 % within school grade 0.0 5.0 1.7 BE Count 2 0 2 % within school grade 5.0 0.0 3.3 C. Branco Count 1 0 1 % within school grade 2.5 0.0 1.7 Coimbra Count 0 1 1 % within school grade 0.0 5.0 1.7 Faro Count 0 1 1 % within school grade 0.0 5.0 1.7 LU Count 0 1 1 % within school grade 0.0 5.0 1.7 Porto Count 1 0 1 % within school grade 2.5 0.0 1.7 Portugal unsp. Count 6 1 7 % within school grade 15.0 5.0 11.7 TG Count 0 7 7 % within school grade 0.0 35.0 11.7 V. Castel Count 0 1 1 % within school grade 0.0 5.0 1.7 V. Real Count 0 1 1 % within school grade 0.0 5.0 1.7 Viseu Count 2 0 2 % within school grade 5.0 0.0 3.3 VS Count 1 1 2 % within school grade 2.5 5.0 3.3 ZH Count 27 5 32 % within school grade 67.5 25.0 53.3 Total Count 40 20 60 % within school grade 100.0 100.0 100.0 82 5 Language Attitudes 3 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 2 1 2 6 5 1 1 Total 34 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1 1 2 1 1 ZH 13 VS 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Viseu 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 V. Real 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 V. Castel 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 TG 1 1 0 0 0 0 7 0 0 0 1 0 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Portugal unsp. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Porto 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 LU 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Faro 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Coimbra 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 C. Branco 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 BE 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 Birthplace Angola 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Angola Aveiro Beja Braga Bragança C. Branco Coimbra GR Guarda Itália Lisboa Porto Portugal unsp. Santarém V. Castel V. Real Viseu Sample distribution by father’s place of birth Father’s birthplace * birthplace cross tabulation Count Father’s birthplace Total Table 5.8 5.1 Population Origin and Background 83 4 3 1 1 4 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 3 5 2 Total 34 2 1 0 0 3 1 0 0 0 2 0 1 2 0 0 0 ZH 12 VS 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Viseu 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 1 V. Real 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 V. Castel 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 TG 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Portugal unsp. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 Porto 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 LU 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 Faro 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Coimbra 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 C. Branco 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 BE 0 0 1 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Birthplace Angola 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Angola Aveiro Beja Bragança C. Branco Coimbra Guarda Leiria Madeira Porto Setúbal TG V. Real V. Castel V. Real Viseu Sample distribution by mother’s place of birth Mother’s birthplace * birthplace cross tabulation Count Mother’s birthplace Total Table 5.9 84 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.10 Macao sample distribution by school grade and gender School grade * gender cross tabulation Gender Total Female Male School grade 4th grade Count 14 20 34 % within gender 46.7 54.1 50.7 6th grade Count 16 17 33 % within gender 53.3 45.9 49.3 Total Count 30 37 67 % within gender 100.0 100.0 100.0

Table 5.11 Place of living according to place of birth Birthplace * place of living cross tabulation Place of living Total China Macao Birthplace China Count 1 5 6 % within place of living 50.0 7.7 9.0 Guangdong Count 0 2 2 % within place of living 0.0 3.1 3.0 Hunan Count 0 1 1 % within place of living 0.0 1.5 1.5 Macao Count 1 44 45 % within place of living 50.0 67.7 67.2 Philippines Count 0 5 5 % within place of living 0.0 7.7 7.5 Shanghai Count 0 1 1 % within place of living 0.0 1.5 1.5 Taiwan Count 0 1 1 % within place of living 0.0 1.5 1.5 Thailand Count 0 1 1 % within place of living 0.0 1.5 1.5 Zhongshan Count 0 3 3 % within place of living 0.0 4.6 4.5 Zhuhai Count 0 2 2 % within place of living 0.0 3.1 3.0 Total Count 2 65 67 % within place of living 100.0 100.0 100.0 5.1 Population Origin and Background 85 1 1 1 1 5 1 3 Total 34 47 2 0 0 0 3 0 0 1 0 Zhongshan 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 Xinjiang 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 Taiwan 5 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 10 Philippines 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 11 Macao 2 0 4 0 0 0 1 0 Guangdong 1 4 0 0 4 Fujian 0 0 0 0 0 Foshan 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 0 1 0 0 0 0 2 Father’s birthplace China 12 Guangdong Macao Philippines Shanghai Taiwan Thailand Zhongshan China Children’s place of birth according to father’s place of birth Birthplace * father’s birthplace cross tabulation Count Birthplace Total Table 5.12 86 5 Language Attitudes 1 1 1 1 4 1 3 31 43 Total 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 Heyuan 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 Zhongshan 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 Guangzhou 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 Xinhun 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Guangxi 0 1 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 Thailand 2 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 Guangdong 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 Taiwan 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 Fujian 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 Foshan 0 0 6 0 0 4 0 0 0 10 Philippines 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Macao 10 10 Chongqing 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 Mother’s birthplace Hunan 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Mother’s birthplace China 8 0 6 0 0 0 0 1 1 Hunan Macao Philippines Shanghai Taiwan Thailand Zhongshan China Hunan Macao Philippines Shanghai Taiwan Thailand Zhongshan China Children’s place of birth according to mother’s place of birth Birthplace * mother’s birthplace cross tabulation Count Birthplace Total Birthplace * mother’s birthplace cross tabulation Count Birthplace Total Table 5.13 5.1 Population Origin and Background 87 and Kazakhstan. Although a further 12 of the male parents were effectively born in Mainland China, no information on the exact place was provided. Two of the children of those male parents were already born in Macao, unlike the other ten, one of which was born in Thailand (Table 5.12). Similar to the pattern of the male parents’ birthplace, 24 children were not able to name the birthplace of their mothers. Out of a total of 47 valid answers, we see that 50% (or 20 of the female parents) were born either in Macao (10) or in the Philippines (10), followed by an additional seven from Guangdong (Foshan, Zhongshan, Heyuan, Guangzhou). Fujian and Guangxi represent other nearby provinces, followed by Hebei (Xinhun) and Hunan. Another eight female parents were born in an unspeciﬁed place in Mainland China, but only two of them gave birth to their children outside of Macao (Table 5.13).

5.2 Language Attitudes

First, we wanted to know whether a general positive language attitude towards both or a single language was affected by the type of community. By type of community we mean the different contexts of the target language as a second language, a heritage language or a foreign language. These contexts presuppose a different exposure to the target language and distinct language policies. As displayed on Table 5.14, and because 20% of the cells have an expected count less than 5, with a Likelihood Ratio value of 86.356, four degrees of freedom and a significance value of 0.000, there is a high probability that these variables are associated with each other. Considering both L1 and L2 separately, a comparatively more positive attitude is developed towards the L1 among FL-learners, as shown by the Cramer’s V test, with a significance value p = 0.000 and the high positive adjusted standardised value of 9.6 in this respective cell. Inversely, it is among L2-learners that a general more positive attitude towards both languages will be stimulated. HL-learners’ opinions are statistically not significant. We then cross-tabbed the school grade variable with the dependent variable of the positive language attitude. The school grade is also closely related to the developmental stage and the age of the students (Table 5.15). A positive language attitude increases with the school grade, and the strength of this relationship is relatively strong, as demonstrated by the Phi Coefficient with p = 0.025. With a Chi-Square value of 7.402, two degrees of freedom and a p-value of 0.025, we can be 98% confident that the relationship observed in the sample also exists in its population. The adjusted standardised value of 2.5 among the fourth graders shows that chances of developing a positive attitude towards the L2 are more probable to be found in this group. With the scholastic progress, students tend to be more inclusive of both languages, revealing a general positive language attitude. As our object of study is the target language in the context of formal public education, we considered the variable of motivation or the reasons why these children go to school, in an attempt to find out whether they enjoy attending school or if this 88 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.14 General positive language attitude cross-tabbed with type of community Positive language attitude * community cross tabulation Community Total Second Heritage Foreign language language language Positive Only L1 Count 28 5 29 62 language % within 6.1 8.5 43.3 10.5 attitude community Adjusted −6.8 −0.5 9.3 residual Only L2 Count 19 2 2 23 % within 4.1 3.4 3.0 3.9 community Adjusted 0.5 −0.2 −0.4 residual Both L1 Count 415 52 36 503 and L2 % within 89.8 88.1 53.7 85.5 community Adjusted 5.7 0.6 −7.9 residual Total Count 462 59 67 588 % within 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 community Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) Pearson chi-square 86.356a 4 0.000 Likelihood ratio 59.128 4 0.000 Linear-by-linear association 66.665 1 0.000 N of valid cases 588 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi 0.383 0.000 Cramer’s V 0.271 0.000 N of valid cases 588 a2 cells (22.2%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 2.31 is carried out as a duty or obligation. It was not by chance that these questions were asked during the class of the target language, Portuguese. The reader might want to try to guess and speculate what the main reasons to attend school might be for these young learners: do they attend school mainly for pleasure, out of obligation or for a better future? Are there differences among the sample populations? 5.3 Motivation to Attend School 89

Table 5.15 General positive language attitude cross-tabbed with school grade Positive language attitude * school grade cross tabulation School grade Total 4th grade 6th grade Positive language Only L1 Count 36 26 62 attitude % within positive 58.1 41.9 100.0 language attitude Adjusted residual 0.9 −0.9 Only L2 Count 18 5 23 % within positive 78.3 21.7 100.0 language attitude Adjusted residual 2.5 −2.5 Both L1 and L2 Count 256 247 503 % within positive 50.9 49.1 100.0 language attitude Adjusted residual −2.2 2.2 Total Count 310 278 588 % within positive 52.7 47.3 100.0 language attitude Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) Pearson chi-square 7.402a 2 0.025 Likelihood ratio 7.838 2 0.020 Linear-by-linear association 2.671 1 0.102 N of valid cases 588 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi 0.112 0.025 Cramer’s V 0.112 0.025 N of valid cases 588 a0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 10.87

5.3 Motivation to Attend School

Undoubtedly, FL-Portuguese learners attend school mainly out of obligation, con- trary to what happens with SL-learners. The results show that, if there is one reason to attend school that does not apply to SL-Portuguese learners, it is to be forced to go to school. In other words, this means that SL-learners are less prone to go to school out of obligation, especially when compared to their FL-counterparts. This is drawn from the adjusted standardised values of 7.0 in the FL-group and −6.3 in the cell 90 5 Language Attitudes of the SL-group. The Cramer’s V p-value of 0.000 shows that there is a very strong relation between these two variables and a high probability that one affects the other. It would be interesting to collect similar data in other foreign language classrooms, let’s say, for instance, where English is the foreign language, to see if the results are identical, i.e. the response rate would confirm that these students attend school because it is their duty. Furthermore, language policy makers and education- alists might want to consider having core courses taught in two languages instead of offering weekly courses of a foreign language. Table 5.16 also shows that a couple of FL-students did not find a reason to attend school in the given multiple-choice answers and added another reason. One of the reasons why FL-learners go to school is to socialise or to be with their friends, as revealed by the positive adjusted value of 3.9 in this cell. It is important, nevertheless, to consider that we are talking about two completely different communities and economies, one more developed than the other. However, we should not forget that the conclusions we are drawing here are based on a correlation between these three sample groups, which means that the findings are relative to each other and only make sense taking into consideration the previously described circumstances, in which these communities function. As school grade already proved to be a relevant variable by having a relative impact on the language attitude, we also cross-tabbed this variable with the reasons to attend school (Table 5.17). In this case, the school grade proves to be a statistically significant variable, which is demonstrated by the p-value of 0.000. The adjusted residual value of 2.5 shows that fourth graders are the ones who, comparatively, tend to attend school for pleasure. We also cannot disregard the total positive answers reached among fourth graders (n = 56 against n = 93) that admitted going to school to have better future opportunities. This means that the latter is already the main reason why children in the fourth grade go to school. Once they reach the sixth grade, the number of students that go to school considering their future increases drastically to n = 169. It is interesting to see that schooling has become a duty or a job for children, not really something they can get pleasure from. It was possible to isolate the reasons to attend school, as we shown in Table 5.18. There is a relationship between gender and the students who go to school for pleasure, as indicated by the Chi-Square value of 4.724, with one degree of freedom and a p = 0.030. They are not only fourth graders, as the previous table showed, and there is a moderate probability that those students are also female. In fact, the strength of this correlation is moderate with a significance value of 0.030 in the Phi-test. The adjusted residual values are proportionally inverse, which means that, while attending school for pleasure is more probable among girls, it is at the same time less probable among the boys. The results displayed in Table 5.19, do not contradict these findings. Indeed, boys are the ones more prone to attend school out of obligation, with a positive adjusted residual of 2.2. Proportionally inverse, girls are the ones who tend to go to school not because they are forced to. This is also a moderate relationship, confirmed by the p = 0.028 in the Phi-test, because the alpha value is right between 0.00 and 0.05. 5.3 Motivation to Attend School 91

Table 5.16 Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with type of community Motivation to go to school * community cross tabulation Community Total Second Heritage Foreign language language language Motivation Mainly for Count 71 6 13 90 to go to pleasure % within 78.9 6.7 14.4 100.0 school motivation to go to school Adjusted 0.4 −1.4 0.8 residual Mainly out Count 8 5 15 28 of % within 28.6 17.9 53.6 100.0 obligation motivation to go to school Adjusted −6.3 1.2 7.0 residual Mainly for Count 199 32 31 262 abetter % within 76.0 12.2 11.8 100.0 future motivation to go to school Adjusted −0.6 0.9 0.0 residual Two or Count 144 17 4 165 more % within 87.3 10.3 2.4 100.0 reasons motivation to go to school Adjusted 3.7 −0.3 −4.5 residual Other Count 0 0 2 2 % within 0.0 0.0 100.0 100.0 motivation to go to school Adjusted −2.6 −0.5 3.9 residual Total Count 422 60 65 547 (continued) 92 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.16 (continued) Motivation to go to school * community cross tabulation Community Total Second Heritage Foreign language language language % within 77.1 11.0 11.9 100.0 motivation to go to school Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) Pearson chi-square 82.709a 8 0.000 Likelihood ratio 66.020 8 0.000 Linear-by-linear association 10.595 1 0.001 N of valid cases 547 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi 0.389 0.000 Cramer’s V 0.275 0.000 N of valid cases 547 a5 cells (33.3%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 0.22

5.4 Language Attitudes and Motivation to Attend School

Now that we identified the groups that are affecting the results, we can return to our main concern, which is the language attitude, our main dependent variable. Is there then a relationship between motivation to attend school and language attitude? Let us first consider the L1 (Table 5.20). The Likelihood Ratio with a p-value of 0.000 shows that there is indeed a relationship between these two variables, and the Phi-coefficient with a p = 0.000 confirms that correlation is strong. Taking a closer look at the table, we can identify the groups that contribute to this relationship, by spotting the highest positive and the lowest negative adjusted residual values of 4.7 and −4.7. As these are respectively higher than 1.96 and lower than −1.96, they are indicative of the groups having an impact on this relationship. This means that children that attend school for a better future are comparatively more prone to develop a positive attitude towards their L1. Table 5.21 shows whether the same can be said about the L2. Here, there is also a strong relationship between these two variables. The main reason for attending school that affects the attitude towards the L2 is when children do it out of obligation. Chances are that, in these cases, a negative attitude towards the L2 emerges, as the positive adjusted residual value of 4.6 shows 5.4 Language Attitudes and Motivation to Attend School 93

Table 5.17 Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with school grade Motivation to go to school * school grade cross tabulation School grade Total 4th grade 6th grade Motivation to go to Mainly for pleasure Count 56 34 90 school % within motivation 62.2 37.8 100.0 to go to school Adjusted residual 2.5 −2.5 Mainly out of Count 13 15 28 obligation % within motivation 46.4 53.6 100.0 to go to school Adjusted residual −0.4 0.4 Mainly for a better Count 93 169 262 future % within motivation 35.5 64.5 100.0 to go to school Adjusted residual −6.6 6.6 Two or more Count 112 53 165 reasons % within motivation 67.9 32.1 100.0 to go to school Adjusted residual 5.4 −5.4 Other Count 1 1 2 % within motivation 50.0 50.0 100.0 to go to school Adjusted residual 0.0 0.0 Total Count 275 272 547 % within motivation 50.3 49.7 100.0 to go to school Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) Pearson chi-square 48.648a 4 0.000 Likelihood ratio 49.496 4 0.000 Linear-by-linear association 0.530 1 0.467 N of valid cases 547 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi 0.298 0.000 Cramer’s V 0.298 0.000 N of valid cases 547 a2 cells (20.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 0.99 94 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.18 Attending school for pleasure cross-tabbed with gender Attending school for pleasure * gender cross tabulation Gender Total Female Male Attending school for pleasure Yes Count 133 99 232 % within gender 48.0 38.7 43.5 Adjusted residual 2.2 −2.2 No Count 144 157 301 % within gender 52.0 61.3 56.5 Adjusted residual −2.2 2.2 Total Count 277 256 533 % within gender 100.0 100.0 100.0 Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. Exact Sig. Exact Sig. (2-sided) (2-sided) (1-sided) Pearson 4.724a 1 0.030 chi-square Continuity 4.352 1 0.037 correctionb Likelihood ratio 4.735 1 0.030 Fisher’s exact test 0.036 0.018 Linear-by-linear 4.715 1 0.030 association N of valid cases 533 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi 0.094 0.030 Cramer’s V 0.094 0.030 N of valid cases 533 a0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 111.43 bComputed only for a 2 × 2table in the respective cell. There is a signiﬁcant correlation between a negative attitude towards the L2 and students being forced to go to school. Table 5.22 conﬁrms the previously mentioned results by considering a potential relationship between motivation to go to school and a general positive attitude towards both languages. 5.4 Language Attitudes and Motivation to Attend School 95

Table 5.19 Attending school out of obligation cross-tabbed with gender Attending school out of obligation * gender crosstabulation Gender Total Female Male Attending school out of Yes Count 25 39 64 obligation % within gender 9.0 15.2 12.0 Adjusted residual −2.2 2.2 No Count 252 217 469 % within gender 91.0 84.8 88.0 Adjusted residual 2.2 −2.2 Total Count 277 256 533 % within gender 100.0 100.0 100.0 Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. Exact Sig. Exact Sig. (2-sided) (2-sided) (1-sided) Pearson 4.855a 1 0.028 chi-square Continuity 4.285 1 0.038 correctionb Likelihood ratio 4.874 1 0.027 Fisher’s exact test 0.033 0.019 Linear-by-linear 4.845 1 0.028 association N of valid cases 533 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi −0.095 0.028 Cramer’s V 0.095 0.028 N of valid cases 533 a0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 30.74 bComputed only for a 2 × 2table

Here, we can also verify a strong relationship between the two variables in question, which is conveyed by a p-value of 0.000 of the Likelihood Ratio and the Cramer’s V test. The category affecting the data is the reason that concerns attending school out of obligation, as one can see from its cross-tabbed adjusted standardised residual values. With a residual value of 4.3, there is a high probability of students developing a more positive attitude towards the L1, if they feel they are obligated to 96 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.20 Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with attitude towards L1 Motivation to go to school * attitude towards L1 cross tabulation Attitude towards Total L1 Positive Negative Motivation to go Mainly for Count 83 5 88 to school pleasure % within 94.3 5.7 100.0 motivation to go to school Adjusted residual −0.3 0.3 Mainly out of Count 26 2 28 obligation % within 92.9 7.1 100.0 motivation to go to school Adjusted residual −0.5 0.5 Mainly for a better Count 260 1 261 future % within 99.6 0.4 100.0 Motivation to go to school Adjusted residual 4.7 −4.7 Two or more Count 145 19 164 reasons % within 88.4% 11.6% 100.0% motivation to go to school Adjusted residual −4.7 4.7 Other Count 2 0 2 % within 100.0 0.0 100.0 motivation to go to school Adjusted residual 0.3 −0.3 Total Count 516 27 543 % within 95.0 5.0 100.0 motivation to go to school Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) Pearson chi-square 27.289a 4 0.000 Likelihood ratio 31.164 4 0.000 Linear-by-linear association 2.970 1 0.085 N of valid cases 543 (continued) 5.4 Language Attitudes and Motivation to Attend School 97

Table 5.20 (continued) Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi 0.224 0.000 Cramer’s V 0.224 0.000 N of valid cases 543 a4 cells (40.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 0.10 go to school. Or, the other way around: the chances of students developing a positive attitude towards both languages will be significantly lower among students who are forced to go to school. On the other hand, going to school for a better future, with an adjusted residual value of −4.3, will increase the chances of not having a positive attitude only towards the L2. In fact, it rather stimulates a positive attitude towards both languages. If this is so, this means that attending school for a better future might be positively correlated with a positive attitude towards the L2. The Pearson Chi-Square test with a p-value of 0.006 in Table 5.23 shows that these two variables are indeed associated with each other, meaning that going to school for a better future will reinforce a positive attitude towards the L2. The Phi-test with a p-value of 0.006 confirms that we can be over 99% confident that the relationship observed in the sample also exists in its population. We might then wonder whether this means that attending school for pleasure has consequently no impact on a positive attitude towards the L2. Table 5.24 reveals that, at this age, attending school for pleasure increases the chances of having a positive attitude towards the L2, just as the residual values of 3.1 show. Reversely, not enjoying going to school will most probably account for a negative attitude towards the L2, the official language. Undoubtedly, there is a relationship between these two variables: enjoying going to school and a positive attitude towards the L2. This is proven by both p-values of 0.002 in the Chi-Square and in the Phi Coefficient, meaning that the probability of this being so is extremely high, not only in the sample population but also in the target population in general. Inversely, we could ask whether the attitude towards the L2 is affected by attending school out of obligation (Table 5.25). The chances of having a negative attitude towards the L2 increase if students go to school out of obligation, since the value of the adjusted residual in this cell is higher than 1.96 and proportionally inverse in the reversed situation. The p-value of 00.018 in the Pearson’s Chi-Square test demonstrates that there is a relationship between these two variables. This is a strong relationship, as shown by the same p-value in the Phi-test. In other words, there is a 98% probability that a student of this age group that likes going to school positively accepts the L2. 98 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.21 Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with attitude towards L2 Motivation to go to school * attitude towards LO or L2 cross tabulation Attitude towards Total LO or L2 Positive Negative Motivation to go Mainly for Count 80 9 89 to school pleasure % within 89.9 10.1 100.0 motivation to go to school Adjusted residual 0.0 0.0 Mainly out of Count 18 10 28 obligation % within 64.3 35.7 100.0 motivation to go to school Adjusted residual −4.6 4.6 Mainly for a better Count 231 29 260 future % within 88.8 11.2 100.0 motivation to go to school Adjusted residual −0.7 0.7 Two or more Count 157 6 163 reasons % within 96.3 3.7 100.0 motivation to go to school Adjusted residual 3.3 −3.3 Other Count 1 1 2 % within 50.0 50.0 100.0 motivation to go to school Adjusted residual −1.9 1.9 Total Count 487 55 542 % within 89.9% 10.1% 100.0% motivation to go to school Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) Pearson chi-square 31.321a 4 0.000 Likelihood ratio 25.064 4 0.000 Linear-by-linear association 5.102 1 0.024 N of valid cases 542 (continued) 5.4 Language Attitudes and Motivation to Attend School 99

Table 5.21 (continued) Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi 0.240 0.000 Cramer’s V 0.240 0.000 N of valid cases 542 a3 cells (30.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 0.20

This takes us to the next research question: Is the attitude towards the L1 affected by attending school for pleasure? (Table 5.26). The ones who go to school for pleasure are prone to develop a comparatively more negative attitude towards the L1 and vice versa. The result of the Phi-test with a signiﬁcance value of 0.000 shows that the probability of these two variables being related is very high or 100%.

5.5 Final Word

Curiously, the HL-sample of the population is the one that least affects the statistical results regarding both the language attitude and the learning motivation. This is also the group more naturally exposed to the target language, remaining in contact with it both in school and at home. In contrast, the SL and FL-learners affect the results inversely. The probability of having a general positive attitude (both towards L1 and L2) increases if students study the target language as SL as they move up in school grade. This is understandable because, as children grow, they start to see the beneﬁts of both languages. There is enough evidence to state that a positive attitude towards the L2 is correlated with going to school for a better future or for pleasure. However, the probability of going to school for pleasure is higher among fourth graders and females, and is more likely to lead to a comparatively more negative attitude towards the L1. Reversely, going to school out of obligation is more probable among male students. This is more likely to occur together with a negative attitude towards the L2. 100 5 Language Attitudes 100.0 2 541 Total 27 164 261 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 87 (continued) 3.6 0.1 1.5 86.1 Both L1 and L2 1 466 0.4 − 1.5 − − 17 141 231 87.4 63.0 88.5 86.0 50.0 76 0.1 4.3 0.3 4.3 Only L2 0 23 0.2 − − 4.6 − 17 1 1 4.6 3.7 0.4 10.4 0.0 4 0.5 3.1 Positive language attitude Only L1 9.6 1 52 − 4.3 1.1 − 1.9 6 9 29 8.0 33.3 11.1 3.7 50.0 7 % within motivation to go to school Adjusted residual % within motivation to go to school Adjusted residual % within motivation to go to school Adjusted residual % within motivation to go to school Adjusted residual % within motivation to go to school Adjusted residual % within Motivation to goschool to Count Count Count Count Count Count Mainly out of obligation Mainly for a better future Two or more reasons Other Mainly for pleasure Motivation to attend school cross-tabbed with general positive language attitude Motivation to go to school * positive language attitude cross tabulation Motivation to go to school Total Table 5.22 5.5 Final Word 101 Approx. Sig. 0.000 0.000 0.000 Asymp. Sig. (2-sided) 0.000 0.317 Value 0.219 541 0.310 8 df 8 1 a Value 48.250 541 51.990 1.001 Cramer’s V Phi (continued) Chi-square tests Pearson chi-square Likelihood ratio Linear-by-linear association N of valid cases Symmetric measures Nominal by nominal N of valid cases 6 cells (40.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 0.09 Table 5.22 a 102 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.23 Attending school for a better future cross-tabbed with L2 language attitude Attending school for a better future * attitude towards LO or L2 cross tabulation Attitude towards Total LO or L2 Positive Negative Attending school for a Yes Count 388 35 423 better future % within attitude towards 79.7 63.6 78.0 LO or L2 Adjusted residual 2.7 −2.7 No Count 99 20 119 % within attitude towards 20.3 36.4 22.0 LO or L2 Adjusted residual −2.7 2.7 Total Count 487 55 542 % within attitude towards 100.0 100.0 100.0 LO or L2 Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. Exact Sig. Exact Sig. (2-sided) (2-sided) (1-sided) Pearson 7.416a 1 0.006 chi-square Continuity 6.509 1 0.011 correctionb Likelihood ratio 6.662 1 0.010 Fisher’s exact test 0.010 0.007 Linear-by-linear 7.402 1 0.007 association N of valid cases 542 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi 0.117 0.006 Cramer’s V 0.117 0.006 N of valid cases 542 a0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 12.08 bComputed only for a 2 × 2table 5.5 Final Word 103

Table 5.24 Attending school for pleasure cross-tabbed with L2 language attitude Attending school for pleasure * attitude towards LO or L2 cross tabulation Attitude towards Total LO or L2 Positive Negative Attending school for Yes Count 220 13 233 pleasure % within attitude towards 45.2 23.6 43.0 LO or L2 Adjusted residual 3.1 −3.1 No Count 267 42 309 % within attitude towards 54.8 76.4 57.0 LO or L2 Adjusted residual −3.1 3.1 Total Count 487 55 542 % within attitude towards 100.0 100.0 100.0 LO or L2 Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. Exact Sig. Exact Sig. (2-sided) (2-sided) (1-sided) Pearson 9.354a 1 0.002 chi-square Continuity 8.496 1 0.004 correctionb Likelihood ratio 9.943 1 0.002 Fisher’s exact test 0.002 0.001 Linear-by-linear 9.337 1 0.002 association N of valid cases 542 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi 0.131 0.002 Cramer’s V 0.131 0.002 N of valid cases 542 a0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 23.64 bComputed only for a 2 × 2table 104 5 Language Attitudes

Table 5.25 Attending School out of obligation cross-tabbed with L2 language attitude Attending school out of obligation * attitude towards LO or L2 cross tabulation Attitude towards Total LO or L2 Positive Negative Attending school out of Yes Count 53 12 65 obligation % within attitude towards 10.9 21.8 12.0 LO or L2 Adjusted residual −2.4 2.4 No Count 434 43 477 % within attitude towards 89.1 78.2 88.0 LO or L2 Adjusted residual 2.4 −2.4 Total Count 487 55 542 % within attitude towards 100.0 100.0 100.0 LO or L2 Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. Exact Sig. Exact Sig. (2-sided) (2-sided) (1-sided) Pearson 5.599a 1 0.018 chi-square Continuity 4.611 1 0.032 correctionb Likelihood ratio 4.766 1 0.029 Fisher’s exact test 0.027 0.021 Linear-by-linear 5.589 1 0.018 association N of valid cases 542 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi −0.102 0.018 Cramer’s V 0.102 0.018 N of valid cases 542 a0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 6.60 bComputed only for a 2 × 2table 5.5 Final Word 105

Table 5.26 Attending school for pleasure cross-tabbed with L1 language attitude Attending school for pleasure * attitude towards L1 cross tabulation Attitude towards Total L1 Positive Negative Attending school for Yes Count 209 24 233 pleasure % within attitude towards 40.5 88.9 42.9 L1 Adjusted residual −5.0 5.0 No Count 307 3 310 % within attitude towards 59.5 11.1 57.1 L1 Adjusted residual 5.0 −5.0 Total Count 516 27 543 % within attitude towards 100.0 100.0 100.0 L1 Chi-square tests Value df Asymp. Sig. Exact Sig. Exact Sig. (2-sided) (2-sided) (1-sided) Pearson 24.520a 1 0.000 chi-square Continuity 22.584 1 0.000 correctionb Likelihood ratio 26.363 1 0.000 Fisher’s exact test 0.000 0.000 Linear-by-linear 24.475 1 0.000 association N of valid cases 543 Symmetric measures Value Approx. Sig. Nominal by nominal Phi −0.212 0.000 Cramer’s V 0.212 0.000 N of valid cases 543 a0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 11.59 bComputed only for a 2 × 2table 106 5 Language Attitudes

References

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We started by arguing that dichotomous taxonomies such as the one of first and second language and the one comprised in the term of diglossia are, in fact, operational terms that do not serve a bilingual model, in which the distinction of the named languages is not relevant for the bilingual speaker that sees all languages as different tools of which his language repertoire is made of, building up rather a continuum. While looking into how those communities came into being historically, it was clear that the field of second language studies is a relatively recent one in the Portuguese-speaking world, that took place after the political independence of most of its countries in the middle of the 1970s and with the more recent migratory movements into those countries but also into Portugal. As we saw, language contact has been the object of study of several disciplines having different viewpoints though, ranging from creolistics to psycholinguistics. The conceptualization of a target language as an object of study, from a hermeneutic point of view, has determined in the course of time the scientific methodologies and the role of transfer. The object of study described in this book is located in a convergent point of theories and methodologies, avoiding the analysis of individual participants as most studies of a foreign language do or highly structured elicitation techniques. The presence of Portuguese as an additional language presupposes that: (1) the target language is Portuguese; (2) the target language enjoys some socio-political significance in the territories in question; (3) there is a context of interculturality in which different cultures relate to each other; (4) there is a need for keeping a bond to the Portuguese world in the sense that these communities are defined not by what they are but by what they are not, namely Portuguese, which is one form of identity assertion. Our object of study is complex not only in its nature but also in the numerous variables involved and whose delimitation is at least challenging. If we consider alone the linguistic background of the participants in this study, there is evidence for a population mobility that is not limited to population movements within the local borders. Further, the population mobility is not limited to the immediate geographical local borders either, becoming more and more inter-continental, as we could see with

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 107 A. C. Neves, Portuguese as an Additional Language, SpringerBriefs in Linguistics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33316-4 108 Final Considerations children in Cape Verde having parents from Italy or Russia, and the presence of an Angolan family in the Swiss sample. In the case of Macao, there are also intercontinental movements that are not evidenced in our population sample, due to the fact that we focussed only on a fringe of the local school system, namely the public one, which is by far much more diversified in its private schools. This means that these Luso-Chinese public schools serve very specific local needs. Still, the number of potentially involved languages, as well as cultures, that could be tracked apart from the co-existing L1 and L2 are numerous: Russian, Italian and other African languages in the case of Cape Verde, Italian in the case of Switzerland and Thai, Tagalog and other Chinese varieties in the case of Macao. Certainly, this is just a small beam of the multilingual light ray a learner is exposed to, not to mention other forms of exposure such as the social media. Population mobility is a feature well present in all groups of the sample population historically and currently. Some of the islands in Cape Verde are a major inbound source of workforce (Sal, Boavista, Sao Vicente and Santiago) which affects in average 20% of the local population of the older generation, i.e., the parents. Should this trend be reinforced, the chances of dissipating the differences among the varieties of the Cape Verdean language would be higher, because people would mingle and so would the local language varieties. On the other hand, the fact that populational mobility is higher among parents, we can assume that Cape Verdeans tend to settle down once they have children. Similarly, two thirds of the children in the Swiss case study were already born in the host country, although their parents come mainly from the north and centre of Portugal. In the case of Macao, the neighbouring provinces, such as Guangdong and Fujian feed the local workforce needs, followed by occasional cases from other provinces. But, so do the Philippines in Macao, Italy in the case of Switzerland, and Angola and Sao Tome and Principe in the case of Cape Verde. About 4% of the children in Cape Verde were born overseas, mostly in one of the main destination countries for Cape Verdean emigrants. And two or 3% of the sample population in Switzerland has a parent born in the host country or surroundings. Overall, less than 1% of the Filipino and Cape Verdean families choose to use deliberately an international language as home language. Other than that, parents reinforce the usage of the first language(s), which is, in this case, the languages of at least one parent. In Macao, 33% of the children were born outside and around 10% overseas (Philip- pines, Thailand, Taiwan). These numbers are comparatively higher. Female participants stand out and so does the background of the female parents affecting mainly children’s motivation to go to school. The female gender keeps playing a major societal role, like it did in the past of two of the communities in question. One feature is common to all the groups: going to school is a way to guarantee a better future, especially as the pupils move to an upper school grade. This means that schools have the very particular function of socialisation and social integration, especially in the job market. The curriculum should consider this. However, it is the school principal that reinforces the use of the local official language. The teachers, in turn, tend to follow the trend set by families of using the first language when this is the language of the majority, or the common language, and also at least one of the Final Considerations 109 official languages (Cantonese and Cape Verdean Creole). The paradox lies in the fact that children are supposed to have opportunities to practice the additional language, and these first-hand opportunities are represented by the teachers, but this does not seem to apply, especially outside the classroom. Although there is nothing against the usage of the contrasting language, it will be counterproductive in the long run if strategies like translanguaging are not put to use. Explicit language policy exists at the macro-level but this does not necessarily affect the education sector as long as the language in question is a choice and is not reinforced by sound curricular guidelines. This seems to be a relatively neglected sector or at least a sector whose importance is not acknowledged by the official bodies. This is supported by the lack of language acquisition planning, by means of which the authorities in charge can decide exactly which lexemes and grammar structures the pupils are supposed to learn. In most of the cases, this is a decision of the teacher, which turns the teachers into powerful decision-makers, tools and agents of language policy, without having ever received instructions to do so, or guidelines on how to do it or even continuing education courses, in which they learn can learn about and discuss such issues. This applies to both language teachers and in particular content teachers, too. On the other hand, the curricula are the element in language policy that cannot be assigned to a specific analysis level, because as we saw the curricula can make part of the macro, meso or microlevel. This can better be demonstrated by what is going on in Macao. The lack of a standard curriculum makes the Macao education system one of the most diversified. Resources allocation is also an essential component of language policy and one of the most significant resources are the teachers themselves. The possibility that their pupils will one day be assuming their position should not be taken slightly. Having a couple of lessons per week of a language that is imposed and not chosen does not seem to contribute positively to the learning, unless students see the meaningfulness of learning it, for instance, when it is needed for employment purposes. If this does not happen, children will feel forced to go to school and therefore be more protective of their L1, as they associate school to L2. It is important to emphasize that the additional language as described here has a particular status in its communities. It is and it should be conveyed through different sources, including content teachers and family members. Beyond that, it ought to have its presence in the linguistic landscape of the school because this is the place par excellence where all languages of the community coexist on a daily basis. These are school systems in which the additional language got into through populational mobility. The language would, otherwise, not be represented in these systems. Keeping the additional language here is a way of giving power to it and promoting bilingualism, but well-thought practices, tools and policies, especially at the meso- level, have to be considered for the advantages of the language to be acknowledged by the population and for its presence in the school system not to become a mere proforma. Learning an additional language is a right, not an obligation.