Radicalization and Disengagement in Neo-Nazi Movements

This book offers an in-depth study of personal accounts of men and women who have at one time entered, participated in and ultimately exited the neo-Nazi movement, with a focus on advanced Western states. Through detailed stories of the movement’s violence, hatred, and , coupled with narratives of the individuals’ life plans and dreams when entering the movement and reintegrating into , the work provides knowledge, hope and new directions for readers to better understand and react to a reinvigorated extreme right across Western nations. The book provides innovative research on the relationship between the life trajectories of neo-Nazis and their significant others, enabling better and more evidence-based strategies for preventing radicalization and promoting deradicalization. The extensive case studies include the voices of those who returned to the movement, or never left at all, providing a rare opportunity to compare active, former and returned right-wing extremists. The main contribution of the book is to provide an innovative approach to the oral history of young men and women who have participated in different national and local neo-Nazi movements in Western countries, namely Sweden and the . In order to understand the current trends within the movement and their relationship to the surrounding society, this shift calls for in-depth analyses based on social–psychological and sociological perspectives. Stressing the importance of having a gender theory, sociocultural, historical and both a national and contextual perspective on the neo-Nazi movement, this book contributes new knowledge to this field of research. This book will be of much interest to students of political , radicalization, studies and social psychology.

Christer Mattsson is the director of the Segerstedt Institute at University of Gothenburg, Sweden. He is the coauthor, with Thomas Johansson, of Life Trajectories into and out of Contemporary Neo-: Becoming and Unbecoming the Hateful Other (2020).

Thomas Johansson is a professor of pedagogy, at the University of Gothenburg, Sweden. Routledge Studies in Countering

This book series sets out to become the first interdisciplinary platform for the study of issues pertaining to countering violent extremism, such as deradicalization and disengagement programs and individuals as well as collective processes of leaving terrorism and violent extremism behind. Additional focus points will be the impact of programs, different cultural notions of CVE, results of large-scale CVE-related research projects, specific guidance for practitioners and policymakers in building and maintaining CVE programs, mechanisms to evaluate initiatives, as well as innovative techniques to design new ones. The series aims to help establish a new field of “deradicalization studies” and to build a bridge across the disconnect between experts from different fields, countries and specialities.

Counter-Terrorism Community Engagement Pitfalls and Opportunities Jason Hartley

Selling De-Radicalisation Managing the Media Framing of Countering Violent Extremism Gordon Clubb, Daniel Koehler, Jonatan Schewe, and Ryan O’Connor

Understanding Islamist Drugs, Jihad, and the Pursuit of Martyrdom Lewis Herrington

Radicalization and Disengagement in Neo-Nazi Movements Social Psychology Perspectives Christer Mattsson and Thomas Johansson

For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/Routledge- Studies-in-Countering-Violent-Extremism/book-series/CVE Radicalization and Disengagement in Neo-Nazi Movements Social Psychological Perspectives

Christer Mattsson and Thomas Johansson First published 2022 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 Christer Mattsson and Thomas Johansson The right of Christer Mattsson and Thomas Johansson to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN: 978-0-367-71452-9 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-367-71457-4 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-15210-1 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003152101 Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC Contents

Preface vi

1 Contextualizing the book 1

2 Method, methodology and theoretical perspectives 9

3 From rowdy skinheads to middle-aged parents 23

4 Geographies of hate and childhood memories 38

5 Schooling and radicalization 51

6 Violence and masculinity 65

7 Changing attitudes toward violence and ideology 78

8 Disengaging from the neo-Nazi movement 91

9 The desire to belong: the ethos of neo-Nazism 106

10 Conspiracy theories—At the heart of the neo-Nazi movement 115

11 Conclusions 131

12 Appendix: the informants 140

Index 149 Preface

This book is a result of a long-term study that was granted by Forte (2018–00081). Moreover, it is a result of more than 25 years of experience in preventing young people from entering the neo-Nazi movement. The long work of schooling a youngster who was—or was to be—part of the neo-Nazi movement has provided unprecedented access to informants in this movement. The book traces the devel- opment of the movement during the past 25 years. During the 1990s, the move- ment was known to the public through the rowdy and violent skinheads. Today the movement has a different appearance, and there have been significant shifts in how and when people are recruited. The skinhead period was populated largely by teenagers and young men, while today the new recruits are close to 30 and are often well established in society. This book was driven by our curiosity to understand how this transformation took place, and how it relates to other transformations in society at large. It must also be said that this curiosity has become increasingly uncomfortable because what was screamed out and manifested by the skinheads during their violent rallies in the 1990s is now spoken in the parliaments of many democratic countries today. We do not have the ambition to provide an overall explanation of the growing influ- ence gained by the far right (or, if one prefers, right-wing extremist discourse). We do, however, firmly believe that some of the answers to this development can be found by studying the transformation of the neo-Nazi movement. We shared our efforts during the research process. However, Christer Mattsson had the main responsibility for the interviews and conducted most of them. His access and knowledge of the Swedish neo-Nazi movement have been crucial for this book project. We would like to start by thanking the series editor, Daniel Koehler, who is not just the editor for this book but also for a number of articles that we have published earlier in his Journal for Deradicalization. Daniel has followed our research ven- ture and has provided us with sound advice and helpful critiques. We are also grateful to Jesper Andreasson at Linné University, who read the manuscript and advised us regarding improvements. Most of all, we are grateful to our inform- ants, who allowed us to interview them repeatedly. For some of them, it caused the suffering of reliving memories of a regrettable life, and for others, it demanded the courage to meet with researchers whom they initially deeply mistrusted. No Preface vii matter how large the worldview differences are between us as researchers and our informants, still active in the movement, we believe that it is fair to acknowledge the courage to be willing to share deeply personal experiences and to trust us not to use that information in a way that could cause them personal harm. Parts of Chapters 5–8 have previously been published in: Mattsson, C., & Johansson, T. (2020). The hateful other: Neo-Nazis in school and teach- ers’ strategies for handling racism. British Journal of of Education. Published online September 2020. Mattsson, C., & Johansson, T. (2021). “We are the White Aryan warriors”: Violence, homosociality, and the construction of masculinity in the national socialist movement in Sweden. Men and Masculinities. Published online January 2021. Mattsson, C., & Johansson, T. (2021). Neo-Nazi violence and ideology: Changing attitudes toward violence in Sweden’s skinhead and post-skinhead eras. Terrorism and Political Violence. Published online January 2021. Mattsson, C., & Johansson, T. (2020). Talk is silver and silence is gold? Assessing the impact of public disengagement from the extreme right on deradicalization. Journal for Deradicalization. Published online September 2020. We are grateful for the permission from each journal to reprint part of the texts. Christer Mattsson Thomas Johansson Hällevik, Göteborg and Marstrand

1 Contextualizing the book

Introduction Today, the neo-Nazi movement is mobilizing heavily once again, and its hate- ful messages are gaining political traction in Europe and the United States. This development takes place in particular through increasing support for their views among the general population and the spread of conspiracy theories, which can be seen frequently, even in everyday political debate. Occupying the extreme posi- tion on the far right, they are undergoing a transformation in how they want to portray themselves, and how they want to attract new activists. A number of stud- ies have also identified an increase in the average age at the time of the radicaliza- tion and a change in the entry processes into the violent circles of the neo-Nazi movement (Mattsson & Johansson, 2021). This shift calls for in-depth analyses, based on social psychological and sociological perspectives, to understand the current trends in the movement and their relationship to society as a whole. In this book, we will refer to the skinhead era and the post-skinhead era to distinguish two periods between which a transformation in the movement has taken place. The terms may be a bit blunt, and we are not implying that the trans- formation is complete, or that the non-skinhead aesthetic of the current Swedish movement is the most suitable way to describe the global movement today. How- ever, our focus is on understanding crucial components in the transformation from the period when the movement was publicly identified by the presence of rowdy skinheads, which is from the mid-1980s through the turn of the millennium, until today. How the movement is publicly understood today is not an issue for this book, but as we will show, today’s movement members are eager to get rid of the skinhead identity both individually and on a collective level, for the sake of the reputation of the movement as a whole. The book focuses on the processes of becoming, belonging and leaving or stay- ing. It provides numerous in-depth case studies of the subjective and very per- sonal stories told by a number of young men and women who at one time entered, belonged to and left the Swedish neo-Nazi movement. The book also includes the voices from those who returned to the movement or never left at all, which provides the rare opportunity to compare active, former and returned right-wing extremists. Through repeated interviews with 27 informants from Sweden and the

DOI: 10.4324/9781003152101-1 2 Contextualizing the book United States, the book provides the reader with a close reading of the informants’ dreams, fears, wishes and reasons for engaging into, living within, disengaging from and in some cases remaining within the neo-Nazi movement. The book also offers a social psychological perspective on the life trajectories and experiences of these 27 individuals, remembering and providing their views on their ideological convictions, violence, disillusionment and fateful moments in their disengage- ment process or decisions to remain. The concept of life trajectories will be used as a heuristic concept. This concept is commonly used to capture individuals’ movements in time and space. Often, it is used in studies of young people’s transitions in life (Johansson & Herz, 2019). In this book, we will use the concept to capture and identify some key aspects of our informants’ movements in time and space. First, we will focus on age and the key transitions—through institutions such as the family, school and work— connected to age. We will also focus on the importance of what we have called geographies of hate, that is, what it means to grow up in local neighborhoods saturated by hate speech and everyday racism. Second, we will focus on cultural passages, and in particular, what it means to participate in and become a part of a subculture and a subcultural space. Finally, we will also look closer at agency. Traveling through time and space also means making decisions and taking control of one’s life and life plan. Using the concept of trajectory to make sense of the individual’s entrance into, involvement in and decision to either stay or leave the neo-Nazi movement, we will try to develop a social psychological and contextual analysis of our study object. Out of the 27 informants, ten of them are still active in the movement or are still ideologically convinced neo-Nazis. Five of our informants are women, all of whom have disengaged and left the movement. The low numbers of women also reflect the low representation of active women in the movement as a whole. Through detailed stories of the movement’s violence, hatred and ideology, cou- pled with the narratives of individuals’ life plans and dreams when entering the movement and reintegrating into society, this book provides knowledge, hope and new directions for European and global studies, to better understand and hope- fully react to a reinvigorated extreme right across Western nations. Additionally, the book provides innovative research on the relationship between the life tra- jectories of neo-Nazis and their significant others, allowing us to establish better and more evidence-based strategies for preventing radicalization and promoting deradicalization. In the book, we will provide an innovative approach to the oral history of men and women who have participated in different national and local neo-Nazi move- ments in Sweden. Our book offers an in-depth study of the processes of entering, participating, exiting and staying in the neo-Nazi movement. The innovative fea- tures of this book include the use of an extensive qualitative and process-oriented body of interview material. Stressing the importance of having a sociocultural, historical, gendered and national/contextual perspective on the neo-Nazi move- ment, this book will contribute new knowledge to this field of research. We will Contextualizing the book 3 now situate our study in the history of the skinhead movement and the neo-Nazi movement.

From skinhead culture to the Nordic Skinhead culture developed in the United Kingdom in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Initially, the skins were influenced by different styles of music, and there were no clear dividing lines between them, for example, the Jamaican Rude Boys—which was a West Indian subculture—and the British skinheads (Brake, 1974). Toward the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s, the scene changed and the nationalist currents of 1980s Britain became linked with skin- head culture. Some bands, such as Skrewdriver, came out as racists, and racist and neo-Nazi lyrics became more common. Nationalist movements, such as the National Front and the British Movement, started gaining more followers in the 1980s, and a strong link between this type of a right-wing extremist movement and skinhead culture was gradually established (Ware & Back, 2002). In the 1980s and 1990s, skinhead culture was exported to several European countries, includ- ing Sweden (Lööw, 2000). In many, though not all, cases, skinheads developed racist attitudes and became intimately involved with extreme-right movements (Johansson & Herz, 2019). Since the late 1980s, there has been a growing body of research on racist skin- heads. In a study of 14 male skinheads in Canada, 12 of the 14 youths reported experiencing regular physical discipline at home (Baron, 1997). All the interview- ees reported being involved in many violent incidents. In addition, they withdrew from the labor market and survived through theft and selling drugs. Although there are some connections between these ‘street skinheads’ and extreme- right movements, Baron (1997) draws the conclusion that there is a difference between these less-organized skinheads and skinheads engaged in political activ- ism. However, Baron (1997) also argues that an attractive aspect of the street skinheads is their fighting skills and violent capital. The extreme right-wing scene has been characterized by a fluidity and a notoriously unpredictable activism. In a study of German skinheads and xenophobic youths in Germany, Watts (2001) concludes that what she calls xenophobic culture—that is, racist and violent sen- timents in society—includes both highly spontaneous youth culture/subcultural expressions and more organized forms of political activism. She also suggests that aggressive subcultures do not always act based on ideological motivations, but may instead be driven by thrill-seeking behaviors. Other researchers point out that there is a clear connection and strong bonds between the racist skinhead culture and organized forms of activism and even terrorism. In a US study, Blazak (2001) found that some older Nazi skinheads manipulated teens and recruited them into a world of terrorism and possible attacks. The presence of a violent and racist skinhead culture varies considerably between different countries. In Russia, for instance, skinhead attacks have become more frequent since 2000 (Arnold, 2010). Miller-Idriss (2017) points out that not 4 Contextualizing the book all those engaged in far-right movements, including the neo-Nazi movement, exercise violence. She underlines the particularly intense violence in skinhead groups; however, she indicates that there is also widespread support for discarding violent approaches in far-right movements today. Research on the development of extreme right-wing and neo-Nazi movements in Nordic countries from the 1980s onward suggests that some factors likely influ- enced the eruptions of violence. These are periods of high levels of immigra- tion, the presence of loosely organized skinhead gangs, anti-immigration rhetoric and media coverage of right-wing extremist and neo-Nazi movements. However, establishing causality in this case is challenging, given that local groups with superficial ideological motives most commonly performed the violence, and this violence was commonly exercised among peers (Bjørgo, 1997; Lööw, 2000; Ravndal, 2018). To conclude, there is seldom one causal factor to explain a par- ticular behavior, but it seems that we have to understand violence within these milieus as a contributing and causal factor that generates more violence. In a comparative study of the distribution of violence by right-wing extremists in Nordic countries between 1990 and 2015, Ravndal (2018) shows how Sweden stands out in terms of both the number and persistence of violent deeds by the country’s neo-Nazi movement. In this respect, Ravndal points to the country’s high number of immigrants, the relatively late parliamentary success of a party hostile toward immigration (the Sweden Democrats) and a higher unemployment rate. Ravndal (2018) also notes the historical reasons for the development of neo-Nazism in Sweden, namely, that the National Socialist movement continued relatively intact following the Second World War (1939–1945) due to the country never being occupied, with the government unable or reluctant to take legal meas- ures against Nazi collaborators after 1945. Therefore, looking at previous research on skinheads, we can see that there is a strong emphasis on the connection between belonging to this subculture and exercising extensive forms of violence. Moreover, there are significant differences regarding the appearance and disappearance of skinheads in different countries.

Transmutations of the neo-Nazi movement—From skinheads to post-skinheads Examining the Nordic Resistance Movement’s (NMR’s) Handbook for Activists, Westberg and Årman find that contemporary National Socialists have reinvented and reinterpreted the heritage of 1930s Nazi Germany in several ways, with ste- reotypical images of ‘old’ Nazis replaced with new aesthetic and symbolic ways of expressing adherence to the neo-Nazi movement (Westberg & Årman, 2019). For instance, the handbook’s front cover reflects different visual and embodied resources for creating both historical continuity and new ways of being a National Socialist. Similarly, the combination of different elements—including a striving for a life in balance with nature, a natural body, an outdoor lifestyle and conserva- tive values—enables the reconfiguration of what it means to be a National Social- ist today. Westberg and Årman (2019) also argue that there is a need to analyze Contextualizing the book 5 the intertextual links between different right-wing groups, including the alt-right, the identitarians, and neofascist populist groups. Pollard explores different aspects of the historical development of the racist skinhead phenomenon, arguing that the skinhead way of life typically involves creating a self-image as a warrior or street fighter. Its historical roots in the National Front and British Movement mean that racist skinhead culture is rooted in neo-Nazi ideology. According to Pollard (2016), the skinhead movement is gradually transforming from a working-class and primarily Western European phenomenon into a transnational movement, becoming particularly influential in Eastern Europe. Pollard also argues that the skinhead phenomenon has transi- tioned from a distinct subculture to a historical symbol for extreme far-right activ- ism. Meanwhile, Whitsel (2001) argues that the American neo-Nazi movement has undergone radical transformations and ideological mutations since the 1970s and 1980s, fracturing into several different philosophical tracks and orientations. According to Teitelbaum (2017), nationalism in Nordic countries can be divided into three ideological camps: race revolutionaries, cultural nationalists and iden- titarians. Race revolutionaries encompass individuals that celebrate and reenact the mythology of historical National Socialism. In Sweden, race revolutionaries are represented by the NRM. Usually operating within legitimate democratic par- ties, cultural nationalists are anti-immigrant and conservative, typically celebrat- ing cultural practices that belong to ‘the people.’ In Sweden, cultural nationalists are represented by the Sweden Democrats. Meanwhile, identitarians are situated in a broad ethnonationalist field of activism. Identitarians are heavily represented in different forms of alternative media, with many of the initiatives in Nordic countries linked to the Nordic League. Teitelbaum’s classification scheme is useful for approaching the role of ideol- ogy in the Swedish neo-Nazi movement. Although our study primarily focuses on race revolutionaries, Teitelbaum’s analysis of the changing ideological land- scape of Nordic countries elucidates the general transformations of the neo-Nazi movement in Sweden. For example, the entire nationalist landscape changed dra- matically in the early 2000s—a period Teitelbaum calls the ‘post-skinhead era.’ According to Teitelbaum (2017, p. 21), ‘The withering of record labels, maga- zines, festival circuits, and street gangs created a power vacuum where latent divisions among activists sharpened, and insiders with longstanding grievances toward nationalism’s thuggish reputation found new opportunity to effect change.’ Naming this movement the ‘New Nationalism,’ Teitelbaum (2017) argues that the ideological mutation of the movement is reflected in the distaste for the subcultural phenomena of skinhead culture and the celebration of a particular style and musical taste. Whereas music is associated with emotionalism and anti-­ intellectualism, New Nationalists celebrate cognitive and intellectual approaches to activism. They also dress in a more appropriate manner, rejecting the subcul- tural wardrobe and opting to blend into society. Similar observations have been made by others. For example, Cooter (2006) discusses normalization processes in the American skinhead movement, noting that ‘[i]n contrast to their earlier ­conspicuous manner of dress and adornment, Skins have now begun to aim 6 Contextualizing the book toward the look of “normal” or “average” citizens’ (Cooter, 2006, p. 154). Doc Martens, combat boots and red suspenders have been replaced by a more clean- cut professional look. Some neo-Nazi leaders also encourage members to refrain from getting tattoos. As such, the extant research indicates that there has been a significant shift in how the neo-Nazis and other related social movements present themselves and act in public life. This book digs deeper into this phenomenon, investigating how the Swedish neo-Nazi movement has transformed over the last few decades. In doing this, we will use the distinction between skinheads and post-skinheads. We are well aware that this is a somewhat simplified picture of the historical develop- ment. Still, as a rhetorical figure, it will help us work through our empirical mate- rial, and draw some conclusions regarding recent developments in the neo-Nazi movement. Moreover, as we will account for in the upcoming chapters, several of our informants who are active neo-Nazis today started off as skinheads some 15–20 years ago. Thus, the skinhead versus the post-skinhead era has a concrete connection to the empirical material.

The geography of the transient neo-Nazi movement Although our informants grew up in different geographical areas, these areas were historical strongholds of the Nazi and the neo-Nazi movement—that is, areas where the movement had a strong presence, including regular meetings, external activities and leadership over a long period of time. The neo-Nazi movement and far-right milieus have a clear tendency to reproduce themselves in the same geo- graphical areas (Cantoni, Hagemeister, & Westcott, 2019; Ezekiel, 1995, 2002). This study is therefore focusing on these clusters of rather small geographical locations. We have informants who grew up in five such clusters, four in Sweden and one in the United States. This means that they have embodied the transition from the skinhead to the post-skinhead era, some of them by being skinheads who later left the movement, and others who left the skinhead life, becoming leaders in the contemporary neo-Nazi movement. The younger ones, those born beginning in the mid-80s, were in most cases too young to have made it into the skinhead movement, but their older siblings and peers were often a part of it. Among our informants, there are only two individuals who were recruited via online forums and were thus not rooted in the physical geography of hate. The geographical pattern influences the experiences of not only our main informants but also sig- nificant others, parents, siblings and friends that we have interviewed, as well as representatives of the public institutions in these areas, such as teachers, social workers, police officers and youth workers.

Purpose and disposition of this book In this book, we provide the reader with several extensive in-depth studies on the process of entering into, participating in and ultimately exiting or remaining within the neo-Nazi movement. In particular, we zoom in on the identities, emotions and Contextualizing the book 7 ideas of former and still active neo-Nazis by following the 27 informants through their trajectories into and sometimes out of the neo-Nazi movement. We also aim at providing an innovative social psychological analysis of key moments in the disengagement and deradicalization processes, as well as delving into the reasons for staying in the movement. By comparing the trajectories of those who have left with those who reentered the movement or failed to disengage, we aim to estab- lish a theoretical basis for why, when and how leaving the extreme right can be successful and why it might fail. However, we are also interested in why certain individuals enter and then stay in the neo-Nazi movement. Using the distinction between skinheads and post-skinheads, we will use our empirical material—and interviews with both disengaged/deradicalized and still active neo-Nazis—to explore transformations in the neo-Nazi movement. Some of the overarching research questions guiding our work with this book are as follows.

• What kind of socialization processes and social dynamics contribute to the reproduction of the neo-Nazi movement? • Is it possible to identify key transformations of the chains of reproduction? • What attracts individuals to the neo-Nazi movement, and which role does ideology play? • What role do violence and violent acts play in the movement, and how is this connected to the construction of masculinity? • Is it possible to discern the different trajectories that are involved in disen- gagement and deradicalization from the neo-Nazi movement? • What central differences can be identified between people entering and leav- ing the movement and those who are staying? • What role do conspiracy theories play in the neo-Nazi movement?

In Chapter 2, we will introduce and discuss methodological and theoretical per- spectives. In contrast to many other studies in this field of research, we have cho- sen to adapt and develop a social psychological perspective. Consequently, we are interested in the relationship between the individual and society, and our analyses are focused on the processes and formative moments taking place between the individual and society. Thereafter follows a chapter where we present six indi- viduals and their life stories. Through these case studies, we aim to introduce the reader to our methodology and approach to the narratives and life stories of the informants. In the coming chapters, we will roughly follow the narrative of becoming recruited to (Chapter 5), engaging in (Chapters 6 and 7) and in some cases also leaving the neo-Nazi movement (Chapter 8). In Chapter 9, we will diverge from linear storytelling and the narrative of becoming, belonging and leaving, and address the still-active neo-Nazis. In Chapter 10, we will look closer at some of the key conspiracy theories popular among our informants. In particu- lar, we will focus on the relationship between the Jewish world conspiracy, Holo- caust denial and the Great Replacement Theory. Finally, in Chapter1 1 , we will situate the narratives of the informants in historical and contemporary political 8 Contextualizing the book and sociocultural contexts and discuss the overall results of our study. Chapter 12 includes a more elaborate description of the informants.

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Geographies of hate and childhood memories Beck, U. (1992). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. London: Sage. Essed, P. (1991). Understanding everyday racism: An interdisciplinary theory. London: Sage. Essed, P. (2002). Everyday racism: A new approach to the study of racism. In P. Essed & D. T. Goldberg (Eds.), Race critical theories (pp. 176–194). Oxford: Blackwell. Mattsson, C. , & Johansson, T. (2021). Life trajectories into and out of contemporary neo- Nazism: Becoming and unbecoming the hateful other. London: Routledge

Schooling and radicalization Abraham, J. (2008). Back to the future on gender and anti-school boys: A response to Jeffrey Smith. Gender and Education, 20(1), 89–94. Altier, M. B. , Thoroughgood, C. N. , & Horgan, J. G. (2014). Turning away from terrorism: Lessons from psychology, sociology, and criminology. Journal of Peace Research, 51(5), 647–661. Bjørgo, T. (2008). Processes of disengagement from violent groups of the extreme right. In T. Bjørgo & J. Horgan (Eds.), Leaving terrorism behind: Individual and collective disengagement. London: Routledge. Carlsson, Y. , & Fangen, K. (2012). Right-wing extremism in Norway: Prevention and intervention. In R. Melzer & S. Serafin (Ed.), Right-wing extremism in Europe: Country analyses, counter-strategies and labour-market orientated exit-strategies (pp. 342–375). Berlin: Friedrich- Ebert-Stiuftung. Ezekiel, R. S. (1995). The racist mind: Portraits of American neo-Nazis and Klansmen. New York: Viking Penguin. Ezekiel, R. S. (2002). An ethnographer looks at neo-Nazi and Klan groups: The racist mind revisited. American Behavioral Scientist, 46(1), 51–71. Hamm, M. S. (2004). Apocalyptic violence: The seduction of terrorist subcultures. Theoretical Criminology, 8(3), 323–339. Ivanisuhina, V. , & Alexandrov, D. (2018). Anti-school attitudes, school culture and friendship networks. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 39(5), 698–716. Johansson, T. , & Herz, M. (2019). Youth studies in transition: Culture, generation, and new learning processes. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland. Johnsson, S. P. , & Weber, B. R. (2011). Toward a genderful pedagogy and the teaching of masculinity. The Journal of Men’s Studies, 19(2), 138–158. Jonsson, R. (2014). Boys’ anti-school culture? Narratives and school practices. Anthropology & Education, 45(3), 276–292. Lund, D. E. , & Nabavi, M. (2008). Understanding student anti-racism activism to foster social justice in schools. International Journal of Multicultural Education, 10(1), 1–21. Mattsson, C. , & Johansson, T. (2018). Becoming, belonging and leaving—Exit processes among young neo-Nazis in Sweden. Journal of Deradicalization, 16, 33–69. Mattsson, C. , & Johansson, T. (2019, Spring). Leaving hate behind—Neo-Nazis, significant others and disengagement. Journal for Deradicalization, 18, 185–216. Mattsson, C. , & Johansson, T. (2020). Life trajectories into and out of contemporary neo- Nazism: Becoming and unbecoming the hateful other. London: Routledge. Nayak, A. , & Kehily, M. J. (2013). Gender, youth & culture: Global masculinities and femininities. Houndmills: Palgrave MacMillan. Oser, F. , Riegel, C. , & Tanner, S. (2006). Was die Sensibilisierung anbelangt, war das Projekt Spitze: Ergebnisse des NFP 40+Projekts Prävention von Rechtsextremismus und ethnisierter Gewalt an Schulen. Retrieved March 16, 2021, from www.nfp40plus.ch/m/mandanten/174/download/Newsletter_dt.pdf Pedersen, A. , Walker, I. , Rapley, M. , & Wisem, M. (2003). Anti-racism—what works? An evaluation of the effectiveness of anti-racism strategies. Murdoch: Murdoch University, School of Psychology. Sernhede, O. (2018). From learning to labour to custody for the precariat. Ethnography, 19(4), 531–547. Short, G. (2000). Holocaust education in Ontario high schools: An antidote to racism? Cambridge Journal of Education, 30(2), 291–305. Standing, G. (2016). The corruption of capitalism: Why rentiers thrive and work does not pay. London: Biteback Publishing. Van San, M. , Sieckelinck, S. , & de Winter, M. (2013). Ideal adrift: An educational approach to radicalization. Ethics and Education, 8(3), 276–289. Willis, P. (1977). Learning to labour: Why working-class kids get working class jobs. Farnborough: Saxon House.

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Disengaging from the neo-Nazi movement Aho, J. A. (1994). This thing of darkness: A sociology of the enemy. Seattle: Washington University Press. Altier, M. B. , Boyle, E. L. , & Horgan, J. G. (2020). Terrorist transformations: The link between terrorist roles and terrorist disengagement. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2019.1700038 Altier, M. B. , Thoroughgood, C. N. , & Horgan, J. G. (2014). Turning away from terrorism: Lessons from psychology, sociology, and criminology. Journal of Peace Research, 51(5), 647–661. Barrelle, K. (2015). Pro-integration: Disengagement from and life after extremism. Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, 7(2), 129–142. Bjørgo, T. (1997a). Racist and right-wing violence in Scandinavia: Patterns, perpetrators and responses. Oslo: Tano Aschehoug. Bjørgo, T. (1997b). Entry, bridge-burning and exit options: What happens to young people who join racist groups—and want to leave? 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Conclusions Blee, K. (2002). Inside organized racism: Women in the hate movement. Berkeley: University of California Press. Busbridge, R. , Moffitt, B. , & Thorburn, J. (2020). Cultural Marxism: Far-right conspiracy theory in Australia’s culture wars. Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, 26(6), 722–738. Deerman, M. E. (2012). Transporting movement ideology into popular culture: Right-wing think tanks and the case of ‘virgin chic.’ Sociological Spectrum, 32(2), 95–113. Ferber, A. L. (1997). Of mongrels and Jews: The deconstruction of racialised identities in white supremacist discourse. Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, 3(2), 193–208. Goodhart, D. (2017). The road to somewhere: The new tribes shaping British politics. Penguin Books. Hofstadter, R. (1966). The paranoid style in American politics and other essays. London: Lowe and Brydone Ltd. McVeigh, R. (2004). Structured ignorance and organized racism in the United States. Social Forces, 82(3), 895–936. Rose, J. D. (2011). Diverse perspectives on the groupthink theory—A literary review. Emerging Leadership Journeys, 4(1), 37–57.