Progress report

Progress in Human Geography 1–9 ª The Author(s) 2016 Gender and sexuality II: Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Activism DOI: 10.1177/0309132516659569 phg.sagepub.com

Lynda Johnston University of Waikato, Aotearoa New Zealand

Abstract This report considers genders and sexualities within and across spaces of activism. Geographers concerned with social belonging, equity, human rights, civic duties, and gendered and sexed identities often engage in activism through participatory research and/or direct action. This report brings together geographical scholarship on feminist and (, , bisexual, , , queer) – LGBTIQ – activism to examine the construction of transformative geographical knowledges. Feminist and queer activist geo- graphers can be powerful forces for positive social change and challenge . They may also, however, reinforce normalizations and hierarchies within and beyond activist spaces. I bring together references that position geographers at the centre of activism, genders, sexualities and place.

Keywords activism, politics, inequalities, protest, transformative geographies, , genders, sexualities

I Introduction change in navigating the ‘equalities landscapes’ (Podmore, 2013: 265). The debate about At a time when many western nations are revis- marriage is, however, a useful starting point as ing their legislative frameworks to recognize it potentially opens up closer examinations of marriage equality for people of all genders, bodies, love, sexual intimacy, gender, families, some geographers are arguing for more debate belonging and sexual citizenship. Over the last – and more action – about institutionalized part- five years or so a great deal of LBGTIQ activism nership, love, families, sexual citizenship and has been dominated by marriage equality, caus- belonging (Gabb and Fink, 2015; Morrison ing some activist groups to split into those who et al., 2013; Waitt, 2015; Wilkinson, 2014). fight for the right to say ‘I do’ and those who Waitt (2015: 429) notes: ‘while marriage ‘don’t’. Like all binaries and relationships, it is powerfully links sex, intimacy, sexuality, citi- never this simple (Browne, 2011). zenship and the nation, debates around marriage Politically oriented scholarly activity has a equality in Australia are often foreclosed by significant history in geography, so it is timely both advocates and opponents’. This report, my second ongender and sexuality (Johnston, 2015), is not merely about marriage; rather, it is about the ways in which feminist and Corresponding author: Lynda Johnston, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, queer geographers – as researchers of activism University of Waikato, Private Bag 3105, Hamilton 3240, and as activists – find themselves treading a line Aotearoa New Zealand. between ‘respectability’ and radical disruptive Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at University of Waikato Library on July 24, 2016 2 Progress in Human Geography to reflect on what counts as feminist and queer order to challenge geography’s heteronormativ- activism. We have well established literature on ity. Dominant discourses that construct ‘legiti- sexuality and citizenship focusing on many mate’ knowers as rational, masculine and commercial gay scenes and the way in which heterosexual silence those knowers who may they are produced. As a consequence, some not be, for example, heterosexual (see Binnie, feminist and queer geographers have berated 1997). Johnson (1994: 110) agonizes ‘about the others for not radically transforming – or queer- consequences – professional and otherwise – of ing – spaces, places, and the discipline of geo- ‘coming-out’ in print, declaring my own sexu- graphy enough (Bell and Binnie, 2002; Oswin, ality and building a feminist geography upon 2004, 2008). my lesbianism. But basically I have seen the In reviewing LGBTIQ activist feminist and risks as too great, the stakes too high in a homo- queer geography literature, I consider the fol- phobic culture and discipline.’ Knopp, however, lowing questions: are we still committed to rad- has for many years been involved in local pol- ical change and transformation or have we itics and queer communities. Merging personal become comfortable – even complacent – as with professional, Knopp has conducted annual laws change and university contexts alter LGBT tours as part of a Geography Awareness (Hines, 2007; McDermott, 2011; Richardson, Week event and he has long been accepted as an 2004; Richardson and Monro, 2012; Spade, activist in the academy (Knopp, 2015). 2011)? And, are feminist and queer activist geo- Is it still risky for some to ‘come out’ in print/ graphers able to shed critical insights on taken- online? In other words, do we still need to use for-granted gender and sexual norms, thereby our bodies to challenge a narrow understanding opening up debates about new possibilities and of who counts as ‘legitimate’ knowers in geo- social realities (Weeks, 2007)? From this para- graphy? Johnson again (2012) reflects on her doxical position – between the normalities of changing role in a recent article reviewing 30 equalities landscapes and radical change – I years of Australian feminist geography. Her dis- consider activism in the following sections: dis- engagement from feminist theories and activism senting bodies, and pride and participation. is a result of: an equality agenda based on mas- culine values and standards as the norms; the sense that the feminist revolution is no longer II Dissenting bodies needed because the objectives have been rea- Many feminist and queer geographers are acti- lized; an aging cohort of feminists who are no vists both within and outside of the academy. longer active mentors or knowledge producers; Being an activist and/or researching activism is and the absence of a political movement that driven by a desire to create equitable places and demands changes in the academy (Johnson, spaces, and where the personal is political 2012). (Cahill, 2007). The protest movements of the This confession alerts us to specific, and 1960s and ’70s in western countries inspired accelerated, social and political changes within many activists to be scholars with the idea that the academy and beyond. In an era of social academic work is useful in challenging inequal- reform it is useful to identify if a culture of ities, insecurities, and processes of marginaliza- gender equity and queer tolerance provides tion (Pickerill and Chatterton, 2006). Yet, opportunities for feminist and queer geogra- academic work is also a site where some gen- phers. Johnson (2012) suggests that social dered and sexed bodies – and associated knowl- changes have complex and contradictory conse- edges – are othered, marginalized and excluded. quences, often aligning us with new gendered Indeed, activist geographers have ‘come out’ in and sexed norms that are not necessarily

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at University of Waikato Library on July 24, 2016 Johnston 3 transformative. Similarly, Longhurst and John- from results, of not passing the ‘‘test’’ of field- ston (2014), in our review of research on embo- work, being too focused on family, or concerns diment in 21 years of the Gender, Place and about appearing ‘‘serious’’’ (Billo and Hiem- Culture journal, note feminist and queer geogra- stra, 2013: 313; see also Datta, 2008; Frohlick, phers ‘have been part of a process of writing 2002; Nairn, 2003; Sundberg, 2003). Queer- bodies and their complex assemblages into a feminist activist research with LGBTIQ groups variety of geographical discourses but this strat- prompts some geographers to ask ‘How do I egy has not necessarily prompted a questioning study a group to which I belong politically and or destabilisation of masculinism in the disci- with which I identify? Am I queer enough?’ pline’ (Longhurst and Johnston, 2014: 274). (Misgav, 2016: 720). This method of research It is important to remember, however, that often brings us together with our communities, since the 1990s there have been a series of dis- yet may also set us apart (Heckert, 2010; Nash, crete but connected projects and articles on dis- 2010). mantling hegemonic human geography Collaborative feminist research projects are knowledges, as well as the ‘activist-academic another form of activism when they are divide’ (Ward, 2007: 698). Rather than sitting designed to consider ‘who-gets-what’ (Benson in ivory towers, geographers have turned out in and Nagar, 2006: 589) both offline and online to the streets, logged in online, and have broa- (Elwood, 2008; de Jong, 2015a; McLean et al., dened the scope of activism so that it goes 2016). Blending theory and practice (praxis), beyond ‘dramatic, physical, ‘‘macho’’ forms activist geographers connect with ‘resisting oth- of activism with short-term public impacts’ ers’ – which may take the form of communities, (Maxey, 1999: 200). Inspired by debates such groups, social movements, or nongovernment as positionality and reflexivity, feminist and organizations who challenge various normative queer geographers engage in ‘action research’ practices of dominating power – through critical to create mutually constitutive personal and pro- collaboration. fessional geographies. The boundaries between Dissenting activist bodies and the power of activism and research, methods and theory are emotions are capturing geographers’ attentions blurred, particularly when ‘we are in a sense all (Brown and Pickerill, 2009a, 2009b), but not a activists, as we are all engaged in producing the great deal has been written about the emotional world’ (Maxey, 1999: 201). A public activist- spaces of gender and queer activism, either scholar – seeking to transform the discipline of within or outside of the academy. The political human geography, as well as research and per- value in bringing together geographies of gen- sonal communities – ‘is about radical education der, sexualities, emotion, and activism is to and the public debate of ideas which challenge ‘unsettle the hierarchy of emotions that suggests the norm’ (Chatterton, 2008: 421). that only certain feelings are productive for acti- Other feminist and queer geographers put vism, while other emotions have less relevance their bodies and reputations ‘on the line’ in in activist theory and practice’ (Wilkinson, order to challenge the hegemony of human geo- 2009: 42). Emotions are embodied, collective graphy methodologies. Reflecting on their PhD and political, hence integral to the construction fieldwork, both Billo and Hiemstra (2013: 313) of sociospatial relations that lead to queering examine how ‘the researcher’s personal and human geography and community activism. field life bleed into each other to shape the con- Emotions are ‘bound up with the securing of duct of research’. Many feminist geographers social hierarchy’ (Ahmed, 2004: 4) and they are reluctant to discuss personal challenges for are also enmeshed in destabilizing social fear of ‘seeming weak, of detracting attention hierarchies.

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Some scholars elaborate on the affectual and geographical activist literature highlights the emotional politics of pride and shame in many ways feminist and queer geographers response to HIV/AIDS activism (Gould, 2009; adapt and respond to inequalities and normative Rand, 2012). Acknowledging the 25th anniver- constructions of genders and sexualities. sary of the founding of ACT UP, Rand (2012: 75) writes about the group’s ‘complicated affec- tive intensities – affects that produce individual III Pride and participation feelings, but also those that drive cultural his- There is now an established scholarship on pride tories and are directed toward political ends’. activism, and much of this is a result of research She charts an affective history, following Cvet- on LGBTIQ politics in the city and community kovich’s (2003: 167) call for ‘an archive of participation (Johnston and Waitt, 2015). As emotions’ to capture activism’s felt and trau- regularly claimed, in June 1969 several days matic dimensions of both pride and shame. Indi- of rioting signaled the beginning of a radical vidual and collective experiences of pride and movement (Weeks, 2015). The shame are important to consider as these visc- Stonewall Inn, Christopher Street in New York eral responses help (im)mobilize acti- City, was the site where ‘queens, and vism (Johnston, 2007). trans people fought back against the police’ In a special issue on ‘Activism and Emotion’ (Weeks, 2015: 45). The riots became an upris- in the journal Emotion, Space and Society, ing, and in recognition of these , Wilkinson (2009) questions the assertion that gay pride groups organize annual festivals and only some emotions are relevant to politics. In parades to advocate for, and celebrate, gender doing so she challenges any hierarchy of emo- and . Today, Christopher Street tions and attempts to separate intimate queer may be lined with many rainbow flags indicat- lives from the public sphere of activism. Within ing LGBTIQ space. Yet not all rainbow com- a UK context, Wilkinson (2009) notes that munities feel included in this space which is autonomous politics are a reaction to the fail- dominated by ‘White middle-class and not ings of the Left and about creating spaces of necessarily tolerant of LGBTQ YOC [youth of difference, yet often these groups fail to recog- color]’ (Iraza´bal and Huerta, 2016: 720). This is nize gender and sexual difference, which may a rainbow world that only some have won lead to a great deal of angst. One of Wilkinson’s (McDermott, 2011). (2009: 38) queer activist interviewees commen- Contemporary urban expressions of gay ted: ‘Just because some straight anarcho bloke is pride now hinge on whether pride parades are wearing a pink fluoro dress on a protest, or at a effective forms of activism, or simply bright, party, doesn’t mean he’s not acting like a macho sparkly and branded forms of commercialized wanker’. In the attempt to create supportive homonormativity (Bell and Binnie, 2002; Dug- activist spaces hierarchies may emerge, partic- gan, 2002). Indeed, much scholarship on gay ularly when there is no place for conflict or pride festivals in large cities focuses on: the dispute within the group. In these situations it commercialization of sexualized spaces and is not so much feeling out of place but that cer- bodies for city branding (Bell and Binnie, tain ‘feelings’ are out of place. 2004); the creation of a type of cosmopolitan These dissenting bodies – scholar activists climate (Rushbrook, 2002); and tourism (John- who challenge hegemonic knowledges, places ston, 2005). Yet, these parades and festivals are and spaces – bring into focus the porous bound- both playful and political (Browne, 2007). A aries between academic, personal and public politics of pleasure is at the centre of events lives. Following dissenting bodies through that are also about resisting and subverting

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at University of Waikato Library on July 24, 2016 Johnston 5 , marginalization, intolerance There is good evidence that while gay pride and . Playful deconstructive spatial parades and festivals queer streets – and tactics may mobilize new forms of LGBTIQ ‘gayborhoods’ (Brown, 2013; Ghaziani, 2014) activism, and at the same time tensions are cre- – there is also active resistance from self- ated between partying, politics, and commer- identified gay people. Waitt and Stapel (2011) cialization (Browne, 2007). For example, when interviewed people in Townsville (Queensland, regional authorities promote gay pride tourism, Australia) who felt shame rather than pride thisisoftendeemedanindicatorofLGBTIQ when viewing the Gay and Lesbian human rights progress. Yet, this may also Mardi Gras Parade. The public display of gen- establish some places as being considered dered and sexed bodies ‘fornicating on floats’ is more ‘advanced or civilised’ than others deemed unacceptable for some in (Chambers, 2008). Townsville. This construction means that some Geographers have conducted extensive dissenting bodies become synonymous with research around the globe on the diversity of Sydney, and not with Townsville. gay pride in, for example: Australasia (de Jong, Flying the rainbow flag at pride events is 2015b; Johnston and Waitt, 2015; Markwell increasingly seen as homogenizing, and counter and Waitt, 2009); Canada (Podmore, 2015); to the recognition of the intersection of subjectiv- Europe (Binnie and Klesse, 2011; Blidon, ities based on more than gender and sexuality, but 2009; Browne and Bakshi, 2013a; Johnston, also class, ethnicity, indigeneity, disabilities, age 2005); and the Middle East (Hartal, 2016). and so on. Pride events, such as the Trans Day of These studies address regional activist politics Action for Social and Economic Justice in New of gay pride events, noting, for example, chal- York City, chose a more critical path and address lenges to heteronormative city spaces and cor- the marginalization of ‘queer and trans people of poratized homonormative expression of color, low income people, immigrants, and peo- capitalisms (Brown, 2007a). These ‘(flawed ple with disabilities’ (Spade, 2011: 206). When and imperfect) possibilities of the celebratory radically queer activists brush up against ‘main- politics of pride’ re-create LGBTIQ bodies as stream’ reformist type organizations, such as cosmopolitan urbanites (Browne and Bakshi, Stonewall in the UK or the National Gay and 2013a: 160). Lesbian Task Force in the US, gender and sexual The interplay of tourism, leisure and politics normativities are challenged. Brown (2007a, is highlighted by many mentioned above. So too 2007b) discusses the political practices of radi- are they highlighted by Binnie and Klesse cally queer activists from different parts of the (2011) when they examine the links between world who come together for Queeruption gath- tourism and LGBTQ activism in the March for erings. Radically queer activism and the way in Tolerance (an annual tolerance and equality which it is aligned with anticapitalist and anar- march) in Krakow, Poland. The politics of hos- chist global justice movements challenge both pitality and solidarity (or solidarity tourism) sig- homo and heteronomativites in a way that is both nificantly strengthens activist networks transformative and empowering (Brown, 2007b). connected to the March for Tolerance event. What constitutes gay pride activism, itself, is This event is a good example of an enmeshed fought over, and interconnected with alternative relationship between tourism and gay pride par- economies of community socializing as well as ades. Arising from this research is the recogni- mainstream highly commercial gay scenes tion of feminists as core to LGBTQ activist (Andrucki and Elder, 2007). The diverse ways networks (Binnie and Klesse, 2012, and see also of doing activism means that lines are some- Kulpa, 2014). times drawn between radical change and

Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at University of Waikato Library on July 24, 2016 6 Progress in Human Geography assimilation to norms. Conflicts tend to indicate counter-mapping activism in which they different ideas about agendas and priorities of acknowledge both the democratic promises and annual gay pride festivals. antidemocratic realities of participatory map- Participating in, and being activists, beyond ping projects. Together with long-time elder pride parades and in the day-to-day of queer Seattle residents and activists, they tried to pro- communities, has absorbed some feminist and duce a material artefact that boldly represented queer geographers (Browne and Bakshi, 2013a; space, place, and spatial relations in Seattle, Johnston and Longhurst, 2010; Misgav, 2015). WA, but they also attempted to keep the map Working with and in community groups brings ‘open, plural, equivocal, and tentative’ (Brown to the fore everyday possibilities and tensions and Knopp, 2008: 44). They encountered ten- when feminist and queer groups align with insti- sions and conflicts which they describe as just tutions such as local and city authorities, and that – not simple or easy moments of harmony begin to operate within local authority spaces, or reconciliation or commensuration. They such as funded LGBT centres (Hartal, 2015; decided to come clean about the limits of their Misgav, 2015) or within city authorities participatory GIS project because the limits, (Browne and Bakshi, 2013a). compromises, and contradictions are integral Advancing the work of LGBT activisms, to understanding queer geography and cartogra- Browne and Bakshi (2013b) consider activists phy/GIS. – themselves and others – who work for and Also concerned with mapping, Ferriera and within statutory services in Brighton and Hove, Salvador (2015) disrupt heteronomativity in England’s ‘gay capital’. The 2010 Equalities Portugal by creating and sharing collaborative Act has been a key mechanism to prompt a shift web maps with . In the research proj- towards inclusionary politics at the level of ect ‘Creating Landscapes’, participants’ mem- local government, corporations and statutory ories, emotions and feelings are used to create services. Traditional forms of activism – that digital layers of lesbian visibility. There are oppose the state – are no longer necessary, yet opportunities for community and personal dis- this leaves some questioning the incorporation coveries, as well as fostering positive changes of queer lives into normative institutions. and empowerment. These mapping participa- Browne and Bakshi (2013b: 261) follow ‘insi- tory activist projects make lives liveable at a der activists’, charting the fraught experiences range of spatial scales. They may not be radi- of activists who are ‘challenged and critiqued cally transformative or overthrow deep struc- and held to account’. This examination of the tural inequalities based on patriarchal impact of equalities legislation is part of a larger and , yet they offer participant-action research project, ‘Count Me different ways to visualize places and bodies in Too’ (Browne and Bakshi, 2013a). They call as multiple and diverse. for a spatially sensitive ‘politics of ordinariness’ that does not necessarily imply assimilation or normativity. IV Conclusion Participatory research projects have proved I began this report using a societal equality indi- fruitful for feminist and queer activist geogra- cator – the right to marry – to open up debates phers, and much of this research is driven by about the usefulness of feminist and queer geo- personal commitments to researchers’ own graphers’ activism. My ongoing concern is that communities. These activist projects may be we may be too ‘respectable’ in our political successful, but they also have limitations. actions, and hence avoid more radical disruptive Brown and Knopp (2008) discuss their change. There is plenty of evidence that state

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