Blunts and Blowt Jes: Cannabis Use Practices in Two Cultural Settings

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Blunts and Blowt Jes: Cannabis Use Practices in Two Cultural Settings Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 3 BLUNTS AND BLOWTJES: CANNABIS USE PRACTICES IN TWO CULTURAL SETTINGS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SECONDARY PREVENTION Stephen J. Sifaneck, Institute for Special Populations Research, National Development & Research Institutes, Inc. Charles D. Kaplan, Limburg University, Maastricht, The Netherlands. Eloise Dunlap, Institute for Special Populations Research, NDRI. and Bruce D. Johnson, Institute for Special Populations Research, NDRI. ABSTRACT Thi s paper explores two modes of cannabis preparati on and smoking whic h have manifested within the dru g subcultures of th e United States and the Netherlan ds. Smoking "blunts," or hollowed out cigar wrappers fill ed wi th marijuana, is a phenomenon whi ch fi rst emerged in New York Ci ty in the mid 1980s, and has since spread throughout th e United States. A "bl owtj e," (pronounced "blowt-cha") a modern Dutch style j oint whi ch is mixed with tobacco and in cludes a card-board fi lte r and a longer rolling paper, has become th e standard mode of cannabis smoking in the Netherl ands as well as much of Europe. Both are consid ered newer than the more traditi onal practi ces of preparin g and smoking cannabis, including the traditional fi lter-less style joint, the pot pipe, an d the bong or water pipe. These newer styles of preparati on and smoking have implications for secondary preventi on efforts wi th ac tive youn g cannabis users. On a social and ritualistic level th ese practices serve as a means of self-regulating cannabi s use. Since both smoking modes in vol ve combining cannabis wi th tobacco, they also increase and compound the health risks posed to th e user. INTRODUCTION consistent with its specific policy on cannabis Over the last the ten years the use of can­ and its general commitment to harm reduc­ nabis in the United States and the Nether­ tion. Prevention is aimed at tightening up the lands has remained consistently more prev­ regulations governing the coffeeshop sys­ alent among youth and young adults than it tem-where the retail sales of marijuana and was throughout the 1980s (Johnston, O'Mal­ hashish are tolerated and health education ley & Bachman 1999; Golub & Johnson 2001; efforts targeted at the problematic cannabis Kerf & van der Steenhoven 1993; Cohen & use of youth. The intention of separating hard Kaal 2001 ). National and local government (heroin, cocaine, amphetamine) and soft agencies have been addressing this trend (marijuana, hashish) drug markets, by toler­ with traditional methods of prevention sup­ ating the retail sale of cannabis in coffee­ ported by new messages which utilize dif­ shops is to prevent young cannabis users ferent forms of media and focus specifically who are experimenting with cannabis from on marijuana. The dangers of marijuana are using more dangerous drugs. In the Nether­ vigorously highlighted in order to discourage lands, the harm reduction approach to canna­ new users and to persuade current users to bis can be compared to the work done on cease using. "Primary prevention" strategies controlled drinking and risk reduction among consistent with the values of a drug-free so­ youth in the United States (Marlatt, Baer & ciety continue to characterize the American Larimer 1995). response (Cohen 1993; Botvin 1990). Scar­ This diverse array of prevention efforts, ing youths away from drugs by illustrating developed in two different cultural and politi­ their dangers and negative outcomes, and cal settings, have been largely uninformed the 'responsible' choice of completely avoid­ by research of the new and emerging groups ing illicit drugs, are the reoccurring themes of cannabis users which seem to be account­ in the television and newspaper advertise­ ing for the increase in reported prevalence ments developed by the Partnership for a over the last decade. For the most part, can­ Drug-Free America. The Center for Sub­ nabis users are typically all lumped into a stance Abuse Prevention (CSAP) articulates single youthful category that does not differ­ "The term 'prevention' is reserved for those entiate from the groups that began smoking interventions that occur before the initial on­ cannabis more then a generation earlier in set of the disorder" (Center for Substance the 1960s. American prevention efforts have Abuse Prevention 1995). In the Netherlands, undervalued the role of changing social where the epidemiological trend regarding meanings of cannabis and related use prac­ marijuana is similar, prevention efforts are tices in the groups that are already using it. 4 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology This paper analyzes these newly emerged logical research . In the 1970s focus shifted meanings in two contrasting social and policy from subcultures largely defined by specific contexts, the United States (US) and the Neth­ artistic scenes (Winick 1960; Becker 1963), erlands (NL). These analyses are extremely to subcultures defined by the use and sales valuable for the development of future pre­ of specific drugs (Johnson 1973). Primary vention strategies. Without a more thorough deviance like drug experimentation, was hy­ understanding of these meanings and use pothesized only to lead to secondary devi­ practices, it is likely that prevention efforts ance (drug dealing , use of hard drugs) if a will be misunderstood, ignored, or even in­ person became a participant in a drug using crease use through heightening the anxiety subculture through selling drugs. Users who and cognitive dissonance already associated get involved in heavy use subsequently get with cannabis. Furthermore, related to these involved in dealing to support their habits meanings are specific ritualized practices (Johnson 1973; Wood 1988; Sifaneck 1996). that function to regulate use. Hence, the de­ After involvement in drug dealing, users may scription and analysis of these rituals can develop connections with hard drugs. Sub­ also contribute to "secondary prevention" by cultures and the behavior of drug dealing identifying naturally occurring customs of so­ were theorized to be the intervening variables cial control which create acceptable norms in the progression of deviant behavior (John­ of use and strengthen self-regulation. These son 1973 ). Later in the 1970s, investigations practices provide opportunities for preven­ into the subculture of Rastafarianism pro­ tion work that is not only aimed at abstinence vided an opportunity to explore a context not (primary prevention), but, also, secondary only where cannabis is used, but where it is prevention, with the intent of reducing the truly sacred and endowed with meaning and harm associated with the use of cannabis significance (Hebdige 1979). with active users. Beck and Rosenbaum's (1994) seminal study of MDMA (ecstasy) use recognized the Generators of Meaning and Practices: often blurred lines between drugs defined in Artistic, Drug, and Sacred Subcultures in subcultures and the relationship of these the Last 50 Years meanings to the larger popular culture. Beck One factor for the recent international pop­ and Rosenbaum articulate: ularity of cannabis has been the emerging youth subcultures of the 1980s and 1990s Insulated well-defined subcultures gave which rejected the polarization between "just way to larger more amorphous "social say no" youth and cocaine using youth. Spe­ worlds" of illicit drug users ....We now had cifically Hip-Hop and Rastafarianism (re)­ user populations whose identities were emerged embracing cannabis as their pri­ substantially shaped and informed by mass mary, and often exclusive, drug of choice, but communication and the media. (1994) with meanings and rituals that distinguish them from earlier cannabis using subcul­ In a fast paced, information laden, post-mod­ tures (Sifaneck & Kaplan 1995). Popular cul­ ern world , subcultural practices are co-opted, ture is also portraying today's cannabis us­ marketed, and quickly adopted by the popu­ ers as trend setters in the social world of lar culture. For instance, Hip-Hop and Rasta­ illicit drug taking. A number of cover articles farian styles of hair and dress are replicated about cannabis users of the 1990s have ap­ and adopted by persons who are clearly out­ peared, including the New York Times Maga­ side the subculture. This happens when sub­ zine (1995), the Village Voice (1993), Paper cultural art forms (rap, graffiti, reggae) get (1994), and the Face (1994). Feature films marketed through the mass media to a larger including "Friday," (1995) and "Kids" (1995) audience. To a lesser extent, this is also true have illustratively depicted the lifestyles of for subcultural drug use practices. This will these new cannabis users. Even though later be exemplified by the practice of blunt these new cannabis subcultures borrow ritu­ smoking. als and technologies from previous drug subcultures, some of the innovations are uni­ METHODS que. Ethnographic research is extremely valu­ The relationship between cannabis use able for understanding both the subcultural and subcultures has a long tradition in socio- features, and the ritualized use practices of Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 5 cannabis in natural settings. Ethnography is the American "blunt" and the Dutch "blowtje." also an important tool for specifying the con­ A blunt is a hollowed out cheap cigar filled texts of illicit drug use. For example, there is with marijuana, and a blowtje is a modern a growing tradition of HIV/AIDS-related ethno­ Dutch style joint which is mixed with tobacco, graphic research which has been able to and is constructed with a large rolling paper identify practices that both contribute to and and a cardboard filter. impede efforts of a subculture to self-regu­ A comprehensive ethnographic approach late in the interest of harm reduction (Grund, is an appropriate methodology for this cross­ Kaplan & De Vries 1993). By relating canna­ cultural investigation into the subcultural in­ bis smoking to the broader context of drug fluences which provide contexts for distinct use, strategies for secondary prevention and cannabis smoking practices in two different intervention can be identified, developed, and modern Western cultures.
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