Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 3 BLUNTS AND BLOWTJES: CANNABIS USE PRACTICES IN TWO CULTURAL SETTINGS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR SECONDARY PREVENTION

Stephen J. Sifaneck, Institute for Special Populations Research, National Development & Research Institutes, Inc. Charles D. Kaplan, Limburg University, Maastricht, The Netherlands. Eloise Dunlap, Institute for Special Populations Research, NDRI. and Bruce D. Johnson, Institute for Special Populations Research, NDRI.

ABSTRACT Thi s paper explores two modes of cannabis preparati on and smoking whic h have manifested within the dru g subcultures of th e United States and the Netherlan ds. Smoking "blunts," or hollowed out cigar wrappers fill ed wi th marijuana, is a phenomenon whi ch fi rst emerged in New York Ci ty in the mid 1980s, and has since spread throughout th e United States. A "bl owtj e," (pronounced "blowt-cha") a modern Dutch style j oint whi ch is mixed with tobacco and in cludes a card-board fi lte r and a longer rolling paper, has become th e standard mode of cannabis smoking in the Netherl ands as well as much of Europe. Both are consid ered newer than the more traditi onal practi ces of preparin g and smoking cannabis, including the traditional fi lter-less style joint, the pot pipe, an d the bong or water pipe. These newer styles of preparati on and smoking have implications for secondary preventi on efforts wi th ac tive youn g cannabis users. On a social and ritualistic level th ese practices serve as a means of self-regulating cannabi s use. Since both smoking modes in vol ve combining cannabis wi th tobacco, they also increase and compound the health risks posed to th e user. INTRODUCTION consistent with its specific policy on cannabis Over the last the ten years the use of can­ and its general commitment to harm reduc­ nabis in the United States and the Nether­ tion. Prevention is aimed at tightening up the lands has remained consistently more prev­ regulations governing the coffeeshop sys­ alent among youth and young adults than it tem-where the retail sales of marijuana and was throughout the 1980s (Johnston, O'Mal­ hashish are tolerated and health education ley & Bachman 1999; Golub & Johnson 2001; efforts targeted at the problematic cannabis Kerf & van der Steenhoven 1993; Cohen & use of youth. The intention of separating hard Kaal 2001 ). National and local government (heroin, cocaine, amphetamine) and soft agencies have been addressing this trend (marijuana, hashish) drug markets, by toler­ with traditional methods of prevention sup­ ating the retail sale of cannabis in coffee­ ported by new messages which utilize dif­ shops is to prevent young cannabis users ferent forms of media and focus specifically who are experimenting with cannabis from on marijuana. The dangers of marijuana are using more dangerous drugs. In the Nether­ vigorously highlighted in order to discourage lands, the harm reduction approach to canna­ new users and to persuade current users to bis can be compared to the work done on cease using. "Primary prevention" strategies controlled drinking and risk reduction among consistent with the values of a drug-free so­ youth in the United States (Marlatt, Baer & ciety continue to characterize the American Larimer 1995). response (Cohen 1993; Botvin 1990). Scar­ This diverse array of prevention efforts, ing youths away from drugs by illustrating developed in two different cultural and politi­ their dangers and negative outcomes, and cal settings, have been largely uninformed the 'responsible' choice of completely avoid­ by research of the new and emerging groups ing illicit drugs, are the reoccurring themes of cannabis users which seem to be account­ in the television and newspaper advertise­ ing for the increase in reported prevalence ments developed by the Partnership for a over the last decade. For the most part, can­ Drug-Free America. The Center for Sub­ nabis users are typically all lumped into a stance Abuse Prevention (CSAP) articulates single youthful category that does not differ­ "The term 'prevention' is reserved for those entiate from the groups that began smoking interventions that occur before the initial on­ cannabis more then a generation earlier in set of the disorder" (Center for Substance the 1960s. American prevention efforts have Abuse Prevention 1995). In the Netherlands, undervalued the role of changing social where the epidemiological trend regarding meanings of cannabis and related use prac­ marijuana is similar, prevention efforts are tices in the groups that are already using it. 4 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

This paper analyzes these newly emerged logical research . In the 1970s focus shifted meanings in two contrasting social and policy from subcultures largely defined by specific contexts, the United States (US) and the Neth­ artistic scenes (Winick 1960; Becker 1963), erlands (NL). These analyses are extremely to subcultures defined by the use and sales valuable for the development of future pre­ of specific drugs (Johnson 1973). Primary vention strategies. Without a more thorough deviance like drug experimentation, was hy­ understanding of these meanings and use pothesized only to lead to secondary devi­ practices, it is likely that prevention efforts ance (drug dealing , use of hard drugs) if a will be misunderstood, ignored, or even in­ person became a participant in a drug using crease use through heightening the anxiety subculture through selling drugs. Users who and cognitive dissonance already associated get involved in heavy use subsequently get with cannabis. Furthermore, related to these involved in dealing to support their habits meanings are specific ritualized practices (Johnson 1973; Wood 1988; Sifaneck 1996). that function to regulate use. Hence, the de­ After involvement in drug dealing, users may scription and analysis of these rituals can develop connections with hard drugs. Sub­ also contribute to "secondary prevention" by cultures and the behavior of drug dealing identifying naturally occurring customs of so­ were theorized to be the intervening variables cial control which create acceptable norms in the progression of deviant behavior (John­ of use and strengthen self-regulation. These son 1973 ). Later in the 1970s, investigations practices provide opportunities for preven­ into the subculture of Rastafarianism pro­ tion work that is not only aimed at abstinence vided an opportunity to explore a context not (primary prevention), but, also, secondary only where cannabis is used, but where it is prevention, with the intent of reducing the truly sacred and endowed with meaning and harm associated with the use of cannabis significance (Hebdige 1979). with active users. Beck and Rosenbaum's (1994) seminal study of MDMA (ecstasy) use recognized the Generators of Meaning and Practices: often blurred lines between drugs defined in Artistic, Drug, and Sacred Subcultures in subcultures and the relationship of these the Last 50 Years meanings to the larger popular culture. Beck One factor for the recent international pop­ and Rosenbaum articulate: ularity of cannabis has been the emerging youth subcultures of the 1980s and 1990s Insulated well-defined subcultures gave which rejected the polarization between "just way to larger more amorphous "social say no" youth and cocaine using youth. Spe­ worlds" of illicit drug users ....We now had cifically Hip-Hop and Rastafarianism (re)­ user populations whose identities were emerged embracing cannabis as their pri­ substantially shaped and informed by mass mary, and often exclusive, drug of choice, but communication and the media. (1994) with meanings and rituals that distinguish them from earlier cannabis using subcul­ In a fast paced, information laden, post-mod­ tures (Sifaneck & Kaplan 1995). Popular cul­ ern world , subcultural practices are co-opted, ture is also portraying today's cannabis us­ marketed, and quickly adopted by the popu­ ers as trend setters in the social world of lar culture. For instance, Hip-Hop and Rasta­ illicit drug taking. A number of cover articles farian styles of hair and dress are replicated about cannabis users of the 1990s have ap­ and adopted by persons who are clearly out­ peared, including the New York Times Maga­ side the subculture. This happens when sub­ zine (1995), the Village Voice (1993), Paper cultural art forms (rap, graffiti, reggae) get (1994), and the Face (1994). Feature films marketed through the mass media to a larger including "Friday," (1995) and "Kids" (1995) audience. To a lesser extent, this is also true have illustratively depicted the lifestyles of for subcultural drug use practices. This will these new cannabis users. Even though later be exemplified by the practice of blunt these new cannabis subcultures borrow ritu­ smoking. als and technologies from previous drug subcultures, some of the innovations are uni­ METHODS que. Ethnographic research is extremely valu­ The relationship between cannabis use able for understanding both the subcultural and subcultures has a long tradition in socio- features, and the ritualized use practices of Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 5 cannabis in natural settings. Ethnography is the American "blunt" and the Dutch "blowtje." also an important tool for specifying the con­ A blunt is a hollowed out cheap cigar filled texts of illicit drug use. For example, there is with marijuana, and a blowtje is a modern a growing tradition of HIV/AIDS-related ethno­ Dutch style joint which is mixed with tobacco, graphic research which has been able to and is constructed with a large rolling paper identify practices that both contribute to and and a cardboard filter. impede efforts of a subculture to self-regu­ A comprehensive ethnographic approach late in the interest of harm reduction (Grund, is an appropriate methodology for this cross­ Kaplan & De Vries 1993). By relating canna­ cultural investigation into the subcultural in­ bis smoking to the broader context of drug fluences which provide contexts for distinct use, strategies for secondary prevention and cannabis smoking practices in two different intervention can be identified, developed, and modern Western cultures. Even though the applied. Future research with cannabis phenomenon of "blunts" has been sporadi­ smokers should take place in the context of cally mentioned in the drug abuse literature, natural settings and most current use prac­ analysis of the cultural significance, and so­ tices. This research can only take place after cial and health implications that a relatively an adequate ethnographic analysis of such novel cannabis use practice presents have subcultural contexts. The following paper uti­ been ignored. The Dutch cannabis use prac­ lizes the analysis of both primary and sec­ tice of the blowtje has been an equally ig­ ondary ethnographic data. Sifaneck and Kap­ nored phenomenon. The intention of the fol­ lan have undertaken extensive ethnographic lowing paper is to shed light on these newer research on the cannabis situation in the drug use phenomena, and discuss their im­ Netherlands. Sifaneck's dissertation entitled plications for health, prevention, and the re­ "Regulating Cannabis: An Ethnographic Anal­ duction of drug related harm. ysis of the Sale and Use of Cannabis in New York City and Rotterdam" involved extensive BLUNTS AND BLOWTJES: A CROSS· participant-observation with users and sell­ CULTURAL ETHNOGRAPHIC ANALYSIS OF ers of cannabis in the United States and the lWO CANNABIS USE PRACTICES Netherlands. Sifaneck has studied and docu­ A Common Antecedent: The Rastafarian mented changes in the sale and use of can­ Spliff nabis in New York City over the past ten years. One striking characteristic of the "blunt," Kaplan has researched the drug scene, and to a lesser extent the "blowtje," is that taught and lived in the Netherlands since the they both express, in terms of immenseness early 1980s. Both researchers have previ­ and design, the look, and "style" of an impor­ ous collaborations and are continuously ob­ tant symbol of the Rastafarian subculture, serving developments in the cannabis the Jamaican "spliff." Jamaica is the sacred scenes in both cultural settings. center of the Rastafarian movement which Secondary ethnographic data was ob­ has become a worldwide subculture which tained by interviewing practicing ethnograph­ embraces a pan-African, anti-imperialist, and ers involved with drug research. These peo­ working-class revolutionary ideology (Heb­ ple included Dr. Adrian Jansen, Dr. Ansley dige 1979). Reggae music became a pre­ Hamid, Dr. Richard Curtis, Errol K. James, dominant vehicle of the subculture to "spread Charles Small, and Joseph Richardson. The the word," and obtain supporters from a ra­ intention of using such secondary data was cially and geographically diverse population. to corroborate our own observations, as well Since "ganja" (marijuana) is plentiful in Ja­ as to provide insights on developments not maica, ganja smokers (often Rastafarians) observed during the primary field research. prefer to roll their joints so that they are rela­ The approach employed is certainly uncon­ tively large. Large rolling papers and "fronto ventional, but proved to be comprehensive leaves" (broad tobacco leaves) are the norm and very fruitful in gathering data. It was a when rolling spliffs in Jamaica. The name way to overcome generalizations generated "fronto" is derived from the opposite phonet­ through the observations of a single re­ ics expressed in the word "tobacco." Since searcher in the field . Through analysis of pri­ tobacco contained the sound "back" Rasta­ mary and secondary ethnographic data this farians interpreted this to mean backwards, paper will explore two more recent modes of or non-progressive. Part of the Rastafarian cannabis use practices and smoking styles: ideology is the promotion of progress, and 6 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology the notion never to go backwards, thus the conditions of New York's cannabis market in word "fronto" was adopted, containing the the mid 1980s. Today single (loose) "joints" sound "fronr suggesting a progressive "for­ and "trey" (3 dollar) bags of marijuana are no wardness" (Small 1996). In Jamaica, locally longer available in New York's retail market, grown and roughly manicured marijuana is while cannabis prices throughout the 1990s sold by the half (14 grams) or whole (28 averaged about four to five times higher than grams) ounce to the neophyte tourist con­ prices in the late 1970s (Small 1996; Sifaneck sumer. For the American tourist these prices 1996; Hamid 1995). Throughout the 1980s are at least 4-5 times lower than retail mar­ marijuana prices gradually inflated, and ket prices in the United States. However, one peaked around 1989, while cocaine prices must keep in mind that tourist prices are su­ concomitantly plummeted (Rhodes, Hyatt & per-inflated, although they seem extremely Scheiman 1994 ). This unique market condi­ inexpensive to the American or European trav­ tion of abundant and inexpensive cocaine eler. For the Jamaican "spliff" smoker, mari­ (very often in the form of crack) reinforced the juana is plentiful, but generally of a low and functionality of sharing expensive and often unmanicured quality, thus large joints are scarce marijuana. necessary to obtain a fulfilling high. In anum­ When making a blunt, the user must first ber of Brooklyn neighborhoods during the purchase an inexpensive, low-quality cigar. 1980s fronto leaf was sold in health food "Philly Blunts" from which the blunt label is stores, owned by and catering to Jamaican derived, is a popular "old school" brand, but and other Caribbean immigrants. Large other cheap cigars ("White Owls," "Dutch glass jars of fronto leaf were displayed next Masters," and "Optimos") represent a fair to herbal teas and dried fruit. Very often, these section of this tobacco/paraphernalia mar­ stores would also sell marijuana. In the New ket. There exists some urban street mythol­ York setting, spliffs that were rolled with fronto ogy concerning the effects of the highs, as leaf by these new Caribbean immigrants in well as the burning duration of the different the late 1970s and early 1980s were the pre­ brands. The tobacco inside the cheap cigar decessors to the modern blunts. In the Dutch is hollowed-out leaving the empty shell. setting, spliff smoking was an influence, Since the production of these particular ci­ spread in part, by immigrants from Suriname gar brands is low-cost, the shell is not pure and the Dutch Antilles (Curacaos, Aruba, etc., ) broad leaf tobacco, but a tobacco/paper com­ and by members of the Rastafarian subcul­ posite. (However, the fronto leaf, used in the ture. These cultural forces would eventually traditional spliff making process, is pure influence the design and style of the modern broad leaf tobacco.) The cigar is split length­ blowtje. wise down the center, and the tobacco in­ side is emptied out. The shell is then re­ The Demise of the Trey and the Loose duced or shortened to about two-thirds of Joint and the Rise of the Blunt: the original cigar's length. The cigar-shell is Instabilities of the New York Market then re-filled with marijuana and rolled-up "Blunts" explicitly emerged as a phenom­ like a large cigarette. Generally, the whole enon in New York City during the mid 1980s, dime or nickel is used in the construction, where small groups (3-5) of youth would pool and the blunt is shared in a group of three or their limited resources to purchase general­ more users. Since "blunts" have come into ly a "dime" ($1 0) or "nickel" ($5) bag of mari­ fashion, however, personal blunt smoking juana (James 1994 ). During the late 1980s, among wealthier users is not uncommon. in New York City's inner-city markets, these The original blunt smokers of the mid 1980s, were relatively small amounts: a nickel con­ predominantly African-Caribbean, African­ sisting of approximately .75 of 1 gram, and a American, and Latino youth residing in the dime averaging slightly more than 1.5 grams. inner-city, saw their new method of prepara­ When rolling a traditional marijuana joint, 1 tion as an economical way to consume ex­ gram may be used to construct 2-3 joints. pensive marijuana, and also a ritual of a Joints of this size are meant to be consumed group market transaction and preparation by one or two persons. Blunts are generally process. shared among larger groups of users. For The use of blunts is an integral element the original blunt smokers, the blunt smok­ in the "Hip-Hop" youth subculture which has ing phenomenon was born out of the scarce emerged in most American cities. Other ele- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 7 ments of this subculture include rap music, then smoked in a gradual manner, thus, ti­ dance styles, a continuously evolving argot trating the cocaine dose. Peer pressures (including unique terms for marijuana,) graf­ within Hip-Hop milieus encouraged wulla fiti art, and styles of dress which include bag­ smokers eventually to abstain from adding gy pants, sport team jackets and caps, over­ crack and cocaine to their blunts (Curtis sized jewelry, and a changing array of acces­ 1995 ). Presently, we observe a low preva­ sories. Hats and shirts with the "Philly Blunt" lence of wulla use, while blunt use is more logo, and other references to blunts and popular than ever. A more recent develop­ marijuana smoking are common icons ment in blunt construction is evidence to the which are displayed prominently on "street fact that blunts attempt to replicate the look gear" or the fashions of Hip-Hop. The argot of "spliffs." A few blunt smokers were ob­ of the Hip-Hop subculture includes many served to place rolling paper around the novel and innovative terms for marijuana blunt shell, to give it more of the appearance (chronic, ism, boom, live, lah, dro), and blunts of a spliff (Richardson 1995). The extra pa­ making previous slang obsolete. The new per does not serve a technical function, rather argot serves the function of keeping conver­ it is simply stylistic. sations about marijuana only recognizable to members of the subculture (Kaplan, From the Stickje and Hippie Joint to the Kampe, Antonio & Farfan 1990). In short, the Coffeeshop Blowtje: social meanings and rituals of marijuana use The Gradual Evolution and Normalization have changed from previous American gen­ of the Dutch Cannabis Market and Culture erations, as a result of different sentiments, In contrast to the developments in New attitudes, and ideologies regarding the drug York , the Caribbean influence on cannabis use of youth subcultures. For example, there smoking practices in the Netherlands seem are rap songs about how to roll blunts and more limited despite a relatively large popu­ smoking them. Phallic shaped blunts are al­ lation of immigrants from the Antilles, the so an expression of "phatness," an impor­ former Dutch colonies in the Caribbean. tant concept of the Hip-Hop subculture. "Ph at" Some Jamaican influence on the Dutch can­ or "fat" is a term analogous with excellent, nabis culture did occur in the 1970s with Bob and the blunt is one expression of many, in­ Marley and the worldwide reggae movement. cluding "forties" (40-ounce bottles of beer or However, well before that time there was al­ malt-liquor), and oversized baggy pants and ready active cannabis and psychedelic sub­ sweatshirts. "Phat" also means healthy, cultures in the Netherlands. In the 1960s an where many overly th in folks in the inner-city active psychedelic culture sprung up around are perceived either as crack smokers or vic­ Jasper Grootveld and the "Magic Center." One tims of the AIDS epidemic. of Grootveld's claims to fame was implant­ The use of blunts may be an indication of ing an electrode in his brain to effect "self­ a "stepping off" or "maturing out" pattern from stimulation." Young people throughout the using hard drugs to only using marijuana, Netherlands were experimenting with drugs and also a "keeping off" pattern of abstain­ and other types of "consciousness expan­ ing from hard drug use altogether (Winick sion." Amsterdam was seen as a cosmic 1963; Sifaneck & Kaplan 1995). While rap center, possessing geodesic conditions, in­ music lyrics are embracing marijuana use cluding the ability to contact extra-terrestri­ and blunt smoking, they are also being criti­ als (Bongers, Snelders & Plomp 1995). cal of cocaine and crack-cocaine use. A spe­ Grootveld prophesied that "Klaas" was com­ cial type blunt termed a "wulla" or "whoolie" ing , which , in a sense, came true when Prin­ emerged during the height of the crack epi­ cess Beatrix married Prince Klaus ("Klaas" demic in the late 1980s. The "wulla" not only in Dutch) from Germany. This caused much contained marijuana, but also crack and/or national rumbling, since Dutch-German re­ cocaine. Regular "wulla" smokers were pre­ lationships were still rather uneasy at the dominantly former crack smokers who pre­ time. The Provos, another radical group of viously consumed their crack from a "pipe" the time, threatened to put LSD in the water or a "stem," where a whole "hit" would be of the horses of the coronation carriage. smoked at one time. Crack or cocaine in the Other subcultural groups included the "Piein­ wulla is crushed and spread on top of the ers" who hung around the Leidsplein (an ur­ marijuana throughout the blunt shell, and ban square) in Amsterdam and were the au- 8 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

dience for the new Paradiso and Melkweg two papers was replaced by the blowtje, origi­ youth culture projects. The Paradiso and the nally made with three cigarette rolling pa­ Melkweg (translates to Milky Way) were the pers. When making a blowtje the user must first environments where the retail sale of procure a number of things, all of which are cannabis was tolerated by "house dealers" available at the "coffeeshop" where the retail (Jansen 1989). sale of small amounts (5 grams or less) of The considerable Moroccan worker mi­ hashish and marijuana to persons over 18 gration in the 1950s provided a bridge for years of age is tolerated. The collection of contact with hashish sources, which still pro­ essentials to construct a blowtje include: 1) vide the most prominent supply in present a small amount of high-quality marijuana or day coffeeshops (retail establishments hashish (usually about .25 of a gram), 2) a which sell cannabis in the Netherlands). Tan­ large rolling paper (equivalent to the size of gier and Marrakesh were popular destina­ 3 shag tobacco cigarette rolling papers), 3) tions for international beatnik and hippie trav­ tobacco (shag or from an American cigarette elers in the late 1950s and 1960s, and a -approximately two-thirds of one cigarette) stop-over in Amsterdam was often on the itin­ 4) a cardboard filter tip ("tipje" in Dutch). The erary. In the late 1960s, hashish, not marijua­ construction process in somewhat elabo­ na , was the most prominent form of canna­ rate. First, the cardboard tip is placed at the bis available in the Netherlands. Only later in end of the large rolling paper-which is not the 1970s did the substantial Surinam and folded in a perpendicular fashion , but at an Antillian migration occur, which would aug­ angle. Then, the tobacco is spread out care­ ment the cannabis scene with marijuana fully inside the paper, creating "a bed" where (ganja) and Caribbean influences. The ori­ the cannabis will be placed. The user then gin of the blowtje was influenced by indige­ adds a small amount of marijuana or hash­ nous tobacco smoking subcultures in the ish, placing slightly more in the end oppo­ Netherlands. In the late 1960s a trend site the filter. When the blowtje is rolled , the emerged among youthful tobacco smokers end which is lit is larger in girth than the end who wished to distinguish themselves from with the filter; creating a joint which is shaped conventional cigarette smokers by rolling liked a baseball bat, and also resembles their own cigarettes with long-cut "shag" to­ the shape of a spliff. The inclusion of tobacco bacco. This was an old Dutch working class in the Dutch blowtje initially served a techni­ practice, which could also be observed in cal function . Throughout the 1970s, hashish England, where high tobacco taxes made was the most common form of cannabis pre-rolled cigarettes too expensive. Youth available, and tobacco was needed in order subcultures with leftist politics and sympa­ for the hashish to bum properly in the form of thies perceived the practice of rolling shag a joint. Modern blowtje smokers who use tobacco as a symbolic and practical identifi­ marijuana instead of hashish also argue that cation with the working class. In the 1970s tobacco is needed in order to insure that the the practice of rolling shag tobacco was blowtje burns properly. Since the locally common in the Dutch and German critical grown "Nederweit" (translates to Nether­ intellectual scene. Colorful designer Drum lands' weed) is extremely fresh, and often and Samson tobacco cans (shag tobacco moist, the addition of the tobacco produces brands) were subcultural status symbols. a drier smoking mix which bums more even­ In the 1960s a hashish-tobacco cigarette ly. The addition of tobacco in the blowtje also made with one paper was called a "stickje" allows users to use a small amount of can­ (translates small stick). If two small papers nabis in the construction of their blowtjes, were used in the construction it was called a which will be further discussed. "joint," also referred to as ·American hippie As the blowtje became rooted as the pre­ style." This linguistic evidence is illustrative dominant smoking mode, changes in the of the American influence on the Dutch can­ cannabis subculture were taking place. The nabis culture transplanted by traveling hip­ practice of smoking cannabis in a group lost pies from the United States. As cannabis popularity. This was reinforced by the emer­ smoking became more socialized and more gence of the coffeeshops which provided a public, larger group smoking became a trend social context and a form of consumption among hippies throughout the world. In the that encouraged each patron to order and Netherlands, the hippie-style joint made with prepare their own cannabis. Smoking one's Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 9

own blowtje in the coffeeshop became the use in the Netherlands. Despite these cam­ norm, and this was supported by the emer­ paigns and new cannabis products, most gence of a new smoking style and related Dutch cannabis users rarely smoke marijua­ argot. Dutch smokers inhale or "blow" (a term na and hashish without the tobacco, and reserved for cocaine in American drug argot) when they do, they label the joint as "puur" their cannabis in a casual manner like a to­ (pure). "I only smoke pure joints when I am bacco cigarette. Unlike American cannabis in the sunshine" a young male Rotterdam­ smokers, who are likely to inhale deeply and mer commented. "If I see someone smok­ hold the smoke in their lungs (sometimes ing a pure joint, I say either he is an Ameri­ referred to as "holding the hit,") Dutch smok­ can or an old time hippie" responded a young ers literally "blow" the smoke in and out of female user in her twenties. their lungs, avoiding deep inhalation. Thus, the blowtje, and the Dutch cannabis smok­ DISCUSSION ing subculture in general, has important roots Cannabis Market Reinforcements, in tobacco smoking styles as well as inter­ Self-Regulation and Implications for national and indigenous subcultural influ­ Secondary Prevention ences. Dutch cannabis smokers distinguish The ethnographic descriptions in this pa­ among themselves by the amount and kind per underlie the importance of understand­ of tobacco (shag or American) and cannabis ing the specific processes of how these sub­ (marijuana or hashish) they prefer. Light pro­ cultures adapt to market variations. Subcul­ cessed American tobacco and the darker tural drug use practices must adapt them­ and heavier less/un-processed Dutch shag selves to specific market conditions; the sub­ tobacco can be widely observed in the blowtje culture and the market reinforce each other mix. However, there are also a small minor­ in affecting the individual conduct and self­ ity of smokers who do not mix their cannabis conception of the user. in the field of drug with tobacco. Some of these smokers reject abuse research this process of multiple cau­ the tobacco convention, simply because they sality has been described as "causal rein­ do not like the taste and/or the effect of the forcement" (Swierstra 1990). Blunts and tobacco. Others may also be concerned blowtjes represent two distinct emerging about the increased health risks posed by conceptions of cannabis use that serve dif­ smoking both substances simultaneously. ferent self-regulatory functions for the user Very often these cannabis users will use a than their common antecedent the Rastafar­ small Moroccan hashish pipe, and avoid the ian spliff. The blunt is an attempt at economiz­ rolling process altogether. ing an expensive product in a relatively A recently emerged smoking phenome­ scarce market. The blowtje is the result of non in the Dutch cannabis culture is the the opposite market condition: an abundance "blowtje gezond." Its name is derived from of high quality, moderately priced cannabis. the popular Dutch bakery sandwich known In the New York City market, sharing the drug as the "broodje gezond, ·which literally trans­ is part of the ritual, in the Dutch market shar­ lates to "healthy sandwich." This small bak­ ing is unnecessary. They are both, however, ery bun is filled with cheese, a boiled egg attempts at self-regulation. in the case of and vegetables-not exactly fat or cholester­ blunts, self regulation takes place collectively ol free, but its vegetable laden appearance inside a group. This also was the case for is its claim of healthfulness. A "blowtje ge­ the prior hippie generation who "could not zond" is simply a Dutch blowtje constructed help but get stoned" through a ritual of sitting without the tobacco, and was observed be­ in a circle and passing a joint around with ing sold by a few coffeeshops in Rotterdam each individual taking a turn. However, one and Amsterdam. This is an important, al­ essential difference is the self in the group though limited development, because it is process. The self in "the blunt era" is charac­ an indication that the Dutch cannabis cul­ terized by the process of trying to deal with ture has come to realize the increased health threats and insecurity in the market environ­ risks posed by using cannabis and tobacco ment; be it crack or law enforcement. This simultaneously. This may also be an indica­ kind of self is evidenced by the rich reper­ tion of a marketing strategy to encourage toire of argot terms. A drug argot has been smoking without tobacco, which is reinforced argued to indicate a form of intense social by the national campaigns against tobacco control that maintains in-group cohesion by 10 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology hiding the practices which the terms refer to of marijuana and hashish from across the from normal language (Kaplan et al. 1990). globe. Today's modern Dutch cannabis us­ The language acts as a means of strength­ ers do not share joints. Such a practice is ening the security of the self within the sub­ perceived by them as anachronistic and sub­ culture. sequently labeled as "hippie-style." "Biowt­ In the Dutch context, new cannabis prepa­ jes" are truly personal joints, and contain a rations are continually offered in the coffee­ surprisingly small amount (less than 1/3 of shop much like new beers and other alcohol a gram) of cannabis (marijuana or hashish) are in an American bar. The individual expe­ mixed with about 2/3s of the tobacco in an riences smoking cannabis from a connois­ average cigarette. Blowtjes are not passed seur's perspective, not seeking new sensa­ in circles, but held personally by each user tion, but refinements of tried and true prod­ in the coffeeshop. ucts. The lack of drug argot terms is striking The potency of cannabis also effects regu­ when compared to the American context. The lation and consumption. The disparities in old language is maintained with modest ad­ the potencies of cannabis available to the dition of innovation. This indicates that the average consumer are an indirect result of cannabis subculture is being increasingly the market conditions surrounding its use. integrated into normal Dutch society and In the Netherlands, where cultivating marijua­ therefore has no real survival need to hide na is tolerated, although not officially sanc­ and promote in-group subcultural cohesion tioned, the most popular marijuana presently in any form other than a cannabis users asso­ sold and consumed is "Skunk" -more for­ ciation, an interest group protecting the con­ mally known as a variety of cannabis -indica. noisseur consumer self. Part of the prepara­ This type of cannabis is generally grown hy­ tion ritual in the American context is the "scor­ droponically indoors throughout the Nether­ ing" of the marijuana which is not necessary lands, under extremely controlled conditions. in the coffeeshop setting. Since generally a The "Nederweit" (translates Netherlands' five or ten dollar amount is the least one can Weed) produced possess a THC contenl purchase on the regular retail market, it which often approaches 20%. This widel) makes the phenomenon of "going in on" (will­ available, high potency cannabis, which mosl ing to contribute money towards the pur­ Dutch users choose to consume, allow therr chase of) a function of the ritual. In this to use a very small amount (about .25 of 2 sense, the sharing of the cost becomes an gram) in their blowtje construction. The self· integral part of the procurement process. The titrating behavior of using more potent canna· sharing which ensues when the blunt is bis in lesser amounts, observed during ou1 smoked is an extension of this functionality. fieldwork with Dutch users, has also beer This is a process of group self-regulation, observed in controlled laboratory setting~ much like the type observed by Grund in his with American users (Heishman, Stitzer 8 extensive field research with Dutch heroin Yingling 1989). users, where market scarcity was a deter­ In the New York City blunt smoking con mining factor in the sharing process (Grund, text, the cannabis most widely available i~ Kaplan & De Vries 1993 ). In the American imported from Mexico, and to a lesser exten context, scarcity of injection equipment has from Jamaica. These varieties of cannabis demonstrated itself as the most important which are grown outdoors, have a consider factor affecting needle sharing among injec­ ably lower THC content than the Dutch growr tion drug users (Des Jarlais, Friedman, Nederweit. This helps to explain why blun Sothern & Stoneburner 1988). smokers use a relatively large amount of can The self-regulation practiced by Dutch nab is (from 1-1 .5 grams) in the constructior cannabis users, through the employment of of their blunts. It is also evidence to the fac the blowtje, is oriented in individual rather that differences in the criminality of the mar than the collective behavior observed by Amer­ ket (semi-decriminalized vs . pseudo-legal ican blunt smokers. This is a result of the seem to effect the potency and quality of can normalized or "pseudo-legal" market which nabis normally available at the retail leve provides the context for cannabis use (Jansen (Sifaneck 1996). This in turn, has an effec 1989). In such a normalized market, the can­ on how and why users choose to self-regu nabis offered is high quality, relatively low­ late their use. priced, and includes a diverse array of types Secondary prevention strategies can b• Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 11 informed by research that identifies the pa­ smoking styles are anchored in the specific rameters involved in cannabis self-regula­ development of regional subcultural prac­ tion. For instance, in an important experimen­ tices (Becker 1970). A "cross-fertilization" of tal psychological study of cannabis and driv­ tobacco and cannabis styles, as we have ing, Robbe (1994) concluded that the harm documented in the Netherlands may prove of cannabis is strongly associated with pa­ to be a useful hypothesis guiding future re­ rameters such as the volume of smoke taken search in other settings as well. into the lungs and the number of puffs or Evidence has suggested that smokers of draws in a smoking session in which this both cannabis and tobacco have increased volume is regulated. This was also observed risks of lung and other cancers, than do sole by Azorlosa, Heishman, Stitzer and Mahaffey smokers of tobacco (Tashkin, Coulson, Clark, (1992) in similar controlled laboratory set­ Simmons, Bourque, Duann, Spivey and Gong tings. These parameters still need to be doc­ 1987). If this evidence is correct, it should umented in their natural settings in order to call for an intervention with cannabis users identify the full range of behaviors and con­ by dissemination of accurate information re­ straints that operate to control the volume of garding the risks posed by the different meth­ smoke and the frequency of puffs. In the ods of consuming the drug. Such a second­ Netherlands, courses are being given to prob­ ary preventative effort would be aimed at cur­ lematic cannabis users in order to adjust rent users encouraging them to adjust their their use towards a less harmful direction practices and patterns in less harmful direc­ (Bourghuis 1994). These secondary preven­ tions. This should include information on the tion efforts are largely non-existent in the US. harms of various use practices, as well as However, there is evidence that similar func­ information to guard against harmful chronic tions are being initiated by organized Ameri­ use patterns. One suggestion might be to can groups that promote cannabis and psy­ encourage current blunt smokers to replace chedelic drugs (Jenks 1995). These groups the blunt shell (made of tobacco, paper, and do not promote an indiscriminate use of can­ glue) with a large rolling paper, thus elimi­ nabis, but instead offer users social support nating the health risks posed by consump­ and accurate information on how to use can­ tion of the tobacco. Users would still have nabis in more responsible ways. Both the the convenience and functionality that the Dutch courses and the American organiza­ blunt provided: a joint large enough to be tions rely on the experiences of cannabis shared in a small group. Some Dutch users. The future development of preventa­ coffeeshops have taken the lead in provid­ tive cannabis education can benefit from the ing such information aimed at secondary input of ethnographic studies. For instance, prevention to its consumers. Other Dutch blowtje smokers do not hold smoke coffeeshops are offering the use of bongs in their lungs as long as their American coun­ (water pipes) and water vaporizers to their terparts. American cannabis users generally customers. Water pipes and vaporizers also "hold the hit" in an attempt to economize the offer a tobacco free alternative for blowtje smoke. These parameters are in need of smokers. Previous and ongoing research future elaboration in natural setting research. has determined carcinogens and tars are The qualitative results of our research pro­ filtered out through the water inside the bong, vide a basis for looking in more detail at these making it a safer smoking method (Doblin behavioral parameters. 1995). This is a particularly important issue Clearly more research is needed in under­ for persons with AIDS (PWAs) who are using standing how processes such as cultural cannabis to combat the wasting syndrome. diffusion apply to the situation of diverse can­ Patients with such a compromised immune nabis smoking behaviors and use practices. system have to insure that the safest and In the literature on health behavior, there is most effective way is used to ingest mari­ ample evidence that healthy lifestyles can juana. diffuse over national, class and ethnic bound­ Harm reduction measures must include aries. The same processes can apply for cannabis users in their efforts; and the me­ unhealthy lifestyles. Future ethnographic re­ dicinal use of cannabis might provide the search should not only be advised to search basis for self-regulatory intervention in the for "common antecedents" of lifestyles and future. Just as a generation has observed subcultures, but also to look for how current the devastating effect of crack-cocaine on 12 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology many users, another generation could learn & P O'Hare eds Psychoactive Drugs and an experience based lesson in self-regulat­ Harm Reduction: From Faith to Science ing and modifying its drug consumption London: Whurr Publishers. (Furst, Johnson, Dunlap .& Curtis 1999). Cohen PDA & HL Kaal 2001 The Irrelevance While persons who smoke only cannabis of Drug Policy: Patterns and Careers of seem to experience lung-related health prob­ Experienced Cannabis Use in the Popula­ lems infrequently, there may be an increase tions of Amsterdam, San Francisco and of health problems among persons who si­ Bremen. Final Report. Den Haag: Dutch multaneously smoke cannabis and tobacco. Ministry of Health, Welfare, and Sport. In the light of the new national and local (es­ Curtis R 1995 Personal communication. An­ pecially in Mayor Bloomberg's New York City) thropology Department, John Jay College campaigns against the use of tobacco by of Criminal Justice, City University of New young people, similar efforts should educate York. youth about the harms posed by the different De Jarlais DC, SR Friedman, JL Sothern & R ways of consuming cannabis. Such efforts, Stoneburner 1988 The sharing of drug in­ however, should not exclude those youth who jection equipment and the AIDS epidemic have already begun experimenting with the in New York City. In RJ Battjes & RW Pick­ drug. ens eds National Institute on Drug Abuse Research Monograph 80: Needle Shar­ REFERENCES ing Among Intravenous Drug Abusers Azorlosa JL, SJ Heishman, M Stitzer & JM Washington DC: USGPO. 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Center for Substance Abuse Prevention Hebdige D 1979 Subculture: The Meaning of (CSAP) 1995 CSAP's Update on Marijua­ Style London and New York: Methuen. na. Information folder presented at the Heishman SJ , M Stitzer & JE Yingling 1989 First National Conference on Marijuana Effects of tetrahydrocannabinol content on Use, Prevention, Treatment and Re­ marijuana smoking behavior, subjective search. Washington D.C., July. reports, and performance Pharmacology Cohen J 1993 Achieving a reduction in drug­ Biochemistry Behavior 34:173-179. related harm through education. Pp 65- James EK 1994 Personal communication. 76 in N Heather, A Wodak, E Nadelmann Center for Social Research, Graduate Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003

Center for the City University of New York. search Associate, Institute for Special Pop· Jansen ACM 1989 Cannabis in Amsterdam: ulations Research, National Developmenl A Geography of Hashish and Marijuana and Research Institutes, New York, NY. Muiderberg: Coutinho. Swierstra, KE 1990 Drugscarrieres; Van Cri· Jenks SM Jr 1995 An analysis of risk reduc­ mineel tot Conventioneel Groningen: tion among organized groups that promote Stichting Drukkerji C. Regenboog. marijuana and psychedelic drugs J Drug Tashkin DP, A Coulson, VA Clark, M Simmons, Issues 25(3): 629-647. LB Bourque, S Duann, GH Spivey, & H Johnson BD 1973 Marijuana Users and Drug Gong 1987 Smokers of marijuana alone, Subcultures NY: Wiley. smokers of marijuana and tobacco, smok­ Johnston L, P O'Malley, & JG Bachman 1999 ers of tobacco alone, and non-smokers National Survey Results from the Monitor­ American Rev Respiratory Disease 135: ing the Future Study 1975-1998. Rockville, 209-216. MD : National Institute on Drug Abuse, U.S. Winick C 1960 The use of drugs by jazz mu­ Department of Health and Human Ser­ sicians Social Problems vol. 7. vices, National Institutes of Health. ___. 1963 Maturing out of narcotic ad­ Kaplan CD, H Kampe, J Antonio & F Farfan diction. UN Bull on Narcotics 14(1):1-7. 1990 Argots as a code-switching process: Wood E 1988 Drug selling and dealing a case study of the sociolinguistic aspect among adolescents. In C Carpenter, B of drug subcultures. In R Jacobson ed Glasser, BD Johnson, & J Loughlin eds Codeswitching as a Worldwide Phenom­ Kids, Drugs and Crime, Lexington, MA: DC enon NY: Peter Lang. Heath and Company. Korf OJ & P van der Steenhoven 1993 Anten­ ne 1993: Trends in Alcohol, Tabak, Drugs ACKNOWLEDGMENTS en Gokken bij jonge Amsterdammers Jel­ This research was funded in part by a National linek Reeks no. 2. Amsterdam: Jellinek­ Institute on Drug Abuse award "Marijuana/Blunts: centrum. Use . Subcultures. and Markets" and in part by a Marlatt GA, JS Baer, & M Larimer 1995 Pre­ NIDA supplemental award to study the Natural His­ venting alcohol abuse in college students. tory of Marijuana Distribution/Use in New York City as part of a parent project entitled the Natural His­ In GA Marlatt, JS Baer, & M Larimer eds tory of Crack Distribution/Abuse(# R01 DA05126- Alcohol Problems Among Adolescents 07). The ideas or points of view in this paper do Northvale, NJ : Lawrence Erlbaum. not represent the official position of the U.S. Gov­ Rhodes W, R Hyatt, & P Scheiman 1994 The ernment, the National Institute on Drug Abuse, nor price of cocaine, heroin and marijuana J the National Development and Research Institutes. Drug Issues 24(3):383-402. We would first like to thank a number of people Richardson J 1995 personal communica­ who took the time the review various drafts of tion Predoctoral Research Fellow, Behav­ this article including Barry Spun!, Charles Winick, ioral Scientists Training Program, Na­ Russel Castro, and Hans Dupont. We also need to tional Development and Research Insti­ thank the ethnographers who participated in this study by providing their own qualitative data which tutes, NY. provided invaluable in the final analysis. These Robbe HW J 1994 Influence of Marijuana on practitioners of field research include Adrian Jan­ Driving. Maastricht, NL: Institute for Hu­ sen, Charles Small, Errol K. James. Richard Curtis, man Psychopharmacology, Limburg U. Ansley Hamid, and Joseph Richardson. Sifaneck SJ 1996 Regulating Cannabis: An Ethnographic Analysis of the Sale and Use of Cannabis in New York City and Rotter­ dam. Ph.D. Dissertation, Ph.D. Program in Sociology, The Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Sifaneck SJ & CD Kaplan 1995 Keeping off, stepping on, and stepping off: the step­ pingstone theory reevaluated in the con­ text of the Dutch cannabis experience Con­ temporary Drug Problems xxii 3:513-546. Small C 1996 Personal communication. Re- 14 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology