Red & Black Revolution (1) PDF version Nov 2000

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PDF version Revolution Nov 2000 http://surf.to/anarchism A magazine of libertarian communism Number 4 AnarchismAnarchismAnarchism oror barbarism?barbarism?

TheThe choicechoice isis yours!yours!

Rebellion Racism & Class in Ireland 1798 Struggle Red & Black Revolution (2) A Comment A Welcome to issue 4 of “Red and the ‘window of opportunity’ which Organisational Platform of the Black Revolution”. has opened up with the silencing of Libertarian Communists, both in the guns. a historical context and in the In this issue, we follow in the context of its relevance today. We footsteps of the 3 previous issues’ Ireland 1998 has seen a huge also carry an interview with the with a balance of articles of growth in naked racism. The Solidarita organisation in the historical and present-day interest. arrival on the shores of the ‘Celtic Czech Republic about their Tiger’ of a few thousand asylum The 1798 rebellion in Ireland has experiences in developing seekers has been met by hysteria been marked throughout Ireland anarchism in the post-Soviet era. about "scroungers" and a naked in this, the year of its 200th attempt by sections of the media We hope that you will find anniversary, with the launch of and the political establishment to something of interest to you in this pamphlets, T.V. programmes, whip up racism. This is of course edition. We don’t claim to know all Summer Schools and re- not a uniquely Irish phenomenon, the answers, rather we are enactments of battles. In the so we are delighted to carry an attempting to provoke and stimulate context of the Irish ‘peace process’ article from the Workers Solidarity debate on some of the crucial and the Good Friday Agreement, Federation in South Afica, which questions facing us. If there is the 1798 commemorations have looks at their analysis and anything you agree or disagree with, taken on added significance. We experiences of fighting racism. we would love to hear from you. It is look at how 1798 is remembered, through debate and discussion that and indeed how large parts of its Since the launch of Red & Black ideas can be developed. legacy are deliberately forgotten Revolution, we have attempted to or distorted. We also take a look at analyse past and current This is our contribution to that how the left in Ireland have reacted developments in anarchism. In this development of ideas. Read and enjoy! to recent events in the North and tradition, we look at the

Back Issues About the WSM The Workers Solidarity Movement was members are involved in their trade unions; A limited number of copies of founded in Dublin, Ireland in 1984 following we’ve fought for abortion rights and against Issue 1, 2 & 3 are still available. discussions by a number of local anarchist the presence of the British state in Northern Send 2 pounds/ 3 dollars for a groups on the need for a national anarchist Ireland; we’ve also been involved in cam- organisation. At that time, with unemploy- paigns in support of workers from countries single copy. Bulk discount of 1/3 ment and inequality on the rise, there seemed as far apart as Nepal, Peru and South Africa. applies for orders of 3 copies or every reason to argue for anarchism and for a Alongside this, we have produced over fifty more. revolutionary change in Irish society. This issues of our paper Workers Solidarity, and a has not changed. wide range of pamphlets. In 1986, we organ- R & B R 1 featured articles on the ised a speaking tour of Ireland by an anar- collapse of the left, Russia 1917-21, Marx Like most socialists we share a fundamental chist veteran of the Spanish Civil War, Ernesto & the state, the EZLN & more. belief that capitalism is the problem. We Nadal, to commemorate the 50th anniver- believe that as a system it must be ended, sary of the revolution there. R & B R 2 included Russian Anarchism that the wealth of society should be com- today, Chomsky on Anarchism, Two monly owned and that its resources should be As anarchists we see ourselves as part of a souls of the unions etc used to serve the needs of humanity as a long tradition that has fought against all R & BR3 included Anarchism in South whole and not those of a small greedy minor- forms of authoritarianism and exploitation, a Africa and Italy, The anti Water Charges ity. But, just as importantly, we see this tradition that strongly influenced one of the struggle, the early Irish left etc struggle against capitalism as also being a most successful and far reaching revolutions struggle for freedom. We believe that social- in this century - in Spain in 1936 - 37. The ism and freedom must go together, that we value of this tradition cannot be underesti- Reprints cannot have one without the other. As Mikhail mated today. With the fall of the Soviet Bakunin, the Russian anarchist said, “So- Union there is renewed interest in our ideas Permission is given for revolutionary cialism without freedom is tyranny and bru- and in the tradition of libertarian socialism publications to reprint any of the articles tality”. generally. We hope to encourage this interest contained in this issue. But please do with Red & Black Revolution. We believe that Anarchism has always stood for individual two things; anarchists and libertarian socialists should freedom. But it also stands for democracy. debate and discuss their ideas, that they We believe in democratising the workplace should popularise their history and struggle, • Tell us you are re-printing and send us and in workers taking control of all industry. and help point to a new a copy of the publication it appears in. We believe that this is the only real alterna- way forward. If you are • If you are also translating an article, tive to capitalism with its on going reliance on interested in finding out hierarchy and oppression and its depletion of more about anarchism or please send us a copy of the translation the world’s resources. on computer disk so we can add it to our the WSM, contact us at PO Box 1528, Dublin 8, electronic archive. In the years since our formation, we’ve been involved in a wide range of struggles - our Ireland. Red & Black Revolution (3) Contents

Anarchism with a Kevin Doyle talks to Vadim Barák of the Solidarita organisation in the future - The Czech Czech Republic about the problems and possibilities facing anarchists in Page 4 the process of rebuilding a revolutionary movement. Republic

Anarchism is often seen as being broadly linked with the radical wing of Environmentalism the Environmental movement. Ray Cunningham in reviewing ‘Anarchism and Environmental Survival’ considers these links and the Page 7 influence of these movements on each other.

With racism on the rise in Ireland, it has become more important than ever Racism: Where it for anti-racist activists to examine where such ideas come from and how comes from, How we they can be fought. In this article, the South African anarchist organisa- Page 11 should fight it tion, the WSF, puts forward its view that the fight against racism and the class-struggle are inextricably linked.

One time anarchist Victor Serge joined the Bolsheviks in 1918 and is often quoted by Leninists today to justify their repression of the left. Dermot Sreenan looks at his later writings and finds a Serge unhappy with many Victor Serge aspects of Bolshevik rule but unable to break with them because of the Page 15 apparent success of the Russian Revolution.

In June of 1795 several Irish Protestants gathered on top of Cave Hill, overlooking Belfast. They swore " never to desist in our efforts until we had subverted the authority of England over our country and asserted our The 1798 Rebellion independence". Three years later 100,000 rose against Britain in the first Page 18 Irish republican insurrection. Andrew Flood examines what they were fighting for and how they influenced modern Irish nationalism.

Letters Readers views on some controversy generated with the last issue Page 26

The Friends of Durruti organisation, which arose from the ranks of anarchist militants during the Spanish Civil War, condemned the CNT The Friends of and FAI members who joined the anti-Franco government. For their Page 27 Durruti pains they were accused of wanting to establish an “anarchist dictator- ship”. Alan MacSimóin reviews the first English language book about them, and looks at the lessons to be learnt from Spain.

So you want to change the world? What next? Unsurprisingly this simple question has provoked much discussion among anarchists. Aileen Page 29 The Platform O'Carroll and Alan MacSimóin look at the answer provided by some Russians.

Hobson's choice The "Good Friday Agreement" was passed by an overwhelming majority The "Good Friday of voters North and South. The agreement presented something of a Hobson's Choice for the Irish working-class - which route to an entrench- Page 33 Agreement" & the ment of sectarianism do you want to take? Here Gregor Kerr looks at the Irish Left reactions to the agreement of the Irish left.

1998 - 99

Red & Black Revolution is published by the Workers Solidarity Movement. The deadline for the next issue is April 1999. Submissions are welcome and should be sent either as 'text only' files on Mac or PC format computer disks or typed on plain white paper. Disks are preferred. Letters are also welcome. All correspondence should be sent to Red & Black Revolution, PO Box 1528, Dublin 8, Ireland. http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/wsm.html AnarchismRed & Black Revolution (4) with a future - the Czech Republic -

Kevin Doyle talks to Vadim Barák of the Solidarita organisation in the Unlike Syndicalism the FCAC survived Czech Republic about the problems and possibilities facing anarchists in the war. the process of rebuilding a revolutionary movement. In 1918, on 14th October, the FCAC’s mili- tants, together with left Social Democrats, Q: What’s your view of the old and in Prague - the centre of the revolution organised a 24-hour general strike that in ‘Communist’ system that existed - it made significant steps to becoming a fact marked the end of the Austro-Hungar- in the Czech Republic until real working-class alternative. In the first ian empire’s domination of our nation. This 1989? Had it any positive local elections, 10,000 people voted for the event made Czech nationalist politicians, features? LA in Prague. But by then the revolution had been usurped by careerist dissident who did not want to break away from the It should be remembered that unlike in intellectuals and former Communist bu- empire until that moment, start negotia- Hungary, Poland and Eastern Germany reaucrats. They took over a movement of tions with the empire about our independ- where the Communist Party (CP) were Citizens’ Forums and the state apparatus, ence. Strikers were demanding our right to installed into government by the Soviet and by means of a massive propaganda national independence and a creation of military forces, here in Czechoslovakia they campaign succeeded in persuading people the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. After came to power by winning democratic elec- that we could not have socialism with de- a day the strike was called off by the Social tions with an overwhelming majority of mocracy - that the only way was the west- Democratic leadership. On 28th October votes. But what you call the ‘old Commu- ern ‘market economy’ idea. ordinary people - mainly in Prague - rose nist system’ had nothing in common with up again to finish off the decaying Austro- true socialism. The regime we had until This new situation saw the LA once more Hungarian authorities. 1989 had all the faults that the Czech in a position of isolated discussional cir- At that time the leading Anarchist-Com- Anarchists at the beginning of the century cles. This time it was fatal. Some of its munist intellectuals were already moving predicted it would have. The Communist leading figures were moving towards a towards Leninism. One of them became an Party bureaucracy took over the state power pro-market position, sectarianism occurred MP in the parliament of the new republic in the name of workers. They slaughtered and in the end its internal conflicts de- and another was a minister of the first left and right oppositions, destroyed basic stroyed it. government. On the other hand it tells a lot civil and human rights to prevent ordinary Q: What sort of history do about Anarchist-Communist influence at people from organising themselves inde- anarchist ideas have in the the time. In 1918 the Anarchist-Commu- pendent of the Party and from expressing Czech Republic? nists became the left wing of the Czecho- opinions hostile to “the most perfect democ- slovak Socialist Party (the CSSP). In 1923 racy in the world”. Industries were not Anarchism started here in the 1880s as a Anarchist-Communists were expelled from nationalised under workers' control but youth section of a patriotic and liberal the CSSP and their leaders manoeuvred under central bureaucratic management. movement against the Austro-Hungarian them into a last step before an open unifi- Agriculture was collectivised with brutal monarchy. When the Social Democratic cation with the CP, which had already force. The centralised undemocratic plan- Party was established, its left wing was been established in 1921 by left Social ning that became the norm here, fulfilled represented by Libertarian Socialists, but Democrats and left Anarchist-Communists, the interests of the nomenklatura1 and not after several years they were forced to who openly converted to Bolshevism. (In that of the whole society. As time went on break away. Until WW1 the most powerful fact they were the first here to translate it became more and more inefficient. current of Libertarianism was Anarcho- Lenin’s works.) This last step led to the Syndicalist. A stronghold of Czech Anarcho- Q: Was there anarchist activity formation of the Independent Socialist Syndicalism was in the Northern Bohemian in Czechoslovakia in the lead up Party (the ISP). In 1925 the ISP, despite mining regions. Anarcho-Syndicalists were to the Velvet Revolution(1989)? resistance from the last remnants of syndi- soon organising their own union federa- calism - the Association of Czechoslovak A: Yes, there was an anarchist minority in tion, the Czech General Union Federation Miners, which was tied to the Anarchist- an illegal party called the Left Alternative. (the CGUF). Repression by the state stran- Communists - abandoned federalism and This party was very small and composed gled the CGUF in 1908, but could not other Anarchist principles and joined the mainly of intellectuals and students who destroy the Syndicalist spirit among work- CP. belonged to various currents of democratic ers and new Syndicalist unions like the and revolutionary socialism. They opposed Regional Miners Unity were formed. Q: Tell us a little about your the Communist regime and pursued a pro- formation. Is Solidarita a By 1914 the Federation of Czech Anarcho- gramme of socialism based on workers’ completely new organisation or Communists (the FCAC) was also well self-management and direct democracy. did you develop from another established among Czech workers. As freedom of speech and association did organisation? Syndicalists and Anarchists published a not exist, the LA remained confined to lot of papers such as The Proletarian. An- Solidarita developed from the Anarcho- being a more or less discussional platform, archists established some consumers’ co- Syndicalist Federation (the ASF), whose not an organisation active among working ops. During WW1 there was a general roots reach to the LA. After 1990, in a time class people. clampdown on the Czech Libertarian move- of greatest illusions about the market During the Velvet Revolution the LA gained ment - a lot of militants were either jailed economy and consequently the greatest some credibility among ordinary people, or marched to the front; many were killed. isolation of the left (no matter whether pro- Red & Black Revolution (5) market or socialist), the ASF sank into a (The NBLF ceased to exist because of a pendent of political parties and says “No!” deep sectarianism and dogmatism - which spilt between syndicalists and green anar- to the introduction of market principles it has not recovered from yet. chists). into public services and to privatisation of the railways. In February 1997 the TUARW But after this interval, there was a change: The outcome of all this may well be a new led the most important strike in the post- The first union struggles occurred; stu- anarcho-syndicalist organisation, which 1989 period and are surely the most ad- dents fought back against the introduction would be a major step forward for class- vanced union in our country. The CMCTU’s of fees for education at universities; there struggle anarchism. leadership has accused the TUARW of be- was more and more support among people Q: What sort of unions exist in ing Anarcho-Syndicalist! Other living un- for environmentalist campaigns; in gen- the Czech Republic at the ions in the CMCTU which are getting more eral the discontent of the working popula- moment? and more able and ready to fight back, are tion was growing. A minority in the ASF the miners, steelworkers and teachers’ did its best to be involved in this ferment We have standard bureaucratic pro-mar- unions. and tried to translate its experience from ket unions that believe in social partner- those struggles into an internal debate in ship. They rely on endless and mostly The rest are dying unions, which still be- the ASF. That debate should have changed fruitless negotiations with the government have like the old Communist unions. Their the ASF into an active and effective liber- and employers. They organise about 40% only concern is to collect enough money to tarian organisation. However, the major- of our workforce and are divided into sev- feed the bureaucracy and to buy Christ- ity in the ASF refused to discuss our eral union federations that come from the mas presents and holiday trips for their proposals and we had to leave. Since that old Communist Revolutionary Union Move- rank and file. For example in Health Care. time (1996) Solidarita has been working to ment. The CP still has a small union fed- Right now the government wants to close build itself. Our theoretical and organisa- eration, but it is absolutely passive and 20% of hospitals and decrease wages, but tional development is not finished yet. unimportant. Now the most powerful fed- the Health Care Workers Trade Union Through continuous involvement in local eration is the Czech and Morovian Cham- (HCWTU) will not do anything about it. as well as national struggles of workers ber of Trade Unions (the CMCTU). A They will just join the CMCTU’s demon- and young people, and through discus- smaller federation worth mentioning is stration against the government’s auster- sions, we are accumulating experience and the Trade Union of Agricultural Workers. ity politics, but no more. No wonder workers clarifying our ideas. We describe ourselves All the CMCTU’s unions claim to be inde- are deserting them! In fact there is no either as anarcho-syndicalists or Libertar- pendent of all political parties, but the tradition of self-activity for decades in the ian Socialists. CMCTU’s leadership admits that its poli- CP unions - people wait on their leaders to tics are close to those of Social Democracy. do something for them and, as I said, the Q: What other Anarchist A good number (of the leadership) also ran HCWTU leaders do nothing. organisations are there? as candidates of Social Democracy in elec- Q: What is Solidarita’s position In the last while there has been quite a bit tions to both houses of parliament. relative to the unions? Do you of change. Until about a year ago, there The remarkable exception to all this is favour the formation of new were three main organisations - the newly Trade Union Association of Railway Work- syndicalist unions? formed Northern Bohemian Libertarian ers (the TUARW), which is really inde- Federation (NBLF), the Czechoslovak An- archist Federation (the CSAF) and the Czechoslovak Federation of Revolutionary Anarchists (the CSFRA). The CSFRA derives from the ASF (who I mentioned above). As far as we are con- cerned it is an organisation riven with dogmatists and sectarianism. The CSFRA doesn’t base its politics on reality, so we don’t have much to do with it. In contrast both the NBLF and the CSAF were federations that sought to unite vari- ous currents of anarchism. This is one important difference we in Solidarita had with these groups. Solidarita is an organi- sation united in its theory and practice. We are pulled together by a common pro- gramme and we are all equally responsible for implementation of our organisation’s politics. But there was some overlap be- tween Solidarita and both of these organi- sations - the NBLF and CSAF - joint 'Free-Market' Madness in the Czech Republic membership for example. • Increases in rents and the price of further. Last year the CSAF split, giving rise to a electricity, gas and heating, announced • New interest rates forced through by new group called the FSA - the Federation on July 1st 1998 has put two-thirds of the Czech Republic’s IMF ‘managers’ of Social Anarchists. Since then the FSA the Czech population (2m households)on earlier in the year will cause the collapse has gone through a significant develop- the poverty line. ment. They’ve adopted the Platform2 as an of 40-60% of Czech enterprises over the important part of their political attitudes. • Unemployment has now climbed from next year. This puts them in a similar position to zero to 7% (350,000), and is set to worsen Solidarita. The FSA carries out intensive propaganda work and are currently in- volved in ongoing discussion with us and other Czech syndicalists with a view to uniting. Also involved in these discussions are a number of ex members of the NBLF Red & Black Revolution (6)

£200 a month, but 62% of workers get back for those people who had voted for the wages lower than the average and only 5% SDs in good faith. get wages higher than £400 per month - There is a long way to go but we see our role these are the managers and the directors as one of getting involved. We’ve been of companies. involved in the initiative for a General Q: There has also been a massive Strike (the IGS) launched by a number of round of privatisation. What socialist groups. We’ve also been doing has happened here? work on the matter of rent increases. Solidarita has distributed leaflets calling Working class people were persuaded by for the non-payment of higher rents against pro-market political forces that privatisa- government and local councils that are tion would solve all the problems and would increasing rents. As we get more of a base bring about a society where everybody is a in the larger towns and cities, more oppor- rich share-holder. Everyone was going to tunities will arise for us to be effective in become prosperous and production would this regard. It is important to recognise be ecologically harmless! Nothing of that that people in communities here are atom- sort has happened. Privatised companies ised and without any tradition of self-ac- either ended up in hands of state-owned tivity - from the years of Stalinism. There banks or in the hands of foreign investors, is much work to be done, but we are hopeful who bought only the best enterprises (i.e. while being realistic. those which were highly profitable even under the Communist state management; Q: How is anarchism seen in the e.g. Volkswagen bought Skoda). But many Czech Republic? Are you ever Despite all the problems with the present companies also ended up in the hands of ‘a confused with the old unions - some of which I’ve outlined above new aggressive class of owners’. These Communists! - we believe in working inside them. We people gained enormous wealth from, basi- Yes, quite often, but people soon realise believe they are real working class organi- cally, stealing. The government has been that we are different. But also, now it isn’t sations. Within them we argue for a turning a blind eye on this. I am talking so much the big problem it used to be [being syndicalist alternative of combative and about the people who were charged with confused with the CP]. Pro-market illu- democratic unions run ‘by workers for work- managing banks, industries and privati- sions are heavily shattered here now, and ers’, where all delegates would be immedi- sation funds. The amount of stolen prop- anti-Communist hysteria is gone. People ately recallable so that workers would erty arising from privatisation is estimated are willing to consider your ideas and ac- control their own struggles. Unions should to be in the region of hundreds of billions of tivities with respect even if they presume be active not only in a workplace, but also Czech Crowns. Just to give you an idea of you are a Communist. A lot of people seem in communities. They should take part in how large an amounts of capital this is, it to believe that the only positive thing about struggle against racism and fascism, in should be enough to say that the Czech capitalism is its relative freedom, but from environmental campaigns. Their final goal GMP is CC1600 billion. should be transformation of this society of an economic point of view it does not mat- market dictatorship into a Libertarian It also needs to be said that the govern- ter whether you live under Communism or Socialist society of social justice, workers’ ment is following the advice of the IMF to Capitalism. Solidarita believes libertar- self-management and grassroots democ- restrict spending on public services, on ian socialism is a clear alternative: free- racy. doles, pensions and all social benefits. The dom + socialism We fight hard to get its IMF/Government has also cancelled subsi- ideas of social justice, workers’ self-man- That kind of union can come into existence dies towards heating, electricity and gas agement and grassroots democracy over to only through our active participation in for households. They have pushed for a ordinary people. present day unions and through a rank decrease in wages and for structural ad- Our colleagues, classmates and neighbours and file movement in these unions for justments of industry. This means that see the difference: “You are active among control over their organisations and fights. tens of thousands of public sector workers us, you really try to do something; the CP will lose their jobs; hospitals, schools and It is also interesting to note that the or- is just sitting in the parliament!” We stand railways are being closed down; unemploy- ganisation I mentioned above, the FSA, a good chance to gain a leading position for ment is growing. No wonder that more has also moved towards a position were it anarchist ideas if we can be even more than 50% of the population believe that the sees the necessity of working within the active, doing clear and reasonable libertar- Stalinist economy was bad, but that the ‘here and now’ unions. This is an impor- ian politics. free market one is not much better! tant development. Q: In what way have people Q: How has the change to a SOLIDARITA can be contacted at PO Box resisted the attack on living ‘market-style economy’ affected 13, Cerná Hora, 67921, The CZECH RE- standards Czech workers? PUBLIC. To obtain a copy of their interna- The CMLIU organised a big demonstra- tional newsletter, enclose a donation. The market economy has not fulfilled any tion against the government’s austerity of people’s hopes for a decent and free life. policy in Nov. 1997. But the attack on Sure we can buy more products and now living standards was also one of the princi- 1 there are no shortages of essential goods The extended hierarchy of the Communist pal reasons why this right-wing govern- like bread or toilet paper, but everything is Party. The name nomenklatura derives from the ment of Klaus got kicked out of office earlier system adopted at the 9th Party Congress of the very expensive. Generally our living stand- in the year. But while people might be CPSU (Bolsheviks) which put in place a system ard is worse than it was under the Commu- looking for some solution electorally - it where the party would keep a list of those whom it nist dictatorship. Our wages and pensions won’t come. The Social Democrats have considered ‘suitable’ for office. In time, the are lower than in 1990 - when economic abandoned all of its radical promises, and nomenklatura system came to represent those who transformation started - and we have to in fact only just won in the most recent were in the Party and/or followed its orders. pay high taxes. Besides, now we also have 2 parliamentary elections despite the huge The Organisational Platform of the Libertarian to pay for many services that used to be Communists - a pamphlet written in the mid 20s dissatisfaction with Klaus. In the after- paid for from taxes e.g. a lot of medicines, by anarchists who had fought in the Russian math of that election the SDs entered into textbooks for children, dentist treatment Revolution. It argues for the unity of theory and an ‘alliance’ with Klaus and his free-mar- etc. Till [shop] prices are growing faster practice in the anarchist organisation, and for ket cronies - which was a huge stab in the than incomes. An average wage is about collective responsibility around a definite programme. (See page 29) Guest WriterRed & Black Revolution (7) Anarchism & Environmental Survival Graham Purchase is one of the most prolific writers in the Australian countries the gap between rich and poor is anarchist movement, and in books such as ‘Anarchist Society & its Practi- also growing, with the figures for home- cal Realisation’, has made a serious contribution to the debate on the lessness, unemployment and malnutrition future of the anarchist movement, and how our ideas can best be put into rising all the time. In the last decade, practice today. Here, we review his latest book, ‘Anarchism and Environ- diseases like tuberculosis, caused essen- tially by poverty, have reappeared, having mental Survival’. been eradicated earlier this century. The Alongside the classical anarchist struc- see. Of course there are exceptions - a few US may be the world’s biggest consumer, tures of unions and traditionally ‘political’ years ago in Cork a particularly bad toxic but it also has the highest per capita prison organisations, anarchists are increasingly spill led to calls for stricter controls on population, and 16.5% of its population to be found in the environmental move- chemical production and safety (see Work- lives in poverty. ment. This is hardly surprising given that, ers Solidarity 41 for details). But, in gen- although one wing of the green movement eral, we become accustomed to the On a global level, the picture is of a south- has entered mainstream parliamentary degradation of our environment if it hap- ern hemisphere owned, controlled and ex- politics, there is still a wide base of grass- pens slowly enough. ploited by the north. Raw materials - roots activism some of which, in its meth- minerals and food - are produced in the The final, and most important problem, for ods and organisation, is very close to south and consumed in the north. The anarchists in tackling environmental is- anarchism. What’s more, the more radical environmental problems in the north/west sues is that we disagree with most of the environmentalists are becoming aware that are mainly those caused by over a century solutions on offer. The mainstream green their demands cannot be accommodated of industrial production - pollution has line on the environment is that we are all, by capitalism, and are beginning to make become a fact of life. The earth, the air, the more or less equally, to blame for its de- connections between their campaigns and rain, all have been contaminated. struction, and we must all, again more or other issues. Why then are the links be- less equally, make sacrifices if the ecosys- The south may not have as long a history of tween anarchism and environmentalism tem is to survive - this when the poorest industrialisation as the north, but as far as not much stronger? And what are the 20% of the population produce only 3% of environmental damage goes it is gaining issues that still divide them? carbon dioxide emissions. Even more radi- rapidly. When a corporation shifts produc- Mutineers on the Titanic? cal greens, though they do realise that tion to the developing world, it does so to corporations and capitalism are doing most escape not just trade unions, but also envi- Most anarchists have some idea of the of the damage, insist that we must all ronmental regulations. Workers in the serious state of environmental degrada- reduce our consumption and simplify our south are not just lower-paid, they’re sub- tion caused by capitalism. You don’t have lives. They also say that industrialisation, ject to much more dangerous working con- to be politically active to know about the in itself, is a bad thing, no matter who is in ditions, and much more damage to their hole in the ozone layer, or the chopping control. Anarchists, on the other down of the rainforest, and the pollution hand, think that everyone should caused by a transport system based on cars have more of what they want, is obvious to anyone who lives in a city. not less. There are problems Anarchist groups rarely see these as issues with how production is organ- to be campaigned on, like women’s rights ised, and certainly if things or trade union struggles. But environmen- are produced for need and tal issues effect the working class dispro- not profit a lot of waste portionately. They are the least able to will be cut out. But most escape the effects of environmental dam- of the world has a stand- age, and the most likely to bear the brunt ard of living far below what in terms of disease, malnutrition and so on. westerners would take for We know that poverty-level wages and granted and, as an absolute mini- poor housing in the developing world are a mum, this has to be addressed. result of capitalism. The fact that the slums this creates are the hardest hit by A World Divided flooding, for example, is another symptom The history of this century has of capitalism putting profits before people. been of deepening divisions in hu- But campaigns against this sort of indirect manity. The gap between rich oppression are thin on the ground. and poor has widened enor- One possible reason why anarchists don’t mously, today 225 people campaign as much on environmental is- own more than the poorest sues is the gradual nature of environmen- 50% earn in a year. Eighty tal problems. Unlike other struggles where four people are together there is a clear line that is crossed, an wealthier than China, obvious point to focus on - whether it be a three people wealthier repressive piece of legislation or a strike - than the poorest 48 pollution, for example, is incremental. The countries. The wealthiest 20% of the problem is generally not that one factory global population consumes 60% of the opens and suddenly the air is visibly pol- energy, 45% of the meat and fish, and luted. The level of pollution tends to in- owns 87% of the vehicles1. This is not to crease steadily over time, and it is hard to say that everyone in the ‘developed’ world get excited over a difference that you can’t is well off, of course. Within the richer Red & Black Revolution (8)

gether, and propose a model for a possible post-revolutionary society. His anarchism is based on the idea that decisions must WANT TO HELP OUT? be made by those who are effected by them. The basic social unit of society, Like most of the publications of the left, Red and Black Revolution is not then, is the community. Your community a profit making venture. It exists in order to spread ideas and is where you live and work, the particular contribute to the process of changing the world. area you identify yourself with. Depend- ing on the context, this could be your If you would like to help out in this work there are a couple of things immediate surroundings - a village or you can do. One option is to take a number of copies of each issue and suburb - or an extended area - a county or sell them. We are also looking for bookshops or stalls that will sell this city. magazine on a commercial basis. Each community is linked to a particular Whatever you can do, you will be sure of our gratitude. If you want to place, although the borders of this region help, write to us at Red & Black Revolution, P.O. Box 1528, Dublin 8, are rarely clearly defined. You could Ireland and indicate how you can help out. draw the limits of a town where its build- ings end, or include land cultivated by its inhabitants. Sometimes these are useful definitions, but the people themselves, when talking about ‘their land’ may in- Subscribe to Red & Black Revolution clude nearby forests, lakes or mountains (and again, since the size of a community Send £5 (Europe) or $10 (outside Europe) to the address above varies depending on the context, this re- and we will send you the next three issues as they appear. gion can also vary in size). Communities are made up, then, not just of relation- ships between people, but of the relation- environment, than workers in the north. cultural) production means that the poten- As well as industry, agriculture is made tial impact of humanity on the environ- more damaging. Leaving aside the use of ment continues to grow. At the moment, insecticides and fertilisers that have been this impact is enormous because, often, the banned in the north, the trend towards people who are making environmentally large-scale monoculture farming means sensitive decisions are shielded from the the soil becomes exhausted and prone to results. Whether this is because of money erosion. The need to expand the area of or distance, the end result is that, no mat- land under cultivation means the destruc- ter how damaging their decisions may be, tion of wilderness areas and deforestation, they can be sure the damage will be to which also causes soil erosion. This in turn someone else, and so are free to continue causes flooding, which destroys people’s their pursuit of profit. homes and crops under cultivation, lead- ing to more pressure on the land. Making the Connections Graham Purchase’s book, Anarchism and The worldwide increase in the human popu- Environmental Survival, is an attempt to lation and the level of (industrial and agri- bring anarchist and green theories to-

Meat ‘n’ Veg ‘n’ Microlivestock (re-)introduced to our cities. Vegetarianism and environmentalism production. Many animals can be reared The question of efficiency is not the only often go hand in hand. This is partly alongside crops, and others, like poul- reason so many environmentalists are because the consumption of large live- try, are well suited to small scale farm- also vegetarian. After all, the battery stock has itself an effect on the environ- ing. Turning over whole prairies to cows farm is perhaps the epitome of efficiency, ment. It takes seven pounds of grain to for grazing is certainly inefficient, but and that has few friends in the green produce one pound of beef - if we were all that’s not the only way to farm animals. movement. There is also a moral argu- to become vegetarian, so the argument ment, that we should try to reduce the goes, much less land would have to be The tendency in agriculture (as in indus- effects of humanity on the planet, and on used for agriculture. This is true to a try) in the last century has been for the animals that live alongside us. Pur- certain extent, but the grain:meat ratio specialisation, and for the production of chase quotes Elisee Reclus, a well known leaves out many things. For example, a smaller herds, made up of larger ani- anarchist of the 19th century, “for the cow produces not just meat, but milk, mals. Purchase goes into some detail on great majority of vegetarians...the im- leather and dung (a fertiliser, soil stabi- the virtues of microlivestock - smaller, portant point is the recognition of the liser, and even fuel source). Wool, feath- more adaptable, and generally hardier bond of affection and goodwill that links ers and eggs are all useful ‘by-products’ versions of the more common modern man to the so-called lower animals, and of animal husbandry that have to taken animals. Such animals are more pro- the extension to these our brothers of the into account. ductive - the greater number that can be sentiment which has already put a stop raised on a given area of land makes up to cannibalism among men”1. You will Even so, raising animals is not the most for their small size - and it's easier to have to judge the merits of this argu- efficient use of agricultural land. But a match the size of the herd to the land ment for yourself, Purchase shows that lot of land is not suitable for other forms available. All of these factors make it is not necessarily relevant to a discus- of agriculture. Animals can be raised in them ideal for the kind of small-scale sion of the environment, and that a meat- forests, or on the side of mountains, and mixed farming he proposes should be eating society can still be green. in areas where the soil is too poor for crop 1 “On Vegetarianism”, 1901 Red & Black Revolution (9) ship between the people and the land. This, Purchase feels, is the key to environ- mental protection. Cities of the future? With the globalisation of the economy, and society in general, the current trend is to Purchase’s proposal for more ecologi- in the ‘allotments’ scheme. tackle environmental problems on a global cally integrated communities usually level. This appears to make sense with an meets with most scepticism when it is Cities, in Purchase’s model would con- issue like the destruction of the ozone layer, imagined applied to cities. Even a rela- tinue to exist, but agriculture would be but it can often become ridiculous - as tively small city, like Dublin, is almost reintroduced to the residential/commer- when the Earth Summit’s decision to fix completely dependent on food from neigh- cial mix. There are different ways of the level of global emissions merely led to bouring regions, and its ecosystem is doing this - you could divide the city into the creation of a new market. Developing made up of cars, people and concrete. If sectors, with each concentrating on a countries can now sell some of their ‘pollu- a city like New York or Mexico was particular use of the land, aiming at tion quota’ to richer countries. Most prob- sealed off from the rest of the world, it sufficiency on a city-wide scale. Or, and lems, says Purchase, are better tackled at would die within days; the only question this is more in line with the overall the local level, but this means some changes is whether it would be from starvation or project, each sector would be a commu- in the way production is organised. Earlier nity in itself, diversity being brought I talked about how money can shield you asphyxiation. Given the number of such down to a more local level. (‘Sufficiency’ from the effects of environmental damage large cities around the world, and the is used here as an ideal, not expected to - the same is true of distance. Those of us fact that, even if it were possible, given who live in urban areas know the problems the size of the earth’s population, for be reached. Cities would still be more that industrial concentration has caused everyone to live in small towns and rural densely populated than other areas, and locally, but only get second or third-hand communities, many would not want to, so more likely to be a base for industry reports of the problems of intensive food how can cities be accommodated within and other labour-intensive activities, the production, for example. an environmentally sound anarchist so- aim is to reduce the dependence on other ciety? areas for food.) Food production would Small is Beautiful? be integrated into the city - cattle graz- If you think of the global economy as a It’s an obvious point, but cities did not ing on green spaces, lawns turned into factory, with each worker/community mak- spring into existence fully formed, with vegetable patches, small neighbourhood ing only one part of a complex machine, all their support networks intact. Like farms. Between the demands of indus- and depending on the others to make all any community, initially they produced try and accommodation, argues Pur- the other parts, you can see how difficult it most of their food themselves, but as the chase, there are spaces which in a is for one worker/community to change industrial base increased, the demand properly planned city could be filled with what they’re doing. Purchase proposes for land for industry and accommoda- life. that we shift from the current, locally spe- tion for the workforce grew, forcing food cialised and globally interdependent soci- production into the hinterland. Most The immediate question is whether this ety, to a society made up of more balanced, cities, even up to recently, would have could ever be more than a gesture. Sure, self-sufficient communities (individual ar- had small farms comparatively close to some farming could be integrated into tisans, if you like). Thus we would imme- urban life, but could it ever come close to diately deal with some of the problems the town centre. The supercities of to- meeting the needs of those who live in overconcentrated production has caused, day are only possible because of ad- the city? If we are to continue to have the like pollution and soil erosion. We would vances in food preservation (through eliminate some, at least, of the costs of chemical additives and refrigeration) and same population density, and the same transport between these production cen- transport. Before these advances, the concentration of industry in our cities, tres. We would also make it easier for each pressure for a city to grow in size was can these urban farms ever be more than community to deal with the problems that met by the necessity to have enough a supplement to large-scale farming else- arise in their own region. farms, near enough, to produce the food. where, a token ‘greening’ of the city? If Nor is the ejection of agriculture from cities were to seriously approach self- When Purchase talks of increasing local the city irreversible - during the Second sufficiency, wouldn’t this necessitate a independence in this way, he does not huge expansion in their size, or a funda- mean these communities would be entirely World War, for example, food shortages mental change in the nature of urban self-sufficient. The fact that some areas in Britain led to an immense drive to- life? Do we want, or need, such a change? are richer in minerals, or more suited to wards small-plot urban farming, some- growing certain foods, means there will thing of which has continued to this day always be a certain degree of specialisa- tion. Nor does it follow that, if there is a shift towards food production in urban areas, for example, that each rural area has to include a certain amount of facto- ries. Finally, self-sufficiency should not be confused with isolationism - the communi- ties Purchase describes are starting points for federations, not a return to feudalism. Even if it is just on the basis of common environmental influences, a shared river, or mountain range, or coastline, communi- ties would obviously come together to dis- cuss things that affect them in common. And in an anarchist society, based on the idea of our common humanity, there would surely be an abundance of regional, conti- nental and global projects, covering every aspect of science and culture. Red & Black Revolution (10)

Equal Wealth, not Shared even bigger. The southern hemisphere has decisions are made based on their immedi- been exploited ruthlessly by the north, one ate profitability, thinking even a few years Poverty of the first priorities for an anarchist soci- ahead is unusual. What other kind of There is still a clear sticking point in any ety must be to redress that balance, and society would build nuclear power stations attempt to integrate anarchist and envi- the enormity of that task cannot be under- without knowing how to dispose of the ronmental positions, and that is the ques- estimated. Millions of people don’t even waste safely? Why else would the economy tion of levels of production. Depending on have a clean source of drinking water, we be based on non-renewable fossil fuels, how far down the path of self-sufficiency want everyone to have a standard of liv- when the only question is when, not if, they you go, you rule out more concentrated, ing beyond the current average for an in- will run out? If the earth is an uninhabit- specialised production, and so reduce the dustrialised country. There is no way this able wasteland in 100 years, what does it possible output. (Or at least, reduce effi- can be accomplished without increasing matter, as long as the profits are good? All ciency - you can build a train in a work- current levels of production. the green consumerism in the world won’t shop, but it’s a lot easier to do it in a fix this insane system, if we want a ra- These are major problems with the idea of factory). In an anarchist society, a lot of tional economy we’re going to have to run self-sufficient communities. On the one work will be recognised as socially unnec- it ourselves. essary, and it’s hard to overestimate how hand, we need a globally integrated much effort goes into keeping the appara- economy, for the foreseeable future at least, Agriculture and industry need not be as tus of international capitalism and the because of the vast gap between the wealth damaging to the environment as they are nation state going. When money goes, we of a community in Namibia, for example, at the moment - we already know of cleaner get rid of the banking industry and finan- and one in Oregon. At the same time, we and safer ways of doing things, that aren’t cial exchanges. Without states, there is no can’t afford the relative inefficiency that used because they aren’t profitable. How need for armies and the whole weapons small-scale, localised production implies. much can we change things if, as well as industry - a sizeable part of most western Even if we decide that decentralising pro- using the technology we know of now, sci- economies - becomes defunct. When pro- duction is a good thing, it can’t be our first ence is directed towards cleaning up pollu- duction is based on need, we will be rid of priority. And is it necessary? tion instead of weapons research? If research was done on minimising the dam- most advertising, and the useless duplica- A World Without Borders tion of identical goods it was created to age of intensive farming, instead of devel- hide. There will be no more built-in obso- Anarchism has always been international, oping ‘Terminator’ genes? We don’t have lescence, because who would build some- has always stressed the importance of our to believe that science has all the answers thing they know is going to fall apart rather shared humanity over all those things - to know that there is a lot of room for than something that will last, if it wasn’t nationality, language, race, religion, gen- improvement. der - the ruling class tries to use to divide for their boss’s desire for higher profits. As anarchists we have always argued that, us. We stress the importance of democ- from union struggles to environmental The production that remains will be racy, of people having a say in the decisions protest, from community organising to revo- changed. No rational society would base that affect them. We also realise that some lution, the best way to victory is through their transport system on cars. A good decisions are too far-ranging in their ef- mass participation and democracy. When- public transport system would improve fects, too intertwined with the situations of ever they seize the opportunity, people are the quality of most people’s lives immeas- others to be made at a local level. That is well capable of organising their own lives, urably. The benefits in terms of lives why large anarchist groups often operate and their own movements, better than any saved, public health, and countless other as federations, and a lot of thought has ‘wise’ leader, or ‘benevolent’ dictator. We areas are obvious, and well-known. Over- gone into creating structures - like man- should be more confident that a free and dependence on cars is a result of the pur- dating delegates, rotating positions, mini- democratic society will handle the prob- suit of profit, and it is profit that makes our mising the need for full-time bureaucrats - lems of environmental damage, and the industries so polluting. Cleaner sources of that allow decisions to be made democrati- questions of local autonomy and global energy, like solar and wind power, are cally, with mass participation, involving interdependence, in a just and fair way. available but not profitable. Scrubbers thousands, or millions, of people. and filters for chemical outflows, biode- After the anarchist revolution, do we re- gradable, recycled and non-toxic materi- After all, there will always be a clash be- ally need a green revolution? als, all of these could be used in most of our tween the needs of society and the needs of factories. But as long as control of produc- a particular area, the only question is about 1 tion is in the hands of those who do not feel how to balance them. Factories have to be United Nations Human Development report, the effects of pollution, they will be over- built, and food grown, somewhere. Nu- 1998 2 looked in favour of the cheaper, more prof- clear power may be unnecessary, but gold ibid 2 3 Gold is not just decorative, it has many itable alternative. isn’t , and you can’t mine it without dam- aging the local environment. We will al- important industrial uses, but you must use By eliminating, or greening, all of these ways have to walk the line between cyanide in the mining and purification process. processes, we would go a long way to reduc- decisions being made by groups far-re- ing our ecological footprint. But eliminat- moved from their effects, and the NIMBY ing useless production is only part of the tendency - do what you like, but not in my story, an anarchist society would also in- backyard. The difference, in an anarchist crease useful production. Even in the de- society, is in who veloped West, far too many fall below the makes the deci- poverty line - we need more homes, more sions, and why. schools, more hospitals, enough to meet everyone’s basic needs - and then we must Capitalism is no- go further. An anarchist society will want toriously short- to have more than just the bare essentials, termist, surely we want to improve everyone’s stand- ard of living. Some may choose to live a life of austerity, but most of us want a new world because we want more of the good things in life, not less. In the developing world, the gap between what people have and what they need is RacismRed & Black Revolution & (11) Class struggle

Racial oppression remains a defining feature of the modern capitalist The systems of social control established world. It is manifest most spectacularly in violent attacks on immigrants for American and European unfree labour and minorities by fascist gangs. More important to the fate of these was now applied to the Africans. communities has been the systematic and increasing discrimination by The main reason for this shift to African capitalist states, manifest in attacks on the rights of immigrants, cuts in slaves was that such slaves were obtained welfare services, and racist police and court systems. cheaply enough, and in sufficient num- bers, to meet the expanding needs of the also a substantial number of life-long Eu- How can racism be defeated? plantation capitalists6. African ruling ropean slaves, and even amongst the in- An answer to this question requires an classes played a central role in the highly dentured a substantial number had been examination of the forces which gave rise profitable slave trade: “The trade was ... an kidnapped and sold into bondage.2 to, and continue to reproduce, racism. It African trade until it reached the coast. also requires a careful analysis of which Conditions on the “Middle Passage” (the Only very rarely were Europeans directly social forces benefit from racial oppres- trip across the Atlantic) for these inden- involved in procuring slaves, and that sion. tured servants and slaves were, in Williams’ largely in Angola” 7. words, so bad that they should “banish any By racism is meant either an attitude de- It in the seventeenth century that racist ideas that the horrors of the slave ship are nying the equality of all human beings, or ideology began to be developed for the first to be in any way accounted for by the fact economic, political and social discrimina- time by such groups as “British sugar plant- that the victims were Negroes”3. tion against racial groups. ers in the Caribbean, and their mouth- More than half the English immigrants to pieces in Britain” who fastened onto The roots of racism the American colonies in the sixteenth differences in physical appearance to de- Capitalism developed as a world system century were indentured servants4, and velop the myth that Black people were sub- based on the exploitation of workers, slaves until the 1690s there were still far more human and deserved to be enslaved: “here and peasants - black, brown, yellow, and unfree Europeans on the plantations of the is an ideology, a system of false ideas serv- white. In the sixteenth and seventeenth American South than Black slaves5. ing class interests”8. centuries, the young capitalist system cen- tred mainly on western Europe and the Racist ideas were developed in the context Racism was used to justify the capture and Americas. In the eighteenth and nineteenth of the slave trade of the seventeenth and perpetual enslavement of millions of peo- centuries Africa and Asia were brought eighteenth centuries. In this period, Afri- ple for the purposes of capitalism. The increasingly into the ambit of capitalist can people came to be the main source of enslavement of native Americans had been power. slaves for the plantations. justified as being on the grounds of their heathen beliefs; Eu- In the Americas, vast plantation systems ropean servitude were set up. Based on slavery, they were was justified as capitalist enterprises exporting agricul- being the lot of tural goods. It was in the system of slavery that the genesis of racism is to be found. In the words of Caribbean scholar, Eric Williams, “Slavery was not born of racism: rather, racism was the consequence of slavery”1. Initially, the slave plantations were not organised on racial lines. Although the first slaves in the Spanish possessions in the Americas were gener- ally native Americans, slavery was re- stricted (at least officially) to those who did not convert to Christianity. The native Americans were succeeded by poor Europeans. Many of these workers were only enslaved for a limited period, as indentured servants serving contracts of up to ten or more years. Others were con- victs sentenced for crimes such as stealing cloth, or prisoners of war from uprisings and the colonisation of areas such as Ire- land and Scotland. However, there were Red & Black Revolution (12)

to reach a deal with capitalism and impe- rialism. However, although these struggles re- moved the formally racist structures of slavery and empire they have not buried racism. Racism -as an idea and as a practice- con- tinues to serve two key functions under capitalism. First, it allows the capitalists to secure sources of cheap, unorganised, and highly exploitable labour. Key examples are im- migrants and minorities. Subject to racist discrimination, they form a segment of the working class that has been described as “super-exploited”, providing high levels of profit for capitalists. In times of capitalist crisis (such as today) these segments are most readily deprived of political and so- cial rights, the first to fall in the overall assault on the working class that takes place. inferiors; Black slavery was justified need for cheap sources of labour and raw Secondly, racism allows the capitalist rul- through racism. materials, and by the need to find new ing class to divide and rule the exploited markets to sell manufactured goods. Once developed, racist ideas came to be classes. used more broadly as a justification for Racist ideas were again pressed into serv- Across the planet, billions of workers and oppression. Jewish people, for example, ice to justify the process of imperial con- peasants suffer the lashes of capitalism. came to be oppressed as a racial minority quest and rule. Imperial control was Racism is used to foster divisions within rather than as a religious group. justified on the supposed grounds that the working class to help keep the ruling Africans and Asians (and for that matter The beneficiaries of slavery were not Euro- class in power. other colonised peoples such as the Irish) peans in general, but the capitalist ruling were unable to govern or develop them- Praxedis Guerrero, a great Mexican anar- classes of western Europe. African ruling 14 selves, and needed to be ruled by external chist, described the process as follows : classes also received substantial benefits. forces - namely the ruling classes of west- There were of course the vast numbers of “Racial prejudice and nationality, ern Europe and Japan12. Equal rights were Europeans indentured or enslaved. There clearly managed by the capitalist and not seen as even being possible in this were also the sailors on the “Middle Pas- tyrants, prevent peoples living side by world view. sage” whose conditions, according to side in a fraternal manner... Williams, were themselves scarcely distin- Empire did not benefit workers in the colo- A river, a mountain, a line of small guishable from slavery. Finally, there were nies, nor in the imperialist countries. The monuments suffice to maintain foreign- vast numbers of “poor White” peasant farm- profits of empire accrued to the capitalist ers and make enemies of two peoples, ers of the Americas (some of whom were class13. Meanwhile, the methods and forces both living in mistrust and envy of one former indentured servants) who were out- of colonial repression were deployed against another because of the acts of past gen- competed and driven to the margins by the workers in the imperialist countries (most erations. Each nationality pretends to giant slave plantations.9 The vast majority notably, the use of colonial troops to crush be above the other in some kind of way, of Europeans never owned slaves: only 6 the Spanish Revolution), whilst lives and and the dominating classes, the keepers per cent of whites owned slaves in the material resources were wasted on impe- of education and the wealth of nations, American South in 1860.10 There were also rial adventures. Today, multi-national com- feed the proletariat with the belief of African-American and native American panies cut jobs and wages by shifting to stupid superiority and pride to make slave-owners. repressive Third World client regimes. impossible the union of all nations who are separately fighting to free themselves Race and Empire Racism today from Capital…. Racism was thus born of the slavery of Clearly, capitalism gave birth to racism. early capitalism. However, having been Racism as an idea helped justify empire If all the workers of the different ... once created, subsequent developments in and slavery. Racism as a form of discrimi- nations had direct participation in all capitalism would sustain and rear this nation or oppression facilitated high levels questions of social importance which creature of the ruling class. of exploitation, and has thus been an im- affect one or more proletarian groups portant factor in the development of capi- these questions would be happily and The extension of capitalist power over Af- talism. promptly solved by the workers them- rica and Asia took place largely from the selves.” seventeenth century onwards in the form Today, both slavery and the formal em- of imperialism11. Initially, imperial con- pires have been overthrown - this has It happens between majority populations quest was often undertaken directly by largely been the result of struggles by mil- and super-exploited minorities, but also large corporations such as the British East lions of workers, peasants and slaves between the working classes of different India Company (in India) and the Dutch against oppression. Slave revolts are part countries. Workers are told to blame and East India Company (in South Africa, of the history of class struggle against hate other workers- distinguished by cul- among other places). Later capitalist gov- capitalism. Peasant and worker resist- ture, language, skin colour, or some other ernments took a direct hand, notably in the ance to colonialism are equally so, although arbitrary feature- for their misery. A clas- conquest of most of Africa from the 1880s. it must be noted that most anti-colonial sic example is the scape-goating of immi- struggles were prevented from reaching grants and refugees for “taking away jobs Imperialism in this period was driven by their necessary conclusion- socialist revo- and housing”. the search for profits: initially, profits from lution- by the determination of local elites control of trade; later by big corporations’ Red & Black Revolution (13)

In this way, workers’ anger is deflected In addition, racist attitudes make it very onto other workers (with whom they have difficult to unite workers against the capi- almost everything in common) rather than talists to challenge the overall distribution being directed against capitalists ( with of wealth and power in society. Racism has whom workers have nothing in common). been used again and again to break work- An appearance of common interest is cre- ers’ struggles. ated between workers and bosses of a given The more the working class is divided, the race or nation. worse its overall condition will be. This Who benefits? point, which was repeatedly made by the classical anarchist movement15, has been Racism does not benefit any workers. Even confirmed in a study by an American soci- workers who are not themselves directly ologist who set out to test the proposition oppressed by racism lose out from racism that white workers gain from racism16. because it divides the working class. White American workers, for example, in no way Comparing the situation of White and Black benefit from the existence of an impover- workers in all fifty US states, he found, ished and oppressed minority of African firstly, that the less wage discrimination American workers who can be used to there was against Black workers, the bet- undercut wages, and working and living ter were the wages that White workers conditions. received. Secondly, he found that the exist- ence of a substantial nationally oppressed Pamphlets from the group of poor workers reduced the wages of White workers (but did not affect the Workers Solidarity Movement earnings of middle and upper-class Whites Anarchism & Ireland very much). Finally, he found that the (3rd reprint) more intense racial discrimination was, the more poverty there was for lower class Whites. Such facts fly in the face of political strat- egies which claim that majority popula- tion workers receive material benefits from support for racism is an example of work- racism. The logic of this argument is that ing class people acting against their own these privileges must be “renounced” be- interests, rather than evidence that work- fore working class unity is possible. Such ers benefit from racism. an argument assumes that capitalists would adopt a strategy that systemati- However, if racism provides no benefits for cally benefits the majority of workers, a workers, how can we explain such support most unlikely (and as we saw above, un- for the essentially irrational ideas of rac- sustainable) notion. In addition, this ar- ism? gument implies that the immediate The answer is that there are very real Ireland & British Imperialism political task is a redistribution of wealth material forces in capitalist society which among workers as opposed to a class strug- operate to foster support for these ideas. gle against capitalism. That is to say, it calls on the majority of workers to fight on The first factor is capitalist control over principle for worse conditions. ideas. Capitalists do not simply rule by force, they also rule by promoting a capital- Finally, this approach mixes up two very ist world-view. Here we must consider, as different things: oppression and privilege. Praxedis argued above, how “the dominat- While it is obviously true that some work- ing classes, the keepers of education and ers do not directly experience racial op- the wealth of nations” … “feed the prole- pression, it does not follow that they benefit tariat with the belief of stupid superiority from it. The two terms are distinct: while and pride”: the role of the schools, the it is oppressive to be subject to low wages, media, literature and so forth. The impact it is not a privilege to have a living wage. of this propaganda cannot be underesti- mated. Why racist ideas are accepted Also: Anarchism in Action: None of the arguments made so far in this The second factor is the material condi- The Spanish Civil War article deny the possibility that minorities tions of the working class itself. Under of the working class may receive tempo- capitalism, the working class suffers pov- £2/$4* each including post and rary benefits from racial oppression in erty, alienation and misery. In the same packing, or all 3 for £5/$10* specific circumstances. A case in point way that workers may take solace from would be the small white working class in religion, they may also seek the imaginary Other pamphlets: South Africa between the 1920s and the compensation of supposed racial superior- 1980s, which received real benefits from ity, “the belief of stupid superiority and Parliament or Democracy apartheid. But, as a general rule, racial pride” (in Praxedis’ words). oppression is fundamentally against the Stalin didn't fall from the Moon! In addition, working class people are locked interests of the majority of workers of all in bitter competition for a limited amount £1/$2* each including post and packing. colours. of jobs, housing and other resources. In To recognise the primary role of capitalist this situation, they may blame other groups ruling classes (aided by their states) in in the working class for their plight. Where from Workers Solidarity Bookservice, PO promoting and benefiting from racial op- the other groups are culturally or physi- Box 1528, Dublin 8, Ireland. pression is not to deny that many working cally distinct in appearance, this resent- class people often support racism. Racism ment and competition may be expressed in * rate from outside Europe is often very widespread. However, such racist terms. Hence the view, for example, Red & Black Revolution (14) that 'they' are 'taking our jobs'. rich few to be placed under the control of At a general level, we can approach these the working and poor people of the whole tasks by active work in anti-racist strug- The Oppressed divided globe. Under libertarian communism it gles and campaigns, including work along- From the above, it is clear that racism is a will be possible to use these resources to side non-anarchist forces (without, of product of capitalism, and fundamentally create social and economic equality for all, course, surrendering our political inde- against the interests of the working class thus finally enabling the disfigurements of pendence), and by continual propaganda and peasantry. racial oppression to be scoured from the against racism in our publications, face of the earth. workplaces, unions and communities. Are capitalists from oppressed groups reli- able allies in the struggle against racism? However, this article is in no way arguing The workplace and the union are particu- The short answer is, no, they are not. that the fight against racism must be de- larly important sites for activity: it is here ferred until after the revolution. Instead, it that capitalism creates the greatest pres- The effects of racism are fundamentally is arguing that on the one hand, only a sure for workers’ unity across all barriers, mediated by class position. Taking the united working class can defeat racism and it is here that the workers’ movement case of the United States: although na- and capitalism; on the other, a united work- stands or falls on the basis of its ability to tional averages of White and Black in- ing class can only be built on the basis of address the needs of its whole constitu- comes show a vast gulf between the two, opposing all forms of oppression and preju- ency. when class is taken into account the mate- dice, thereby winning the support of all rial inequalities between White and Black We can approach these tasks by raising, on sectors of the broad working class. workers are shown to be quite limited; the one hand, demands that apply equally taken from another angle, the gap between Firstly, it is clear that racism can only be to all workers (better wages, full union the conditions of both sets of workers, on fought on a class basis. It is in the interest rights, opposition to social partnership etc.), one side, and those of the upper class, on of all workers to support the struggle and by raising, on the other, demands the other, are yawning17. against racism. Racism is a working class which specifically address the needs of issue because it affects the conditions of all racially oppressed segments of the work- Michael Jackson may still face racism, but workers, because most people affected by ing class (equal schooling, equal housing, his wealth and power as a capitalist shields racism are working class, and because, as no to colour bars in industry etc.). Thus, we him from the worst effects of racism. Pri- indicated above, it is the working class should fight for “Better Housing for All! No vate schools, lawyers, high incomes - all members of racially oppressed groups who to Segregation!”, to take one example. The these factors cannot be ignored. are the most severely affected by racism. target of such demands would, of course, Perhaps more importantly, the class inter- be the bosses, although in no case whatso- Working class unity is also in the interests ests of such elites tie them into supporting ever should the tiniest concession be made of racially oppressed segments of the work- the capitalist system itself. Black police to racial prejudices on the part of any ing class, as alliances with the broader chiefs, mayors, and army officers are as workers. working class not only strengthen their much defenders of capitalism as their White own position, but also help lay the basis for There is no contradiction between the class counterparts. Such strata will readily com- the assault on capitalism. Without deny- struggle and the struggle against racism. promise with the powers-that-be if it will ing in the least the heroism, and, in some Neither can succeed without the other. give them a chance to be 'in the racket and cases, radicalising role played by minority in the running'. movements, it is quite obvious that a mi- 1 Eric Williams, 1944, Capitalism and Slavery. Andre nority of, say, 10 per cent of the population Deutsch. p. 17. See also Peter Fryer, 1988, Black Fighting racism People in the British Empire. Pluto Press. chapter 11. lacks the ability to overthrow the existing 2 Williams does not take sufficient account of the It is capitalism that continually generates 18 conditions on its own . Such unity is par- institution of life-long slavery among Whites. the conditions for racist oppression and ticularly vital in the workplace, where it is ideology. It follows that the struggle against 3 Williams, p. 14. almost impossible for unions of minority 4 Williams, p. 10. racism can only be consistently carried out workers to function. 5 Leo Huberman, 1947, We, the People: the drama of by the working class and peasantry: the America. Monthly Review Press. p. 161. only forces capable of overthrowing the Secondly, working class unity can, how- 6 Williams, pp. 18-9, 23-29. capitalist system. The overthrow of capi- ever, clearly only be built on the basis of a 7 Bill Freund, 1984, The Making of Contemporary talism will in and of itself fundamentally resolute opposition to all forms of racism. If Africa: the development of African society since undermine the social sources of racism. other sections of the working class do not 1800. Indiana University Press. p. 51. The overthrow of capitalism however, re- oppose racism, they create a situation in 8 Fryer, p. 64. 9 Williams, pp. 23-6; Huberman, p. 167-8. quires the unification of the working class which nationalists can tie racially op- 10 Huberman, p. 167. and peasantry internationally, across all pressed segments to Black and other mi- 11 See Freund for a discussion of the African lines of colour and nationality. nority capitalists in the futile games of experience. 'Buy Black' campaigns and voting blocs. 12 Fryer, pp. 61-81; Freund. In addition, the crushing of capitalism, Class-based and anarchist alternatives 13 And not to workers as Fryer claims, pp. 54-5. and the establishment of libertarian so- must present a viable alternative if they These arguments are criticised in greater detail in the cialism will allow the vast resources cur- are to win support. WSF Position Paper on “Anti- Imperialism”, online at rently chained to the http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/africa.html. needs of Our tasks 14 Programa de la Liga Pan-Americana del Trabajo profiteering by a in Articulos de Combate, p. 124-5, cited in D. Poole, Anti-racist work should occupy a high pri- “The Anarchists and the Mexican Revolution, part 2: ority in the activities of all class struggle Praxedis G. Geurrero 1882-1910”, Anarchist Review. anarchists. This is important not simply No. 4. Cienfuegos Press. because we always oppose all oppres- 15 For example, Ricardo Flores Magon and others, sion, and because anarchists have To the Workers of the United States, November 1914, long been opponents of racism. It reproduced as Appendix A, in Colin Maclachlan, 1991, Anarchism and the Mexican Revolution: the is also because such work is an political trials of Ricardo Flores Magon in the United essential to the vital task of States. University of California Press. p. 123. unifying and conscientising the 16 Al Szymanski, 1976, “Racial Discrimination and working class - a unity without White Gain”, in American Sociological Review, 41. which neither racism nor capi- 17 N. Chomsky, 1994, Keeping the Rabble in Line. talism can be consigned to the AK Press. pp. 105-6. history books. 18 See on this point, “Race, Class and Organisation: the view from the Workers Solidarity Federation (South Africa)”, 1997, Black Flag, no. 212. Online at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/africa/wsfother/bf_race_org.html The Bolsheviks'Red & Black Revolution (15) pet THE LIFE, TIMES & CONFESSIONS OF VICTOR SERGE anarchist 8 Leninists are fond of quoting from the writing of Victor Serge, as a means tors”. of getting a libertarian rubber stamp for the actions of the Bolsheviks The Winter of 1919 was a cold and bitter during the October revolution and the subsequent events. In his keynote one. Civil War raged, exiled Russian Aris- 1 article "In defence of October" John Rees uses no less than 8 quotes from tocrats traded currency with the Tsar still Serge’s writings within the space of 70 pages. Poor old Lenin only managed on it, while the Bolsheviks printed it like it to clock up 4 original quotes, while Tony Cliff’s dubious interpretation of all was going out of fashion and used it to these events manages to get more quotes in than one could possibly count. procure arms. That’s right, the Bolsheviks To a certain extent, what the Leninists of today are trying to tell us is that printed money with the Tsar’s image on it. Serge was a practical man, and he knew that the only way for the revolution As Serge says “we used to print them for the to succeed was to row in behind the Bolsheviks. So, with this in mind, we poor fools (Russian Exiles)”9. The wide- take a look at Serge’s’ autobiography “Memoirs of a Revolutionary”. spread cloak of hunger hung over the whole Serge was born in 1890 and rapidly be- Certainly on several essential points they country. In the midst of this mess, the came a self educator and socialist joining were mistaken: in their intolerance, in their infamous Bolshevik secret police, the the Jeuns-Grades - a Belgium federation of faith in stratification, in their leaning to- Chekas carried out their dastardly work. Socialist youth groups. Serge eventually wards centralism and administrative tech- The telephone rapidly became an enemy of ended up in Paris, which was the scene of niques”5. In spite of these reservations he any sympathetic official and Serge was no a huge demonstration (over 500,000 peo- threw himself into working alongside the exception. He writes “At every hour it ple) when the working class learned of the Bolsheviks. He was invited to be a brought me voices of panic-stricken women execution of Francisco Ferrer2. “It was a Petrograd representative at the founding who spoke of arrests, imminent executions, time of pot-bellied peace; the atmosphere meeting of the Communist International and injustice, and begged me to intervene 10 was strangely electric, the calm before the (Third International) initiated by Lenin in at once, for the love of God!” . At this stage storm of 1914.”3 Serge was at this time Moscow. the custom of arresting and executing hos- 11 involved in publishing a journal in Paris. tages had become “generalised and legal.” All this work for the Party brought with it Subsequent to the riots at the time of the special rations. Such was the wide sweep- The mere existence of a secret police is a demonstrations his house was raided, the ing famine in Russia at the time that, even rapid insight into the nature of the Party’s police found weapons there, two of his with these rations, Serge wrote “I would politics at the time. From 1918 onwards comrades were sentenced to death by the have died of hunger without the sordid the leadership, from Lenin downwards, guillotine, and he got 5 years in prison. manipulations of the black market, where had become increasingly more paranoid Nasty times to be living in if the state we traded the petty possessions we had and saw plots and treachery everywhere. considered you to be a revolutionary. But brought in from France.”6 The Central The Cheka were formed to counteract this they were about to get worse. While in Committee, however, suffered none of these but as Serge writes he believed it “was one prison, the Great War broke out in all its hardships. Living in the Hotel Astoria, of the gravest and most impermissible er- futility, all over Europe sending young they dined on soup and “delicious rors that the Bolshevik leaders committed men to their deaths. Most of the main- 12 horsemeat”7 in comparative warmth, over- in 1918.” He claimed that revolutionary stream left parties turned towards fratri- looking the dark public squares. Serge tribunals, letting in defensive evidence and cidal patriotism causing mass confusion in even calls this place the “hotel of the dicta- functioning in the clear light of day rather the movement. The young imprisoned Serge found the whole situation incompre- hensible. Dawn and Decline Following his release, Serge ended up in Petrograd at the start of 1919. He was not the only young revolutionary to be drawn to Mother Russia during her famous date with destiny. One of the first people he met while there was Maxim Gorky. Gorky, apart from being famous both at home and abroad as a major writer, was also a re- spected political figure in Russia. He’d been a champion of change for a long time, and his opinion was one that was respected by many. Gorky had witnessed the early days of the revolution and reported that the Bolshe- viks were “drunk with authority”4. But, after a brief time, Serge made his own mind up about the whole matter. “I was neither against the Bolsheviks nor neutral; I was with them, albeit independently, with- out renouncing thought or critical sense. One of nine Rolls Royce cars ordered for Lenin at the 1920 London Motor Show Red & Black Revolution (16) than the cloak of the night, would have Party that would bring about the “dictator- happened all the time in factories. The functioned efficiently with “far less abuse ship of the proletariat” was now full of little Party was becoming less and less popular, and depravity.”13 When Serge brought up dictators who “possessed no initiative”.19 and strikes were on the increase. This was Zinoviev (Lenin’s appointed President of After all, the nature of their politics was to in the November and December of 1920. the Third International and member of the have a small number of people making The atmosphere was building towards a Politbureau) around this time in a conver- decisions for the majority. confrontation between the Party and those sation with Gorky, Gorky shouted out who were pro-revolution, but not pro the The search for the enemies within was “Don’t talk to me of that beast ever again - Bolshevik version they were being served. growing, mainly driven from the top (sec- tell him that his torturers are a disgrace to That confrontation would burst into the retaries) downwards through the Party the human image.”14 open at Kronstadt and Serge was one of the and exercised by the Cheka. Of the many witnesses. By early 1920, it appeared that the Civil anarchists in prison at this time, Lenin War was coming to an end, and the idea of said they “were not true anarchists nor Whose Revolution is this ? normality returning to Mother Russia was idealists - just bandits” and anyway “The Kropotkin, the best known anarchist in gaining popularity. By January of 1920 State is a machine for which we are answer- Russia and worldwide at the time, died. Dzerzhinsky (People’s Commissar for the able and we cannot allow its operation to be The anarchists, including a number who Interior), with the backing of Lenin and frustrated.”20 By this stage, the Bolsheviks were temporarily released from Bolshevik Trotsky, recommended the abolition of the were determined that this revolution was jails in order to attend, turned his funeral death sentence - except in areas where theirs alone and anyone who held an alter- into a massive show of strength and a there were still military operations being native opinion was labeled against the "denunciation of all tyranny"22. Behind the carried out. Hope sprang up immediately party - and therefore against the revolu- coffin marched thousands of mourners hand amongst the thousands of suspects in the tion. Any opposition to the will of the party in hand, carrying the black flags of anar- crammed prisons as the decree was passed was seen as a threat as the Bolsheviks chism. The Cheka’s presence at the fu- by the Government and signed by Lenin. wrestled for a grip on the monopoly of neral added to the atmosphere of tension. But the executioners of the Cheka were power. They were hanging onto it by their Many anarchists were arrested straight busy that night, as 200 people were driven fingertips and any threat was dealt with in after the burial of the old man, only to outside of Petrograd and shot. Over 300 in a severe manner. As one party member disappear to prisons from which they would Moscow. Relatives scraped at the mass wrote in an official trade union journal at never re-emerge. Just as the old man lay burial grounds looking for relics of their the time ‘Professional’ny Vestnik’ “the de- in the ground, many were to join him and dead loved ones. Serge actually met one of struction of newspapers, the annihilation with them went the hopes for socialism the grim reapers who worked in the of freedom of agitation for the socialist and and freedom. Petrograd Cheka, who said of that time democratic parties is inadmissable. “We thought that if the People’s Commis- The.....violence against strikers, etc. irri- 18 days later, Serge was awoken in the sars were getting converted to Humanitari- tated open wounds. There has been too Astoria Hotel with the news that “Kronstadt anism, that was their business. Our much of this type of memory of the Russian is in the hands of the Whites.”23 Later on business was to crush the counter-revolu- toiling masses and this can lead to an the next day other comrades told him “the tion for ever, and they could shoot us after- analogy deadly to the Soviet power.”21 The sailors have mutinied”24 and that what wards if they like!"15 The work of the Bolsheviks were holding onto State power he’d heard previously was nothing but an Cheka, although well recognised, was never irrespective of costs, ideals or lives. atrocious lie. Serge writes “We were para- spoken of. No one was disciplined for this lysed by official falsehoods. It had never Anarchists were arrested en mass by the slaughter, implying that their dirty work happened before that our Party should lie Cheka in November 1920, as they pre- met with the approval of the Bolsheviks. to us like this.”25 It was in fact a naval pared for their congress. Serge speaks, at revolt, led by the local Soviet. The enemies within ? this time, of being horrified at witnessing the rigging of elections so that Lenin’s and The battle lines were drawn, this was a By 1920 opinions were rampant and di- Zinoviev’s ‘majority’ opinion would win. battle for power. Who was really in charge vided about the Soviets. The Mensheviks Lenin said the trade unions should organ- of the Soviets, the people themselves or a were outright opponents, the Left Social- ise autonomously from the state (an im- Party already rampant with bureaucrats Revolutionaries first boycotted them and provement from Trotsky’s position which and careerists? Lenin had written in 1918 then collaborated with them. The anar- said they should be merged) but they must that “The irrefutable experience of history chists were divided into pro-soviet and be subordinate to the Party. 'All power to has shown that.....the dictatorship of indi- anti-soviet. Serge called all the people the Party' would have been a much more vidual persons was very often the vehicle, outside the party view of the time “dissi- accurate slogan at this time. Incidents the channel of the dictatorship of the revo- dents of the revolution” who were “right on lutionary classes.”26 What this meant many points”.16 But the dissidents had a in reality was that the make-up of fundamental point which had to be admit- the Soviets had to change and was ted, which was above all the right oft h e changed from the freely elected del- people of Russia “for freedom of ex- egates to submissive party hacks who pression and the restoration of liberty rubber stamped the decisions made fur- in the soviets.”17 The Soviets of 1917 ther up the hierarchy. The battle at had been the workers’ councils which Kronstadt was fought to either bring the had been composed of the workers revolution back towards the people or to and soldiers’ delegates who wished to wave good-bye to it all. disband the bad old society and bring about the dawn of a new age of freedom for The killing of hope in mankind. But with the suppression of all opposition to the viewpoints of the Bolshe- Kronstadt viks, Serge writes “In practice they (the Serge wrote of the demands of the soviets) represented nothing but the local Kronstadt rebels. “Pamphlets dis- Party Committees.”18 The Party at this tributed in the working class areas ... time had been practically invaded, accord- It was a programme for the renewal ing to Serge, by careerists, mercenary ele- of the Revolution ... re-election of the ments who came over in swarms to the side Soviets by secret ballot; freedom of with power. Bureaucratisation was ram- the spoken and printed word for all pant. It comes as no surprise that the revolutionary parties and groupings; Red & Black Revolution (17)

socialism is merely state capitalist monopoly that we are here to build for. which is made to serve the interests of the whole people and has to that extent ceased 32 to be capitalist monopoly.” At the same References congress, a party faction known as the 1 In “International Socialism No. 52” a journal Workers’ Opposition was outlawed and published by the Socialist Workers Party in denounced as “anarcho-syndicalist” be- Britain cause they wished management of produc- 2 Memoirs of a Revolutionary by Victor Serge tion to be handed over to the trade unions. 3 An anarcho-syndicalist and educational This history of events displays that the reformer. In Barcelona he translated French Bolsheviks could not accept any threat to Syndicalist material and founded the journal their monoploy of power. The threat at Solidaridad Obrera. He was vilified and hated by that time was on the cold winds of change the Catholic Church and the right because he blowing from the port of Kronstadt. established libertarian schools for the education of working class children. His respect within the Do not mourn - Organise ! working class was such that his death in Spain Serge has been championed for a long time brought half a million people out to demonstrate by various Trotskyists and Leninists as on the streets of Paris. 4 the former Libertarian who saw the Bol- Memoirs of a Revolutionary, page 73, Quote freedom for the trade unions; the release of shevik example and followed it. He was a attributed to Maxim Gorky 5 revolutionary political prisoners; abolition practical man, they’ll say, an example of an ibid page 76 6 ibid page 79 of official propaganda; an end to requisi- anarchist who saw sense in that time of 7 ibid page 79 tioning in the countryside; freedom for the revolt. Read his book and listen to his 8 ibid page 79 artisan class; immediate suppression of the story. He was a man who was courageous 9 ibid page 86 barrier squads that were stopping the peo- and strong and fought for what he be- 10 ibid page 80 27 ple from getting their food as they pleased.” lieved. But at one point a light was extin- 11 ibid page 80 The crews of the First and Second Naval guished in him, and he just kept on pushing 12 ibid page 80-81 Squadrons, along with the garrison and for the programme being put forth by the 13 ibid page 81 the Soviet in Kronstadt, were fighting for party. That light that went out was his 14 ibid page 82 the triumph of the above demands. belief that you could win freedom, he 15 ibid page 99, Quote attributed to a man called thought that what the working class had to Leonidov - his real name was never written by A delegation from Kronstadt which was do was trust in and obey the 'revolutionary Serge - a man who took part in the execution of dispatched to Petrograd to explain the party'. Unfortunately, when they did that hundreds of people outside Petrograd. uprising ended up in the hands of the 16 they were left in a position of hoping the ibid page 118 Cheka. Most of those who mediated on the 17 party would deliver that freedom. Too late ibid page 119 sailors’ behalf ended up being arrested. 18 did they realise that the emancipation of ibid page 118 Serge justifies the whole incident and his 19 the working class is the job of the working ibid page 118 own siding with the Party in this way 20 Anarchists behind bars (Summer 1921) - Lenin class itself, the party isn’t going to deliver “Kronstadt had right on its side. Kronstadt quoted when asked about imprisoned anarchists it. was the beginning of a fresh liberating like Voline revolution for popular democracy ... How- This battle was lost in Kronstadt, and 21 The Bolsheviks & Workers Control, page 28, ever, the country was absolutely exhausted, that’s why anarchists throughout the world Quote from Party member Lovosky 22 and production practically at a standstill; celebrated when we saw those joyous faces Memoirs of a Revolutionary, ibid page 121 23 there were no reserves of any kind, not even on the other side as the Berlin wall was ibid page 124 24 ibid page 125 reserves of stamina in the hearts of the smacked over. Then the Party had won the 25 ibid page 125 masses. ...Soviet democracy lacked leader- battle and formed in its wake a viciously 26 Lenin’s article ‘The immediate Tasks of the ship, institutions and inspiration; at its authoritarian state - where the will of the Soviet Government’ published in Isvestiya back there were only masses of starving people was crushed beneath the wheels of 27Memoirs of a Revolutionary, ibid page 126 28 and desperate men.” That was his reason. interest of the Bolsheviks. So we did not 28 ibid page 128 He saw no hope for the people to take the mourn the passing of the Bolshevik dicta- 29 ibid page 129 de-railed revolution and put it back on torship, socialism’s chance in Russia passed 30 ibid page 129 track. Serge puts it more bluntly in his when the blood of the sailors was spilled by 31 ibid page 129 propaganda of the time when he wrote the Red Army on the ice of Kronstadt. 32 Lenin, Collected Works, Vol 25, page 358 “Despite its mistakes and abuses the Bol- Serge wrote his Memoirs of a Revolution- 33 No Gods, No Masters: Vol. 2, ed Daniel Guerin, shevik Party is at present the supremely ary - and in it he displays how the means page 161 - Bakunin letter to La Liberte Oct 5th organised, intelligent and stable force which determine the end. Leninists have failed 1872 deserves our confidence. The Revolution to make a revolution based on freedom and has no other mainstay, and is no longer equality because it cannot be built on sup- capable of any thorough going regenera- pression. Bakunin wrote with a clarity tion.”29 It was with these words that Serge that Serge only found out though experi- kissed the idea of freedom good-bye, and ence “Only the practice of social revolution, held up his arms in a shrug which said great new historical experiences, the logic there was nothing better. of events can bring them around, sooner or later, to a common solution: and strong in The anarchists and the Menshevik Social our belief in the validity of our Democrats were outlawed, along with any- principle...... the workers...., not their lead- body else who didn’t give absolute loyalty ers, will then end by joining with us to tear to Lenin’s dictatorship. Charged with all down these prisons called States and to sorts of “odious terms”30, Serge himself condemn politics, which is in fact nothing writes “The Cheka is mad!”31 In Moscow at more than the art of dominating and fleec- the same time Lenin was proclaiming the ing the masses.”33 It’s imperative that a “New Economic Policy”. Lenin, in his own social revolution is built on freedom, as written words, described this: “Socialism any anarchist will tell you. When it is, that is merely the next step forward from State revolution will not fail, and that is a truth capitalist monopoly. Or in other words, Red & Black Revolution (18) 171717 In 1798 Ireland was shook by a mass rebellion989898 for democratic rights and ment about what the real legacy of 1798 against British rule. 200 years later 1798 continues9898 to loom over Irish was. In 1934 when Protestant members of politics. The bi-centenary, co-inciding with the ‘Peace process’, has at- the Republican Congress arrived at tracted considerable discussion, with the formation of local history groups, Bodenstown with a banner proclaiming the holding of conferences and a high level of interest in the TV documen- ‘Break the connection with capitalism’ they taries and books published around the event. were physically assaulted and driven off by IRA members. It is rightly said that history is written by Irish ruling class. the victors. The British and loyalist histo- Of particular note is the way the women of James Connolly neatly described the Irish rians who wrote the initial histories of the 1798 have either been written out of his- nationalist version of 1798 thus rising portrayed it as little more than the tory altogether or exist only as the faithful actions of a sectarian mob intent on massa- “The middle class “patriotic” historians, wives of the nationalist histories and the cring all Protestants. Later reformers orators, and journalists of Ireland have blood crazed witches of the loyalist ac- sought to hide the program of 1798 to unite ever vied with one another in enthusias- counts. Like other republicans of that Irishmen regardless of creed. After 1798 tic descriptions of their military exploits period the United Irishmen - for the most they turned to the confessional politics of on land and sea, their hairbreadth es- part - did not see a role for women, al- mobilising Catholics alone. Daniel capes and heroic martyrdom, but have though “one proposal was made that women O’Connell, the main architect of this policy, resolutely suppressed or distorted their should have the vote as well”5 . Neverthe- went so far in 1841 as to denounce the writings, songs and manifestos.”3 less a number of women, including Mary United Irishmen as “... wicked and Ann McCracken, played an important role villianously designing wretches who fo- In short, although the name of the United from an early period in promoting the or- mented the rebellion”.1 Irishmen was honoured, their democratic ganisation, and a Society of United Irish- ideas were buried even before the forma- women was established in 1796.6 So the first response to the Loyalist history tion of the 26 county state. in Ireland was an alternative but parallel In the run up to the rebellion, women were history produced to suit a Catholic nation- In the 1840’s Ireland once again fell under particularly active in subverting the Mili- alist agenda. Both of these agendas neatly the influence of a wave of international tia. They would swear in soldiers and also dovetailed in showing the rising as a fight radicalism. They sought to uncover the spread rumours that the troops were going for “faith and fatherland”. This is illus- real aims of the 1798 rebellion. The repub- to be sent abroad. Women were active in trated by the treatment of two portraits of lican organisation of the 1840’s, the Young the rebellion, not just in ‘traditional roles’ prominent figures in the rebellion. Lord Irelanders “celebrated the United Irish- of medical aid etc., but also in quite a Edward Fitzgerald had his red cravat2 men not as passive victims or reluctant number of cases as combatants. However, painted out and replaced with a white one. rebels, but as ideologically committed revo- almost all of these roles seem to be ones Father Murphy had his cravat painted out lutionaries with a coherent political strat- that individual women demanded and 4 and replaced with a priest's collar! Within egy”. They placed a marker on the grave fought for, there is little evidence of any parts of republicanism and the left there of the key United Irishmen leader, Wolfe serious effort on the part of the United have been attempts to rescue this history, Tone, at Bodenstown. Paying homage at Irishmen to mobilise women. starting with the memoirs of United Irish- the grave is an essential annual rite for men like Myles Byrne who chose exile over any party wishing to claim the republican An overview of the Rebellion compromise. But, all too often, this history legacy. In the Autumn of 1791, societies of United has been crushed beneath histories de- These different histories mean that even Irishmen were formed in Belfast and Dub- signed to fulfil the needs of the British and within republicanism there was little agree- lin. Initially the organisation limited itself to calling for democratic reforms including Catholic emancipation7 . In response to popular pressure, the British government - which effectively ruled Ireland - initially granted some reforms. This period of re- form ended in 1793, when war broke out between revolutionary France and Brit- ain. In December of 1796 the United Irishmen came the nearest they would to victory, when 15,000 French troops arrived off Bantry Bay. Bad weather prevented the landing and saved Britain from defeat. After Bantry Bay, Irish society was bit- terly polarised as loyalists flocked to join the British army and the United Irish- men’s numbers swelled massively. By the Spring of 1798, a campaign of Brit- ish terror was destroying the United Irish- men organisation and many of the leaders Red & Black Revolution (19) had been arrested. The remaining leaders at least 27 labour disputes in Dublin from unfair for fifty or a hundred men to felt forced to call an immediate rising, even 1717 to 1800 and the formation of the early possess what is for the subsistence of though this would be before French aid trade unions had started11 . “There were 50 near five millions ...”16 could arrive. The date was set for May combinations in 27 different trades in Dub- Before 1794 the role consigned by republi- 23rd. A number of factors undermined the lin in the period 1772-95. There were at can leaders to the masses was one of fairly rising in Dublin. However major risings least 30 food riots ... in the period 1772- passive displays of support for change. For occurred in Wexford in the south, and An- 94..”12 example Illuminations (where people put trim and Down in the north. Elsewhere This atmosphere of revolutionary ideas on lights in their windows) were important to there were minor skirmishes. By the au- the one hand, and brutal oppression on the show the level of public support. tumn - despite a small French landing - the other, was the climate in which the United rebellion had been defeated, tens of thou- Following the 1794 banning of the Dublin Irishmen were born in 1791. This initially sands were dead and a reign of terror had United Irishmen the masses became more reformist organisation, at first composed spread over the country. actively involved. Riots were organised by of the Protestant middle class was to choose the United Irishmen, particularly around within a few years to take the path of Origins of the rising the arrival of the new Viceroy, Camden, in launching a democratic and anti-colonial The 1798 rising occurred at a unique mo- March 1795, when aristocrats were stoned revolution. ment in world politics, the point at which in the streets of Dublin. parliamentary democracy (and capitalism) Leadership Vs masses was replacing absolute monarchy (and feu- As public demonstrations were banned, According to the Report of the Secret Com- dalism). The American Revolution of 1771- various ruses were used to gather United mittee of the House of Lords - shortly before 81 and the French Revolution of 1789 were Irishmen together. Race meeting were the United Irishmen were founded - Tone, the key inspirations for those who were to used as pretexts for mass assemblies. Mock Samuel Neilson and others in the north lead the rebellion in Ireland. Wolfe Tone funerals with up to 2,000 ‘mourners’ would circulated a Secret Manifesto to the Friends described how “the French Revolution be- be held, sometimes the coffin would actu- of Freedom in Ireland. Towards the end came the test of every man’s political creed, ally contain arms. In the countryside mass this contained a description of past move- and the nation was fairly divided into two potato diggings (often for imprisoned ments that was to prove prophetic as a great parties – the aristocracy and demo- United Irishmen) were organised and of- description of events in 1798 crats”.8 ten conducted as military drills. These were a way of seeing who would turn out “When the aristocracy come forward, the To this was added the severe oppression and how well they would follow orders. people fall backwards; when the people the majority of Irish people lived under. come forward, the aristocracy, fearful of The country was bitterly divided , two wars This following of orders was central to the being left behind, insinuate themselves had been fought in the previous century preparation for rebellion, as the United into our ranks and rise into timid lead- with the combatants split along religious Irishmen’s leadership wanted to be able to ers or treacherous auxiliaries.”13 lines. The native Catholic landowning control and discipline the masses in the event of a rising. This was also why a class had been forced either to surrender Once the United Irishmen had decided to French landing was central. The French their lands or to convert to the Anglican take the direction of rebellion, they had to army would help not just to beat Britain, religion. In parts of the country, in particu- win the mass of the people actively to join but also to control the masses. The original lar the North-East, even the ordinary in such a rebellion. To do this they high- strategy for the rebellion was for only a few Catholic tenants had been forced off the lighted the economic advantages of reform. thousand United Irishmen to join the army land, to be replaced with Presbyterian Gaining the vote for rich Catholic land- of the French (and for these to be quickly ‘planters’ brought over from Scotland. This owners would mean little to those paying disciplined). left a legacy of sectarian rivalry which rent for this land. helped the British to ‘divide and rule’. This is the context in which Tone’s “Our Dr Willam James MacNeven, under inter- freedom must be had at all hazards. If the Although some reforms had been won, the rogation by the House of Lords in 1798, men of property will not help us, they must situation by the 1780’s was that the coun- when asked if Catholic emancipation or fall; we will free ourselves by the aid of that try was ruled by Anglican landowners, parliamentary reform mobilised ‘the lower large and respectable class of the commu- with Presbyterian landowners having only orders’ said “I am sure they do not under- nity - the men of no property” must be limited political power, and Catholic land- stand it. What they very well understand is taken. Yes, the United Irishmen had turned owners none. Beyond this, the mass of the that it would be a very great advantage to population, Catholic, Protestant (Anglican) them to be relieved from the payments of and Dissenter (Presbyterian) had virtu- tithes and not to be fleeced by the land- ally no rights at all. In 1831 there were lords”14 In 1794 they asked “Who makes 6,000 absentee landlords, who owned over them rich? The answer is obvious - it is the 7,000,000 acres. industrious poor”. The complete subjection the peasantry were Historian Nancy Curtin points out that subjected to is hinted by a traveller through “Some united Irish recruiters ... suggested Ireland at the time who wrote that a major redistribution of land would follow a successful revolution” and that as “A landlord in Ireland can scarcely in- a result “To a certain extent republicanism vent an order which a servant, labourer, became associated in the common mind or cottier dares to refuse to execute. ... A with low rents, the abolition of tithes and a poor man would have his bones broken if tax burden borne by the wealthy and idle he offered to lift a hand in his own rather than by the poor and industrious”15 defence . . . Landlords of consequence have assured me that many of their The Union doctrine; or poor man’s cat- cottiers would think themselves hon- echism, was published anonymously as oured by having their wives and daugh- part of this effort and read in part ters sent for to the bed of their master."9 “I believe in a revolution founded on the There were famines in 1740, ’57, ’65 and rights of man, in the natural and ’70. The first of these alone killed 400,000.10 imprescriptable right of all citizens to all the land ... As the land and its pro- The arrival of capitalism had seen the duce was intended for the use of man ’tis beginnings of a working class. There were Red & Black Revolution (20) to the ‘men of no property’, but the leader- ange attacks. “Special missions were dis- ated the country from British rule. The ship still intended to run the show, and patched there in 1792 and again in 1795 British campaign of terror against the with French help hold back the masses if and senior figures like Neilson, Teeling, United Irishmen which followed was seri- necessary. McCracken, Quigley and Lowry worked the ously undermining the organisation by area ceaselessly ... “.22 Many expelled 1798. In the Spring of 1798, pressure was After 1794, with the turn towards revolu- Catholic families were sheltered by Pres- mounting for a rising without the French, tionary politics and the need to mobilise byterian United Irishmen in Belfast, and and after the arrest of most of the Leinster the masses, the class basis of the United later, Antrim and Down. These expulsions leadership a date for the rising was set by Irishmen underwent a radical change. facilitated the spread of Defenderism and those who escaped. Dublin membership of artisans, clerks and fear of the Orange Order to other parts of labourers rose to nearly 50% of the total.17 The key to the rising was to be Dublin. It Ireland. was intended to seize the city and trigger a Other popular political societies in Dublin The Defenders were already politicised to message to the rest of the country by stop- in the 1790’s included ‘the Strugglers’. One some extent by the hope of French inter- ping the mail coaches. However, although judge referred to “the nest of clubs in the vention and their anti- tax and anti-tithe thousands turned out for the rising in the city of Dublin”. Their membership was propaganda. They proclaimed “We have city, it ended up as a fiasco with almost no said to consist of “The younger part of the lived long enough upon potatoes and salt; it fighting. The reasons why this happened tradesmen, and in general all the appren- is our turn now to eat mutton and beef” 23 . can be found in the class basis of the lead- tices”. The informer Higgins described Despite their rural origins the Defenders ership of the United Irishmen. these clubs as comprising “King killers, were not a peasant movement but “drawn Paineites, democrats, levellers and United Once it was clear that the rising was going from among weavers, labourers and tenant Irishmen”.18 to happen without the French, it was also farmers ... and from the growing artisan clear that there was no mechanism to hold class of the towns”. By 1795 there were The link with the ‘Defenders’ back the workers and peasants from going some 4000 Defenders in Dublin, closely A central part of the strategy for mass beyond the bourgeois democratic and sepa- linked with many of the republican clubs rebellion was to build links with the al- ratist aims of the rising. The key informer in the city. The complex nature of the ready established movements, and in par- who betrayed the Dublin rising, Reynolds, Defenders is illustrated as “in Dublin there ticular the Defenders. The Defenders had had turned because of fears of his ancestral were Protestant Defenders” even though started as a local ‘faction’ (gang) in Ar- estates being confiscated.25 “revenge against Protestants was certainly magh and were initially non-sectarian, an important element in Defender think- Edward Fitzgerald, Neilson and the others their first Captain being Presbyterian.19 . ing” 24 . who planned the May 21st rising in Dublin Armagh was the scene of intense political were willing to risk this. But they were agitation around the arming of Catholics, The Orange Order attacks had inevitably arrested and removed from the scene by with the Protestant Orange Order20 con- introduced sectarianism into the Defend- May 19th. The British, on the information ducting armed attacks on Catholics. How- ers. But the United Irishmen saw this of informers, had seized the gathering point ever the arming of the Catholics had “the sectarianism as being due to the influence for the rising. In the confusion there was full support of a radical section of Protes- of priests, and directed only against Prot- little chance of the rank and file of the tant political opinion” 21 . These origins estant landlords. This was to prove a United Irishmen gathering to create an are important, as later historians have serious under estimation, particularly out- alternative plan. And the second rank of attempted to portray the Defenders as side of the north. leadership, which could have created an purely a Catholic sectarian organisation, a alternative plan, failed to do so precisely sort of mirror image of the Orange Order. The Rebellion because it now feared the uncontrolled In December of 1796, a French Fleet ap- In 1795, up to 7,000 Catholics were driven ‘mob’. peared off the shores of Bantry Bay with out of Armagh by Orange Order pogroms. 15,000 French soldiers and Wolfe Tone. Precisely as had been warned “when the The United Irishmen provided lawyers to Rough seas and inexperienced sailors pre- people come forward, the aristocracy, fear- prosecute on behalf of the victims of Or- vented a landing which would have liber-

Pitch capping, in which molten pitch was set alight on the victims head and the travelling gallows used to half-hang people. Tortures like these, along with flogging were used on thousands of people to try to force them to reveal the names of United Irishmen or the location of arms in 1797 and early 1798. Many died as a result of them. They were accompanied by a general campaign of looting and rape, along with transpor- tation of suspects to the fleet. This allowed the British forces to seriously undermine United Irishmen organisation and forced the remaining leadership to call a premature rising. Red & Black Revolution (21) ful of being left behind, insinuate them- fied, disorganised and disarmed many of nor skirmishes against the British but selves into our ranks and rise into timid the United Irishmen. General Knox had were defeated in the major battles by the leaders or treacherous auxiliaries.” told General Lake that his methods were experienced and better equipped. As in also intended to “increase the animosity Wexford, the British burned towns, vil- The Wexford Republic between the Orangemen and the United lages and houses they considered sympa- A limited rising occurred around Dublin Irishmen”. Robert Simms who was Adja- thetic to the rebels and massacred both which was rapidly and brutally suppressed. cent-General of the United Irishmen in the prisoners and wounded during and after Loyalists and British forces unleashed fur- north simply refused to acknowledge that the battles. After the battle of Antrim, ther terror in the rest of the country. In the signal from Dublin indicated he should some were buried alive.30 Wicklow and North Wexford this included rise. Instead, presumably in part for the The last major battle of the Northern ris- the execution of over 50 United Irish pris- class interests already outlined, he pre- ing was at Ballynahinch on 13th June. By oners, the murder of civilians and the burn- ferred to wait for the French. the time the French arrived in Killala in ing of homes. Nevertheless, the rank and file were deter- August, it was too late, although their There was United Irishmen organisation mined there should be a rising and the initial success does suggest that either the in this area, Wexford town was considered lower officers with Henry Joy McCracken Wexford or Antrim rebels may have been the preferred landing place for the French. (who had just returned from jail in Dublin) much more successful if they had the ben- But the bulk of the 300 or so United Irish- forced Simms to resign on June 1st and got efit of even the small number of experi- men here do not appear to have been pre- an order for a rising at a delegate meeting enced French troops and arms later landed paring for a rising. One historian of the on June 2nd. This delay meant it was not at Killala. rebellion, Dickson, reckons that “without a till 5th that the rising started in Antrim, Some 32 United Irishmen leaders were French landing and without the compul- and 7th in Down. In the course of this executed in the North after the rising, sion applied by the magistrates and their delay, the northern rising was further including two Presbyterian ministers. agents ... there would have been no Wexford weakened. Three of the United Irishmen Henry Joy McCracken in hiding after the rising at all”.26 and his account demon- colonels gave the plans to the British, tak- rising, wrote a letter to his sister in which strates that the early battles were sponta- ing away any element of surprise and al- he sums up the cause of the failure of the neous clashes. The all important initial lowing them to prepare for the rising. rising as “the rich always betray the poor”. victory was at Oulard, where there was no More seriously, stories started reaching He was captured and executed in Belfast real rebel commander and some of the the north from the Wexford rebellion with on July 16th. United Irishmen were armed only with the newspapers “rivalling rumour in por- stones. traying in Wexford an image of Catholic Post rebellion republicans The Oulard victory demonstrated that the massacre and plunder equalled only by After the rising it was in the interests of British army were not unbeatable. This, legends ...”. Many of these stories were those who had led it to minimise their and the increasing repression, saw hun- false although some Protestant men had involvement by insisting they were igno- dreds and then thousands flock to join the been killed in Enniscorthy. The distorted rant dupes or forced by ‘the mob’ to take rebel hilltop encampments. However the version that reached the north by 4 June superior tactics, arms and training of the (before the rising) was that “at Enniscorthy British forces was to prove a match for the in the county of Wexford every Protestant rebels. On 4th and 5th June the rebellion man, woman and child, even infants, suffered its most decisive defeat at the have been murdered”. Alongside battle of New Ross, and on 9th the defeat at this were manufactured items the battle of Arklow was the last major like a supposed Wexford Oath attempt to spread the rebellion to neigh- “I, A.B. do solemnly swear ... bouring counties. that I will burn, destroy and mur- der all heretics up to my knees in Wexford town was however liberated for blood”. three weeks. At the time it was thriving and had a population of 10,000, many of Later commentaries tried to deny whom were Protestants. After liberation, the scale of the Northern rising, a seven man directory of the main United or have claimed that many Pres- Irishmen and a 500 strong senate took over byterians failed to turn out. How- the running of the town. Both of these ever, given all of the above, what is included Catholic and Protestant mem- truly remarkable is how little effect bers. In addition each area / district had its all this had, in particular as by 5th own local committee, militia and elected the Wexford rising had clearly failed leader. The time before it was retaken was to spread. Of the 31,000 United not sufficient for much constructive activ- Irishmen in the area of the northern ity beyond the printing of ration coupons. rising, 22,000 actually took part in However the limited reorganisation of lo- the major battles (more turned out cal government that did occur, and its but missed the major battles).29 success in maintaining order until just Like the Wexford rising, the before the town fell, demonstrates the of- Northern rebels suc- ten denied political side of the Wexford ceeded in winning mi- rebellion.27 On 21st the final major battle of the ‘Wex- Henry Joy ford republic’ was fought at Vinegar Hill. McCracken, It had taken some 20,000 British soldiers executed in three weeks to crush the 30,000 Wexford Belfast at the age rebels who were “utterly untrained, practi- of 31. cally leaderless and miserably armed”.28 Events in Antrim/Down The North had also seen a savage cam- paign of British torture which had terri- Red & Black Revolution (22) part. A song asks “Who fears to speak of The Centenary Wexford rising, in 1798 nothing could be ’98?”. People researching oral histories further from the truth. Dr Troy, Arch- More than anything else the Catholic na- have indicated that the answer was ‘just bishop of Dublin, said within days of the tionalist history of the rising was deter- about everyone’. Even the year of death on rising (27 May 1798) that “We bitterly mined by the needs of the Catholic church the gravestones of those who died in the lament the fatal consequences of this anti- when faced with the socialist influenced rising was commonly falsified. The reason Christian conspiracy”. Fenian movement one hundred years later. was the British campaign of terror, which Patrick Kavanagh’s ‘A Popular history of In fact the Catholic hierarchy was opposed carried on into the following century with the insurrection of 1798’, published in 1870 to the radical ideas of the rebellion and, chapel burning’s and deportations of cart was the major work from this perspective. especially since the opening of the Catholic loads of suspects. This ‘history’ had several aims; to hide the seminary at Maynooth, stood beside Brit- In Wexford, where the death penalty still role of the church hierarchy in condemning ain and the Irish Protestant Ascendancy applied to anyone who had been a United the rising (and instead claim that the class. Three days after the rebellion had Irish officer, it was a common defence for church led the rising); to blame the failure started, the following declaration came out ex-leaders to claim they were forced into of the rising on underground revolutionary of Maynooth their role by mobs of rebels. This explana- organisation (as an attack on the Fenians); “We, the undersigned, his Majesty’s most tion was handy for both the official and and to minimise the involvement of North- loyal subjects, the Roman Catholics of Catholic nationalist versions of the his- ern Presbyterians and democratic ideals. Ireland, think it necessary at this mo- tory. It suggested that the Protestant In so far as they are mentioned the view is ment publicly to declare our firm attach- portion of the leadership was coincidental that “it was the turbulent and disorderly ment to his Majesty’s royal person, and in what was otherwise a confessional or Presbyterians who seduced the law abiding to the constitution under which we have sectarian rising, depending on your point Catholics”. 33 the happiness to live ... We cannot avoid of view. This deception was credible be- This history has therefore emphasised the expressing to Your Excellency our regret cause the United Irishmen membership rebellion in Wexford and elevated the role at seeing, amid the general delusion, lists for Wexford were never captured. This of the handful of priests who played an many, particularly of the lower orders, allowed ex-rebel leaders like Edward Hay active part. Father Murphy thus becomes of our own religious persuasion engaged to argue that “there were fewer United the leader of the rising. The fight was for in unlawful associations and practises” Irishmen in the county of Wexford then in ‘faith and fatherland’, as a statue of a (30 May 1798) any other part of Ireland”31 . Pikeman draped in rosary beads which This was signed by the President of the The Orange Order was erected in Enniscorthy on the hun- dredth anniversary of the rising proclaims. Royal College of Maynooth and 2000 of the On the loyalist side, the Orange Order Finally, the role of the United Irishmen is Professors and students, 4 lords and 72 needed to minimise Presbyterian involve- 36 minimised. The leadership role of United baronets. One of the Wexford rebels, ment in the rising and portray it as a Irishmen like Baganal Harvey, Matthew Myles Byrne, wrote afterwards that “priests purely sectarian and Catholic affair. So Keogh and Edward Lough, who were Prot- saved the infamous English government in loyalist accounts have tended to focus on 37 estant, is glossed over. The failure of the Ireland from destruction”. the Wexford massacres, often making quite rebellion is ‘explained’ by the inevitability false claims about their scale, who was Individual Catholic priests like Father of revolutionary movements being betrayed massacred and why they were massacred. Murphy played an important leadership by informers. Patrick Kavanagh presents Musgraves (the main loyalist historian) in role in the rising, alongside the mostly Father Murphy as the sole heart of the his coverage of the rebellion gives only 2% Protestant United Irishmen leaders. Ac- insurrection, and the United Irishmen as of his writing to the Antrim and Down cording to Dickson “at least eleven Catholic “riddled by spies, ruined by drink, with rebellion while 62% of his coverage concen- curates took an active part and of these self-important leaders ... “. 34 38 trates on Wexford.32 The limited accounts three were executed”. But their own Bishop described the rebel priests after the given of the Northern rising portray it as Issues of ‘98 idealistic Presbyterians being betrayed by rebellion as “excommunicated priests, To a large extent, these histories shaped their Catholic neighbours and so learning drunken and profligate couple-beggars, the the popular understanding of the rising. 39 to become ‘good loyal Orange men’. The very faeces of the Church”. . Their role in In this limited space it is impossible to scale of British and loyalist massacres of the leadership of the rising was against the address all the issues they raise. But there these Presbyterians is seldom mentioned. wishes of the hierarchy and out of a moti- is a need for current revolutionary organi- vation to protect their parishioners from sations in Ireland to dispel the illusions Loyalist atrocities. created of the past. This is particularly true with regard to Protestant workers in Was the rebellion Protestant in the the north who are largely unaware that it north and Catholic in the south? was their forefathers who invented Irish Earl Camden, the republicanism, nor indeed that the first A more complex attempt to deny the legacy British Viceroy at Republican victim of a showtrial and ex- of 1798 is to suggest that the northern and the time of the ecution was a Presbyterian from southern risings were not really connected. rebellion Ballymena, Willam Orr. That the northern rising was Presbyterian and democratic while the southern was The current debate on the release of politi- Catholic and sectarian. cal prisoners could be much informed if Orr’s pre-execution words were remem- Although the population (and thus the bered “If to have loved my country, to have rebels) in the north were mainly Presbyte- known its Wrongs, to have felt the Injuries rian and those in the south mainly Catho- of the persecuted Catholics and to have lic, both armies contained considerable united with them and all other Religious number of both religions. I’ve already Persuasion in the most orderly and sangui- mentioned some of the Protestant leaders nary means of procuring Redress - If these in the south. Indeed, if partly to head off be Felonies I am a Felon but not otherwise sectarian tension within the rebel army, ...". 35 United Irishmen commander Roche issued a proclamation on 7th June “to my Protes- The role of the Catholic church tant soldiers I feel much in dept for their Although, by 1898, the Catholic church gallant behaviour in the field”. For the would choose to pretend it had led the reasons discussed below, the Wexford ris- Red & Black Revolution (23) ing was seriously mired by sectarianism, but right to the end there were Protestants among the rebels. It is still remembered around Carlow that after the battle Father John Murphy was hidden by a Protestant farmer, only to be betrayed by a Catholic the next day. It is true that in the north there were sectarian tensions present, a Catholic United Irish officer urged a column of Pres- byterians to “avenge the Battle of the Boyne”40 just before the battle of Antrim! Also in the north, at Ballynahinch, the Defenders (who would have been over- whelmingly Catholic) fought as a distinct unit. However the figures show that thou- sands of Catholics and Protestants turned out and fought side by side in a series of battles, despite the obvious hopelessness of the situation.

Protestants in Wicklow and A loyalist cartoon of United Irishmen training Wexford Catholicism, particularly in Wexford town At Scullabogue around 100 were murdered, There were stronger sectarian elements in where “Among the insurgent rank and file 74 were burned alive in a barn, (nine of the Wexford rising. To understand where ... heresy hunting became widespread ... whom were women and 8 of whom were these came from, we need to look at events Protestants found it prudent to attend mass Catholic) and 21 men were killed on the immediately before the rising. About 25% as the only means of saving their lives.”43 front lawn. A survivor, Frizel stated that of the population was Protestant, these When the rebels carried out massacres the cause was the rumour that the military included a few recently arrived colonies they often had strong sectarian under- were murdering prisoners at New Ross.46 that must have displaced earlier Catholic tones. Loyalist historians and even At least three Protestants were amongst tenants and thus caused sectarian ten- Pakenham, the most widely read historian the rebels who carried out these killings. sions. of the rising, are guilty of distorting the The presence of Protestants amongst the nature of these massacres by claiming only murderers and Catholics among the vic- The high percentage of Protestants in Protestants were executed. tims gives the lie to the claim that this was Wexford also made it possible to construct a simple sectarian massacre. a Militia and later Yeomanry that was The reality of the Wexford massacres was extremely sectarian in composition, in the that the victims tended to be landlords, or The leadership of the rebellion, both United words of Dickson in Wexford “these Yeo- the actual agents of British rule like mag- Irishmen and the Catholic priests, tried to man were almost entirely a Protestant istrates and those related to them or in defuse the sectarian tension and prevent force”.41 This Yeomanry was responsible service to them. Anyone suspected of being massacres. On 7th June, Edward Lough, in part for the savage repression that pre- an Orangeman was also liable to be ex- commander of the Vinegar Hill camp, is- ceded the rising and the initial house and ecuted. Massacres were also a feature of sued a proclamation “this is not a war for chapel burning during it. Col. Hugh Pearse the rebellion in the north, where no sectar- religion but for liberty”.47 Vinegar Hill was observed “in Wexford at least, the miscon- ian motive can so easily be attached. A the site of many individual executions over duct of the Militia and Yeomanry ... was rebel unit near Saintfield (in the north), the 23 days the rebel camp existed there. largely to blame for the outbreak ... it can led by James Breeze, attacked and set fire Between 300 and 400 were executed, most only be said that cruelty and oppression to the home of Hugh McKee, a well known were Protestant although Luke Byrne, one produced a yet more savage revenge”.42 loyalist and informer, burning him, his of the organisers of the executions, is quoted wife, five sons, three daughters and house- as saying “If anyone can vouch for any of When faced with a Protestant Landlord maid to death.44 the prisoners not being Orangemen, I have class mobilising a mainly Protestant local no objection they should be discharged” Loyalist historians are also guilty of ignor- army to torture them and burn their chap- and indeed all captured Quakers were ing or minimising the causes of most of the els, it is perhaps unsurprising that many released.48 In general, throughout Wex- massacres, the far larger massacres by Catholics were inclined to identify Protes- ford Quakers who were Protestant but not British army and loyalist forces of civil- tants as a whole as the problem. The associated with loyalism were well treated ians, rebel prisoners and wounded. The United Irishmen organisation in the area by the rebels, but did suffer at the hands of greatest of these was the massacres during before the rising was too small to make the loyalists. much progress in overcoming this feeling, and after the battle of New Ross where and in fact one of their tactics added to the even the Loyalist historian Rev. James A proclamation from Wexford on 9th June sectarian tension. There were Orange Gordon admits “I have reason to think more called to “protect the persons and proper- Lodges in Wexford and Wicklow. As else- men than fell in battle were slain in cold ties of those of all religious persuasions who where, there is evidence that the United blood”45 . The scale of this massacre can have not oppressed us”49 and on 14th June Irishmen deliberately spread rumours of only be guessed at, but after the battle 3, the United Irishmen oath was introduced an Orange plot to massacre Catholics. The 400 rebels were buried, 62 cart loads of to the Wexford army. None of this is to intention was that the Catholics would rebel bodies were thrown in the river and deny that there were sectarian tensions join the rebellion in greater numbers, but many others (particularly wounded) were and indeed sectarian elements to the mas- such rumours inevitably heightened dis- burned in the houses of the town. Accord- sacres, perhaps most openly after the rebel trust of all Protestants. ing to many accounts the screams of army had abandoned Wexford. Thomas wounded rebels being deliberately burned Dixon and his wife then brought 70 men The Wexford massacres alive may have played a significant part in into the town during the night “from the Throughout the Wexford rising, sectarian the murder of 100 loyalist civilian prison- northern side of the Slaney” and plied them tensions were never far from erupting. ers at nearby Scullabogue on the morning with whiskey. The following day a massa- This was expressed throughout the rising of the battle. cre started at 14:00 and lasted over five as a pressure on Protestants to convert to hours. Up to 97 were murdered. Red & Black Revolution (24)

However, even here, not all the 260 prison- However in the north, the ideology of a Separatism became a necessary step once ers from whom those massacred were se- ‘Protestant state for a Protestant people’ is it was realised that fulfilling these ideas lected could be described as innocent still strong. Particularly in recent years, required the ending of British rule. For victims. One of those killed (Turner) was this has seen the political decision of north- many it also represented a rebellion against seen burning cabins in Oulard shortly be- ern loyalists to start referring to them- the ownership of land by a few, and for fore the battle there.50 Another prisoner selves as British or ‘Ulster-Scots’. This is some a move towards an equality of prop- who survived was Lord Kingsborough, com- a quite remarkable robbing of even the erty. mander of the hated North Cork Militia history of loyalism, and would have been Those leaders who planned the rising were and popularly regarded as having intro- an insult to even the Orangemen of 1798, part of a revolutionary wave sweeping the duced the pitch cap torture, in which the one of whom James Claudius Beresford western world, they were international- victims head was set on fire.51 Most sig- declared he was “Proud of the name of an ists and indeed an agreement for distinct nificantly this massacre happened when Irishman, I hope never to exchange it for republics was drawn up with the United the rebel army had withdrawn from the that of a colonist”.52 Scotsmen and the United Englishmen.54 town and stopped when rebel forces re- A couple of years after the rising, Britain They corresponded with similar societies turned. succeeded in forcing the Irish Parliament in Paris and London. Some, like Thomas It is an unfortunate feature of some repub- to pass an ‘Act of Union’ which effectively Russell, were also active anti-slavery cam- lican and left histories of 1798 that the dissolved that parliament and replaced it paigners. As Connolly puts it “these men sectarian nature of the Wexford massacres with direct rule from Westminster. It is aimed at nothing less than a social and is either avoided or minimised. To north- ironic that 36 Orange Lodges in Co. Ar- political revolution such as had been ac- ern Protestant workers today this merely magh and 13 in Co. Fermanagh declared complished in France, or even greater”.55 appears to confirm an impression that this against this Act of Union. Lodge No. 500 None of this is to claim that socialism was is the secret agenda of the republican move- declared it would “support the independ- on the agenda in 1798. Common ownership ment. The stories - both true and false - of ence of Ireland and the constitution of 1782” of the means of production would not be- sectarian massacres in Wexford that were and “declare as Orangemen, as Freeholders, come a logical solution for some years yet, circulated in the North before and during as Irishmen that we consider the extinction when large numbers of people started to the rising must have undermined the unity of our separate legislature work in situations where they could not of the United Irishmen. Although the as the extinction of the simply divide up their workplace. But Wexford leadership did act to limit sectari- Irish Nation”.53 there is no denying that radical ideas that anism, in hindsight it is obvious that the are well in advance of today’s republicans United Irishmen were complacent about What was the were on the agenda of many in 1798. sectarianism amongst the Defenders and nation fought for in Wexford more could and should have The central message of 1798 was not Irish been done. In particular the final and most in 1798? unity for its own sake, indeed the strongest blatantly sectarian massacre, at Wexford The rewriting of the his- opponents of the British parliament had bridge, could probably have been avoided if tory of 1798 by loyalists been the Irish ascendancy, terrified that the Dixons, the couple at the centre of it, and nationalists alike has direct rule might result in Catholic eman- had been silenced. They had spent the a common purpose, which cipation. Unity offered to remove the sec- period of the rebellion in Wexford trying to is to define being ‘Irish’ tarian barriers that enabled a tiny whip up a pogrom. as containing a require- ascendancy class to rule over millions with- ment to being a Catholic. out granting even a thimble full of demo- 1798 and Irish nationalism The greatest defeat of cratic rights. The struggle has progressed The debate around nation is in itself 1798 is the success of this since as many of these rights have been something that divides the Irish left. project, in particular af- won, but in terms of creating an anarchist In particular after the partition of ter partition when the society the words of James Hope, the most Ireland in 1922, there has been a real southern and northern proletarian of the 1798 leaders still apply and somewhat successful effort to states adopted opposed con- divide people into two nations. One fessional definitions of “Och, Paddies, my hearties, have done consists of all the people in the south themselves. One legacy of wid your parties. Let men of all creeds along with northern Catholics. Ca- that failure is that in 1998 and profissions agree. If Orange and tholicism is a central part of this we not only live on a di- Green min, no longer were seen, min. definition, with the Catholic Church vided island but that the Och, naboclis, how easy ould Ireland being given an informal veto for many vast majority of our hos- we’d free.” decades over state policy in the south. To pitals and schools are ei- a large extent this definition is tacitly ther Catholic or This article is based on a much longer accepted by many parts of the Republican Protestant. movement today. Francie Molloy’s 1996 draft which includes discussion of the The United Irishmen’s election campaign posters - based on there radical politics of the period and the pre- core project, to replace the being 20,000 more nationalists (i.e. Catho- rebellion organisation of the United Irish- name of Irishman for the labels of Catholic, lics) than Protestants in Mid-Ulster - is a men. This can be read on the internet at Protestant and Dissenter was not an ab- case in point. This has led to a situation http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/andrew/1798.html stract nationalist one. It came from a where those responsible for sectarian mur- or by sending £1 and a S.A.E. to WSM, concrete analysis that unless this was done ders of Protestants were not treated as PO Box 1528, Dublin 8. then no progress could be made because a seriously by the republican movement as people divided were easily ruled. Here lies informers or even those judged guilty of the greatest gulf with ‘republicans’ today 1Freeman’s Journal, 22 May, 1841 ‘anti-social’ crime. 2 who reverse this process and imagine that Which represented not only a revolutionary badge but a However, the south has started to emerge such unity can only be the outcome rather defence of the execution of the French king Louis. 3 from under the long dark shadow of Catho- than the cause of progress. Labour and Irish History, James Connolly, ChVII 4The Tree of Liberty, Radicalism, Catholicism and lic nationalism, in the urban centres at The rebellion of the United Irishmen was the Construction of Irish Identity 1760 - 1830, least. De Valera’s comely maids at the not a rebellion for four abstract green fields, Kevin Whelan, p167 Crossroads and the threat of the Bishop’s free of John Bull. It was inspired by the 5A history of the Irish Working Class, Peter crosier have faded into a distant and bi- new ideas of equality, fraternity and lib- Berresford Ellis, 1972, p71 zarre past. 6 erty coming out of the French revolution. The Women of 1798 : Representations and realities by Dáire Keogh in 1798 ; 200 years of Red & Black Revolution (25) resonance, Ed. Mary Cullen 22The Tree of Liberty, ibid, p128 39 A vindication of the Roman Catholic Clergy of 7 Catholic emancipation was the demand for the removal 23The Defenders, p19, ibid the town of Wexford during the late unhappy of laws that discriminated against Catholics 24 Ibid, p20-22 rebellion, pub 1799 8quoted in Labour and Irish History, ibid, Ch VII 25Citizen Lord : Lord Edward Fitzgerald, 1763 - 40 When Catholics and Protestants fought on 9Arthur Young, in his Tour of Ireland quoted in 1798, Stella Tillyard, p246 opposite side Labour and Irish History, ibid, chap IV 26 The Wexford Rising in 1798, Charles Dickson, 41The Wexford Rising in 1798, ibid, p13 10A history of the Irish Working Class, ibid, p54 1955, p36 42Col. Hugh Pearse in ‘Memoir of the life and 11The United Irishmen, Nancy Curtin, 1994, p 147 27The Wexford Republic of June 1798 : A story service of Viscount Lake’ (1744 - 1808) p95 12 The Tree of Liberty, ibid, p92 hidden from history, Kevin Whelan in 1798 ; 200 quoted in The Wexford Rising in 1798, ibid, p12 13Quoted in Labour and Irish History, ibid, Chap years of resonance, Ed. Mary Cullen 43The Wexford Rising in 1798, ibid, p 18 VII 28The Wexford Rising in 1798, ibid, p41 44APRN, 11 May 1998 14The United Irishmen, ibid, p28 29The United Irishmen, ibid, p260 -267 45The Wexford Rising in 1798, ibid, p116 15The United Irishmen, ibid, p. 119 - 120 30Revolt in North, Charles Dickson, 1960, p135 46Ibid, p129 16quoted in 1798: the United Irishmen and the 31History of the Insurrection in the county of 47Ibid, p126 early Trade Unions, Mary Muldowney in SIPTU Wexford, 1798 48Ibid, p77 Fightback No 7 32The Tree of Liberty, ibid, p138 49Ibid, 1955, p126 17The United Irishmen, ibid, 1994 33 ibid, p150 50Ibid, 1955, p62 18The Tree of Liberty, ibid, p77 - 79 34 ibid, p170 51Ibid, 1955, p149 19The United Irishmen, ibid, p 149. 35Willam Orr, pre-hanging declaration, 2.45pm, 52Revolt in North, ibid, p243 20Then known as the ‘Peep O Day boy’ after their 14 October 1796 53Ibid, p243 practise of carrying out dawn raids on Catholic homes 36The Wexford Rising in 1798, ibid, p 16 54A history of the Irish Working Class, ibid, p72 21 The Defenders, p18, Deirdre Lindsay, in 1798 ; 37Memoirs, Vol. 1, p39 (1906) 55Labour and Irish History, ibid, Chap VII 200 years of resonance, Ed. Mary Cullen 38The Wexford Rising in 1798, ibid, p 17

The last issue of Red & Black RevolutionL included an article written by Donato Romito, a militant in the Italianetters FdCA for many years. One paragraph of this has proved controversial and below we print a reply to this paragraph and Donato's response to the points raised. The full article is on the web at http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/rbr/rbr3_italy.html or if you send us an SAE we'll send you a copy of it. The paragraph in question is reproduced below

There are tens of non-federated groups and circles. ... Among these groups we have to Reply of Donato Romito (FdCA) mention Cane Nero. Their positions are inspired by insurrectionalism (in the name of Yes, what’s very important is solidarity - anarchy). Their "military" actions are decided in secrecy and often provoke police solidarity with comrades who are victims repression against all anarchists who more often than not know nothing about Cane Nero's of state repression. (See judge Marini’s actions. These comrades are then asked by Cane Nero to support it. Yet when the dust stunt, one comrade’s suicide in prison and eventually settles, the name of anarchy has been ruined and around anarchism there is another two in jail in Turin, one comrade in only a desert!! Milan sentenced to 5 years and 270 mil- lions of Italian liras on the base of a not Dear Comrades, more than welcome to participate. focusing video....) But solidarity does not imply agreement or support for I read the article about Italian anarchism Insurrectionalistic anarchists in Italy do insurrectionalistic positions. in your last issue and after showing it to not form a sort of clandestine movement as comrades involved in the ‘Italian Solidar- the article implies, instead this is exactly Direct action is made by the organised ity Committee’ in Munich, Germany, have what the Italian state and the police want masses, and not by individuals consider- been urged to write to you to comment on to make everybody believe, so they can get ing themselves as anarchist vanguards a few points in this article. on with their repression and their impris- and splinters of the working-class at the onments. same time. Anarchism was born inside the Under the heading “Non-Federated real movement of the masses and its revo- Groups” the author talks about a group The insurrectionalistic comrades in Italy lutionary aims live inside the class-strug- called ‘Canenero’. In reality no such group need our solidarity, because tomorrow it gles and are not separate from them. exists, ‘Canenero’ is a magazine that writes could be others who are criminalised and about insurrectionalism and is not affili- eventually it could be us. So it does not matter whether “Canenero” ated to any particular group. is a magazine or a group, it does matter if More information about the recent repres- different forms of direct action are “de- The author afterwards accuses this non- sion against Italian anarchists can be ob- cided more or less secretly” “by very small existent group of “military actions” which tained from the “Italian Solidarity groups” of insurrectionist anarchists. Our “are decided in secrecy”. This is simply a Committee” in Munich at the following view it that of Cafiero, who wrote in 1882 lie, the comrades in Italy do not distin- address: guish between ‘military’ and ‘nonmilitary’ Solikommittee Italien c/o Infoladen : “...it’s better one step with all comrades actions, they see it as ‘direct action’ which Munchen along the real road of life, than to stay can - of course - take different forms. As Breisachnerstr. 12 alone walking hundreds of yards...in there is no established organisation most 81667 Munchen Germany abstract.” actions are decided more or less ‘secretly’, Libertarian Regards, Donato Romito i.e. in very small groups, but there exist All the best. many opportunities where Martin Kubler (for the Italian Solidarity insurrectionalistic anarchists meet (with Federazione Dei Comunisti Anarchici Committee, Munich) the full knowledge of other Italian anar- [email protected] chists) and your author would have been 23rd October 1997 http://www.pandora.it/fdca Red & Black Revolution (26) Review The Friends of Durruti Group: 1937-1939

The ‘Friends of Durruti’ appear in just about every book on the Spanish Civil War, especially in relation to the 1937 May Days in Barcelona. They get mentioned but we are told very little about their politics or activities. Some organisations, like the Workers Solidarity Movement, see their political stance as important to the tradition of revolutionary anarchism. Other anarchists, most notably sections of the syndicalist movement, condemn them for ‘flirting with Bolshevism/Leninism/Trotskyism’ or for ‘advocating an anarchist dictatorship’. So who were they, where did they come from, what did they say, and what did they do? This book is probably the most detailed of this he sees the work about them in the English language. entry of CNT mem- Unfortunately, it takes as its starting point bers into the gov- that readers will be extremely knowledge- ernment as able about both anarchist ideas and the inevitable. There- role of the anarchist movement in Spain. fore his biggest Without such knowledge the reader will criticism of the find it impossible to understand what the Friends is that author is writing about. Guillamón’s book they did not split reads as if it is a specialised academic from the CNT, re- paper, or a chapter which has been ex- nounce anarchism tracted from a much bigger work about and transform Spain. themselves into a revolutionary party. To make matters worse, the author seems unable - despite a familiarity with the Spain in the 1930s had historical details - to understand the ideas the biggest anarchist of anarchism. He criticises the Friends on movement in Europe, each occasion when they don’t issue “in- with almost two mil- structions” or “seize power”. His own bias lion people in its Na- by Agustin Guillamón is made clear when he proclaims “anar- tional Confederation of Workers (CNT), it chism’s inadequacy as a revolutionary truly was a mass organisation with very Translation by Paul Sharkey theory of the proletariat” (p.93). deep roots in the working class. The Com- £7.95 (AK Press) munist Party, prior to 1936, was a small His own views appear to be of the Marxist outfit, the anti-Stalinist POUM probably Workplaces were seized and put under the ‘council communism’ type which enjoyed a had no more than a few thousand members control of their workers. In rural areas brief popularity, particularly in Germany and the Trotskyists could be counted on tens of thousands of peasants collectivised and the Netherlands, in the 1920s. Like all the fingers of a couple of hands. their land. Trade union militias were ‘councilists’ Guillamon sees unions as “capi- formed to attack the military rebels. Power talist State machinery” (page 83). Because Because of this the syndicalist notion that was shifted from the government and the the political battle of ideas was not of the rich to local delegate committees. utmost importance was widespread. While there were activists and tendencies with Although the government still existed it varying ideas and strategies within the had no real power. The military, economic movement, there was no large and clear- and political struggle was proceeding inde- cut opposition when a section of the CNT pendently of the government, and, indeed, ‘leadership’ proposed ‘postponing’ the revo- in spite of it. The councils and collectives lution and collaborating with the govern- which had emerged were the structures ment to win the war against Franco. The upon which the revolution could have been ‘Friends of Durruti’ group had no existence built and consolidated. They needed to be prior to the outbreak of the Civil War in brought together on a regional and na- July 1936. tional level so that the power of the work- ers and peasants could have swept the On July 19th 1936 workers across most of government aside. This would have meant Spain took to the streets when the military refusing to share power with the remnants rose up against the centre left Popular of the ruling class, it would have been a big Front government. Arms were seized and step in making the social revolution com- the military rising defeated in over half of plete. the country. For many this was the chance to get rid of the capitalist system. Red & Black Revolution (27)

The CNT’s leading committees refused to March 5th, Solidaridad Obrera an- do this. After July 19th Prime Minister nounced the formation of a new group- Companys of Catalonia called them to his ing: “The Friends of Durruti” is not office and told them that the CNT had the just another club. We aim to see the mass support, they controlled the region, Spanish Revolution pervaded by the and he would be their faithful servant if revolutionary acumen of our Durruti. they took over. They refused. Instead the The FoD remain faithful to the last CNT joined the Catalan government, and words uttered by our comrade in the later the national government in Madrid. heart of Barcelona in denunciation of the work of the counter revolution. To This collaboration was in direct opposition enrol in our association it is vital that to all anarchism holds dear about ending one belong to the CNT and show evi- the division of people into rulers and ruled. dence of a record of struggle, a love of Their reasoning was that the Western de- ideas and the revolution.” Applica- mocracies would not supply arms to beat tions for membership could be made at the On May 2nd the Friends held a public Franco’s rebels if there was a social revolu- office of the CNT journalists union. meeting in the Goya Theatre in Barcelona tion. (No arms ever came anyway!). They at which they warned that an attack upon had decided that winning the war and April 1st saw, Ruta, the paper of the Liber- the workers was imminent. The following making the revolution were two different tarian Youth in Catalonia, print an article day the Stalinists seized the Telephone things, and that winning the war came by the Friends which says Exchange. This signalled the start of the first. This meant collaborating with all the “We point the finger at no one. We feel a May Events which saw the CNT, Iberian anti-Franco forces. burning love for our precepts and our Anarchist Federation (FAI), Iberian Liber- Over the next year the capitalist state, organisations. But as militants of them, tarian Youth Federation (FIJL) and the aided by Stalin’s loyal servants in the Com- we have an indisputable right to speak POUM fighting against the Stalinists, re- munist Party, set about rebuilding itself. out. There is still time for us to rescue the publicans and Catalan nationalists, and All states demand a monopoly of armed revolution and revitalise our precepts the official security forces. force and October 10th 1936 saw a but we must press on with the revolu- The revolutionary forces soon controlled “militarisation” decree making provision tion”. most of the city. The next day, just as the for putting the workers’ militias under CNT-FAI Defence Committee had resolved government control. Five days later Jaime Balius wrote in Solidaridad Obrera, a CNT daily paper, that the working class should push on and he warned against applying a brake to the Want to find out more? revolution. He was a journalist with a record as a hard-line anarchist, which The Spanish Civil War: Anarchism in Action by Eddie Conlon. Why the war earned him several spells of imprisonment started, the workers’ response, was a revolution possible, the anarchist contribution by the Popular Front governments during in industry and on the land, their role in organising the anti-fascist militias, the the 1936-38 period. Balius was later to Stalinist sabotage of the revolution, why Franco won. £1.50 become secretary of the Friends. In November, the legendary anarchist mili- Lessons of the Spanish Revolution by Vernon Richards. Investigates the defeat tant Buenaventura Durruti told the maga- of the Spanish Revolution and looks critically at the CNT “leadership”. £5.00 zine Anti-Fascist Spain, Anarchists in the Spanish Revolution by Jose Peirats. The first 100 pages are “This decision by the government has a brief survey of the working class movement from the founding of the Spanish had a deplorable effect. It is absolutely section of the first International in 1969, and the struggles that were a prelude to the devoid of any sense of reality. There is events of 1936-39. The rest of the book is taken up with a comprehensive, critical an irreconcilable contrast between that history of the Spanish Civil War and the role played by the anarchists. £6.00 mentality and that of the militias. We know that one of these attitudes has to Durruti: The People Armed by Abel Paz. Biography of the legendary Buenaventura vanish in the face of the other one”. Durruti. A rich and passionate documentary of a man and his time. £8.95 On November 20th Durruti was killed on the Madrid front. Over 500,000 attended Spain: Revolution and Counter-Revolution Reprints of articles from the his funeral in Barcelona. In December the British paper Spain and the World which appeared from 1936 - 1939. First hand German volunteers in the Durruti Col- accounts of the constructive aspects of the revolution: the collectives in industry, umn’s International Group expressed their agriculture and public services; reports from the front. £5.00 opposition to militarisation and listed a number of items they wanted incorporated The Maydays in Barcelona 1937 by Emma Goldman, Jose Peirats, Burnett in any new military code: they wanted the Bolloten and Agustin Souchy. Barcelona members of the CNT and Marxists of the delegate system retained along with egali- POUM party responded to provocations of the state police - backed by Catalan tarian features; they wanted soldiers’ coun- republicans and the Communist Party - by seizing control of the city. £2.50 cils to represent the army as a whole. Towards A Fresh Revolution by the Friends of Durruti. Why workers’ power and The beginning of 1937 saw the government liberty were not won in Spain in 1936/37. This was written by a group of anarchist issue an order that no pay and no equip- militants after the May Days of 1937, an excellent assessment of the mistakes that ment would be issued to non-militarised should not be made again. £0.80 combat units. The anarchists and other revolutionaries were viewed by the gov- A Chronology of the Friends of Durruti by Paul Sharkey. A short history of the ernment as a bigger threat than Franco’s ‘Friends’, goes well with the above pamphlet. £0.50 military rebels. The state authorities were even prepared to weaken the front if that Please add about 20% to cover postage & packing, and send your order to WSM was the cost of preserving capitalism. Books, P.O. Box 1528, Dublin 8. Red & Black Revolution (28)

It sounds disturbing to hear anarchists lands had been seized the state should talking about the need for a “junta”. To have died. It didn’t. The CNT had great most of us in the English speaking world it ideas about what the anarchist future conjures up an image of Generals in dark would look like, it knew that the working glasses running a dictatorship. However, class wold have to make a revolution, but it in Spanish, it means no more than a com- could not make a connection between the mittee or council. CNT unions each had a existing revolutionary situation and the junta, as did the Mexican Liberal Party (an anarchist objective. The majority ended anarchist organisation - which shows that up behaving like a minority. labels can be deceptive!). The Friends put it this way: In their pamphlet ‘Towards A Fresh Revo- “We (CNT) did not have a concrete pro- lution’ the Friends spelled out what they gramme. We had no idea where we were meant going. We had lyricism aplenty but “The body will be organised as follows: when all is said and done we did not members of the revolutionary Junta will know what to do with our masses of be elected by democratic vote in the un- workers or how to give effect to the popu- ion organisations. Account is to be taken lar effusion.” The anarchists should of the number of comrades away at the have “leapt into the drivers’ seat in the to make a final assault on the government front. These comrades must have a right country, delivering a severe coup de grace building, the police HQ and the Hotel Co- to representation. Posts are to come up to all that is outmoded and archaic”. lon, there came the radio appeals by CNT regularly for re-election so as to prevent The CNT did not see things this way. leaders Garcia Oliver and Marano Vazquez anyone growing attached to them. And Garcia Oliver, one of the CNT representa- for a ceasefire. The state forces availed of the trade union assembles will exercise tives in the government, said “The CNT this chance to renew their attacks. The control over the junta’s activities”. conflict ignited again. and FAI decided on collaboration and de- The task of this junta was to be that of a mocracy, renouncing revolutionary totali- The FoD proclaimed National Defence Council: to oversee the tarianism which would lead to the war, control public order, and deal with strangulation of the revolution by the anar- "we anarchists have arrived at the limit international relations. Alongside it the chist ...dictatorship”. But nobody was sug- of our concessions... not another step unions were to take control of the economy gesting an anarchist dictatorship or the backwards. It is the hour of action. Save and the free locality was to be the basic CNT becoming a new government. the revolution. If we continue to give up decision-making level of territorial organi- our position there is no doubt that in a The question was whether or not new bod- sation. short time we shall be overwhelmed. It ies would be created and co-ordinated is for this fundamental reason that it is through which the working class could necessary to develop a new orientation Spanish Revolution on the Web assert their power. Syndicalism did not for our movement”. see this, because it holds that the unions http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/spaindx.html are structures upon which the new society “To beat Franco we need to crush the is to be built. bourgeoisie and its Stalinist and Social- Includes new translations into English ist allies. The capitalist state must be from the Friends of Durruti paper El When the state did not simply pack its bags destroyed totally and there must be in- Amigo del Pueblo and vanish, they felt they had to partici- stalled workers’ power depending on pate in order to have some control. The rank & file committees. A-political an- Also over 100 other Friends were an expression of opposition archism has failed.” documents and to this thinking. In their paper, the Friend of the People, and in numerous local publi- They called for the formation of a revolu- photographs cations of the CNT, the Libertarian Youth tionary Junta, the disarming of the police, - and, indeed, the UGT and POUM you socialisation of the economy, and the disso- found the same sentiments. lution of parties which had turned against The Friends - despite the claims of their the working class. In effect they called for detractors - represented no break with However this was only given a clear ex- working class power. anarchism. Their break was with the tra- pression when it was too late. The Friends ditional a-politicism of the CNT. They did not have enough time to win over the The confusion caused by CNT ministers knew that state power would not disap- majority to their position. What they have appealing for the barricades to be taken pear just because that was the wish of the left in their wake are the lessons they had down demoralised the fighters. CNT and majority; it would have to be smashed and drawn from their experiences in a living POUM militia columns preparing to march replaced with the power of workers’, peas- revolution. By understanding what went on Barcelona were turned back after pleas ants’ and soldiers’ councils. wrong in the past we can from their leaders, but thousands of pro- prepare ourselves for the government troops did arrive. The work- They saw the defects of syn- future. The lessons they ers were defeated and the repression that dicalism. Nothing and no- left us were a re-affirma- followed was severe. body can take away from the tion of the need for politi- militancy of the CNT. As The regional committee of the CNT issued cal anarchism, for Eddie Conlon remarked in a statement denouncing the Friends as anarchist political organi- Anarchism in Action: “agents provocateurs” and saying they were sations which can become expelled from the CNT. The Friends re- “The rank and file literally a “leadership of ideas” (and plied that only the local unions had that tore down capitalism and certainly not a leadership power, and, interestingly, not a single CNT put workers’ and peasants’ of personalities or would- union was prepared to expel a single mem- collectives in its place. They be-dictators like the Rus- ber for being in the FoD. But the struggle fought heroically in the mi- sian Bolsheviks). The had been lost, their offices were taken over litias and the members of state and political power by the police. The revolution was finished the CNT surpassed all oth- does not “die” or “wither and it was only a matter of time before ers with their bravery.” away”; it has to be Franco’s forces won the war. smashed. The problem for the CNT was that after the workplaces and Red & Black Revolution (29) The Platform: What’s in it?

The introduction is brief, it describes the The Platform poor state of the anarchist movement and explains why they felt it necessary to for- Anarchists are constantly thinking about how society is and how it could mulate a new approach to organisation. be. We strive towards the ideal of a free and democratic society. We know The authors then describe the following that, in order to get there, it will be necessary to tear down the present two sections as the "minimum to which it is authoritarian system of government. Our struggle for freedom throws up necessary and urgent to rally all the mili- many areas of controversy and debate. One of these has always been, and tants of the anarchist movement". These always will be, how do we get to a revolution? How do we organise for are the basic issues on which they believe change? An important contribution to this debate was the Organisational it is important to have agreement, in order Platform of the Libertarian Communists, a document which was written in to have an organisation which can co-oper- 1926 by a group of exiled Russian and Ukrainian anarchists, and which still ate and work together in practice. has much to offer to today’s debates around the question of organisation. General Section The authors had participated in the Rus- strength and rightness of our ideas will This section outlines what they saw as the sian revolution and saw all their work, shine through and win the day. The world their hopes and dreams fail as an authori- basic anarchist beliefs. They look at what we live in is the product of struggles be- is meant by class struggle, what is meant tarian Bolshevik state triumphed and de- tween competing ideas of how society should stroyed real workers’ power. They wrote by anarchism and libertarian communism. be organized. If the anarchist voice is weak They explain why they oppose the state the pamphlet in order to examine why the and quiet, it won’t be heard, and other anarchist movement had failed to build on and centralised authority. The role of the arguments, other perspectives will win the masses and of anarchists in the social strug- the success of the factory committees, where day. workers organising in their own workforces gle and social revolution is also explained. began to build a society based on both It is not my intention to go through The They criticise the Bolshevik strategy of freedom and equality. In the first para- Platform with a fine-tooth comb. It was obtaining control of the state. Finally they graph they state never intended to provide all the answers, look at the relationship between anarchism in the introduction they make this clear and the trade unions. "It is very significant that, in spite of the strength and incontestably positive char- We have no doubts that there are gaps in The Constructive Section acter of libertarian ideas, and in spite of the present platform. It has gaps, as do all This outlines how a future anarchist soci- the facing up to the social revolution, new, practical steps of any importance. It ety would be organised, they look at how and finally the heroism and innumer- is possible that certain important posi- the factories would operate and how food able sacrifices borne by the anarchists in tions have been missed, or that others are would be produced. They warn that the the struggle for anarchist communism, inadequately treated, or that still others revolution will have to be defended, and the anarchist movement remains weak are too detailed or repetitive. talk a little about how this might be done. despite everything, and has appeared, It was hoped, however, that it would form very often, in the history of working class the beginning of a debate about how anar- The Organisational Section struggles as a small event, an episode, chists could escape from the doldrums they This is the shortest and most contentious and not an important factor." were in. section of The Platform. Here the authors sketch their idea of how an anarchist or- This is strong stuff, a wake up call for the Instead I will look at some of the docu- ganisation should be structured. They call anarchist movement. It is a call that we ment’s underlying principles, in particular this the General Union of Anarchists. still need to hear. Despite the virtual the problems which they identify in anar- collapse of almost all other left wing ten- chist organisations, which they describe as By this they seem to mean one umbrella dencies, anarchism is still not in a position follows. organistion, which is made up of different groups and individuals. Here we would In all countries, the anarchist move- disagree with them. We don’t believe there ment is advocated by several local or- will ever be one organisation which encom- ganisations advocating contradictory passes everything, neither do we see it as theories and practices, leaving no necessary. Instead we envisage the exist- perspectives for the future, nor of a ence of a number of organisations, each continuity in militant work, and internally unified, each co-operating with habitually disappearing hardly leav- each other where possible. This is what we ing the slightest trace behind them. (my call the Anarchist movement, it is a much emphasis). more amorphous and fluid entity than a Their solution is the creation of certain General Union of Anarchists. type of anarchist organisation. Firstly the However, what we do agree on are the members of these organisations are in theo- fundamental principles by which any an- retical agreement with each other. Sec- archist organisation should operate. ondly they agree that if a certain type of work is prioritised, all should take part. Even today within the anarchist move- ment these are contentious ideas so it is of strength. Even though the Trotskyist worth exploring them in a little more de- organisations have either evaporated into tail. thin air, shrunk drastically in size or moved to social democracy, it is a sad fact, that The Platform’s basic assumption is that were there a revolution tomorrow, they there is a link between coherency and effi- still would be in a better position to have ciency. Those who oppose the Platform their arguments heard and listened to than argue that this link does not exist. To them we would. This fact alone should give us efficiency has nothing to do with how co- pause for thought. We cannot be compla- herent an organisation is, rather it is a cent, and rely on the hope that the obvious function of size. This position argues that Red & Black Revolution (30) the Platform, in its search for theoretical By a ‘mechanical assembly of individuals’ • Theoretical Unity, that there is a com- agreement, excludes those not in absolute they mean a group of individuals meeting mitment to come to agreement on theory. agreement, and thus will always be smaller together, yet not united in mind or in By theory they don’t mean abstract musings than a looser organisation. As size is of action. This undermines the entire mean- on the meaning of life. By theory they more importance than theory, practically ing of organisation, which is to maximise mean the knowledge we have about how these organisations will not be as effective. the strength of the individuals through co- the world operates. Theory answers the operation with others. Where there is no question ‘why?’, for example ‘why is there This debate takes us to the centre of one of agreement, there can be little co-opera- poverty?’ ‘why haven’t Labour Parties pro- the most important debates within anar- tion. This absence of co-operation only vided a fairer society?’ and so on and so on. chism. How does a revolutionary change of becomes obvious when the group is forced By theoretical unity they mean that mem- society occur? What can anarchists do to to take a position on a particular issue, a bers of the organisation must agree on a assist in the process of bringing such change particular event in the wider world. certain number of basics. There isn’t much about? an organisation can do if half their mem- At this point, two things happen. Either, Capitalism is an organized economic sys- bers believe in class struggle and the other the individuals within the group act on tem. Its authority is promoted by many half in making polite appeals to politi- their own particular interpretation of voices, including the parliamentary politi- cians, or one in which some people believe events in isolation, which raises the ques- cal parties, the media and education sys- union struggles are important and others tion, what is the point of being in such an tem (to name but a few). A successful think they are a waste of time. Of course, organisation? Alternatively the group can revolution depends on the rejection of those not everybody is going to agree with every- decide to ignore the event, thus preventing voices by the majority of people in society. body else on every single point. If there was disagreement. Not only do we have to reject capitalism, total agreement there would be no debate, but we also need to have a vision of an This has a number of unfortunate side and our politics would grow stale and ster- alternative society. What is needed is an effects for anarchist politics. Most seri- ile. Accepting this however, there is a com- understanding both that capitalism should ously, it means that the anarchist inter- mon recognition that it is important to be defeated and that it can be replaced. For pretation of events still will not be heard. reach as much agreement as possible, and an anarchist revolution there has to be the For no matter how large the organisation, to translate this agreement into action, to recognition that we alone have the power if all within it are speaking with different work together, which brings us to ... and the ability to create that new world. voices, the resulting confusion will result • Tactical Unity, that the members of the an unclear and weak anarchist message. The role of an anarchist organisation is to organisation agree to struggle together as Such an organisation can produce a weekly spread these ideas. Not only do we need to an organisation, rather than struggle as paper, but each issue will argue a different highlight the negative and injurious as- individuals in opposition to each other. So point of view, as the authors producing it pects of capitalism (which is obvious to for example in Ireland, the WSM identified change. Our ideas will not be convincing, many anyway), we also need to develop the anti-water charges campaign (see R& because we ourselves are not convinced by explanations of how the system operates. BR 3 for more details) as an issue of great them. The second side effect is that our This is what is meant by theory, simply it importance. Once it was prioritised, all of ideas will not develop and grow in depth is the answer to the question ‘why are our members committed themselves to and complexity because they will never be things as they are?’. And we need to do one work for the campaign, where possible. challenged by those within our own organi- more thing, we need to be able to put our The tactics and potential of the campaign sation. It is only by attempting to reach theory into practice, our understanding of were discussed at length at our meetings. agreement, by exchanging competing con- how things work will inform how we strug- It became the major focus of our activity. ceptions of society, that we will be forced to gle. consider all alternatives. Unchallenged • Collective Responsibility, by this they Returning to the Platform, the key prob- our ideas will stagnate. mean that each member will support the lem with anarchist organisations as they decisions made by the collective, and each Without agreement on what should be done, existed is that they were not only incapable member will be part of the collective deci- the anarchist organisation remains no more of developing such an approach, but didn’t sion making process. Without this, any even see it as necessary. Because there decisions made will be paper decisions was no agreement on theoretical issues, only. Through this the strength of all the they could not provide answers to the work- individuals that make up the group is ing class. They could agree that women’s magnified and collectively applied. The oppression was wrong, but not explain why Platform doesn’t go into detail about how women were oppressed. They could agree collective responsibility works in practice. that World War One was going to lead to There are issues it leaves untouched such death and destruction, but not why it had as the question of people who oppose the occurred. Such agreement is important majority view. We would argue that obvi- because without it cooperation on activity, ously people who oppose the view of the agreement on what to do, is unlikely. This majority have a right to express their own is how the Platform’s authors described views, however in doing so they must such an organisation make clear that they don’t represent the view of the organisation. If a group of "Such an organisation having incorpo- people within the organisation oppose the rated heterogeneous majority decision they have the right to theoretical and practi- organise and distribute information so cal elements, would only that their arguments can be heard within be a mechanical as- the organisation as a whole. Part of our sembly of individuals anarchism is the belief that debate and each having a different disagreement, freedom and openness conception of all the strengthens both the individual and the questions of the anar- group to which she or he belongs. chist movement, an as- sembly which would • Federalism, which they define as "the inevitably disintegrate free agreement of individuals and organi- on encountering reality" sations to work collectively towards com- (my emphasis). mon objectives". Red & Black Revolution (31) than a collection of individuals. The mem- ened position. We need to ask ourselves tion agree that size is important and they bers of that organisation don’t see them- why this is so. all seek to grow so that they are in a selves as having any collective identity. position of importance in society. How- It would seem to be because anarchists Too often the lifetimes of such groups are ever, they emphasise that all the positive concentrated their efforts making argu- the lifetimes of those most active individu- attributes of belonging to a larger organi- ments against the tax, and sidelined argu- als. There is no sense of building a body of sation, the increased work that can be ments in favour of anarchism. work that will stretch into the future. undertaken, the increased human poten- Furthermore, though many worked as in- Considering that in these times the revolu- tial that can be drawn on, are undermined dividuals they couldn’t give any sense that tion is a long term prospect, such short if such an organisation is directionless. they were part of any bigger movement. term planning is a tragic waste of energy The key point is that it is not a case of They were seen as good heads, and that and effort. choosing between size or coherency, rather was all. In contrast, despite the WSM’s we should aim for both. Often the experience of anarchists is that extremely small size when a similar cam- they are energetic and committed activ- paign - the Anti-Water Charges Campaign The importance of the Platform is that it ists, but fail to publicize the link between - ended, we had heightened the profile of clearly highlights the serious problems the work they do and the ideas they believe anarchism in Ireland. We emphasised caused by the disorganised nature of loosely in. One example of this is the successful that our opposition to an unjust tax was based anarchist organisations. It exposes anti-Poll Tax Campaign in England, Scot- linked to our opposition to an unjust soci- a problem, it highlights how fatal this flaw land and Wales. Although many anar- ety and our belief that a better society is in anarchism can be, it emphasises the chists were extremely involved in the possible. urgency with which we must deal with it struggle against this unjust tax, when vic- and compels us to come up with some Returning to the question of efficiency and tory finally came, anarchists didn’t come answers. size, organisations in the ‘Platform’ tradi- out of it, as might be expected, in a strength-

for agreed goals; and what they describe as “the right, above all, to manifest one’s ‘ego’, without obligation to account for duties as Platformist regards the organisation”. As they point out, there is no point making decisions if members will not carry them out. However, when they went on to talk about a General Union of Anarchists they found themselves under attack from prominent groups today anarchists such as Voline, Fabbri, Malatesta and Camilo Berneri who ac- cused them of trying to “Bolshevise anar- Anarchist organisations that have been influenced by the Platform are chism”. I believe that this criticism was well aware that it is no Bible full of absolute truths. There is no grouping wrong. On one hand Voline and his fellow anywhere that would be so stupid to treat it as one. Anarchists have no thinkers were opposed because they saw need of such things. It is just one of the signposts pointing us in what we no problem with organisations which were believe is the direction of making anarchism the most realistic and desir- a pick ‘n’ mix of anarcho-syndicalism, an- able alternative to both the present set-up and the authoritarian alterna- archist-communism and individualism tives served up by most of the left. with all the incoherence and ineffective- ness that implies. On the other hand many Its ideas have been developed and modi- found in countries where anarchism has anarchists saw the proposed General Un- fied in the light of experience over the sunk deep roots, like France (Libertarian ion of Anarchists as some sort of monopoly years. Two other relatively well known Alternative), Switzerland (Libertarian documents are Towards A Fresh Revolu- Socialist Organisation) and Italy (Federa- tion by the Friends of Durruti (which arose tion of Anarchist Communists); and also in from the experience of the Spanish revolu- countries where anarchism is a fairly new tion) and the Manifesto of Libertarian Com- force, like the Lebanon (Al Badil al munism by Georges Fontenis (which arose Taharouri) and South Africa (Workers Soli- from French experiences in the post-World darity Federation). In the last year new War II years). The WSM stands in this translations of the Platform have appeared tradition because it is the best one we have in Polish and Turkish. found, but it is a continually developing, In the English speaking world, however, modifying and growing one. We have no many anarchists are either unaware of tablets carved in stone, and we don’t want what is in the Platform, or are hostile to it. or need any. Why? The authors drew a distinction be- Organisations which are influenced, to tween real federalism, the free agreement varying degrees, by this tradition can be to work together in a spirit of free debate Red & Black Revolution (32)

tably lead to an abandonment of anar- chism. Of course, even the briefest look at the movement beyond the shores of Britain shows that this is clearly not the case at all. But what did go wrong with both the AWA and the AWG? After all, mistakes that are not understood can easily be repeated. One factor shared by both organisations was that they were formed by people who were already anarchists and who saw the need for an alternative to the loose organi- sation and lack of theoretical clarity so prevalent in British anarchism. Or to put it simply: they saw a movement with great ideas but a very poor ability to promote them. They started off by concentrating too much on what was wrong with the movement; they lost sight of all that is sensible and inspiring, and increasingly only saw the problems. In so far as there was regular internal education and discussion it tended to be about strategies and tactics. New mem- bers were recruited on the basis of activity in strikes and campaigns, and often had little understanding of basic anarchist ideas. These people had, however, come from a background where anarchists were presented as a group of clowns without two ideas to rub together or as dropouts, inca- pable of dealing with modern society and wishing for a return to living on the land. organisation that would incorporate all “organised vanguard of the emancipating There were no formal educationals on the anarchists. It is a fault of the authors that process”. It appears that what is being anarchist tradition but a fair few slagging they did not say explicitly that the General talked about is winning the best militants, off other anarchists. the most class conscious and revolutionary Union would, as all anarchists should, work At the last conference of the AWG one workers to the Union. But it is not clearly with others when it is in the interests of the observer was shocked to discover that some- spelled out. A doubt could exist. Did they class struggle. one who had been in that organisation for mean a more Leninist type of vanguard? over a year knew, by his own admission, Neither did they spell out that all the When read as part of the entire pamphlet virtually nothing about the biggest ever decisions, the policies and the direction of I don’t think so, but even if this is not the practical anarchist experiment - the Span- the organisation would be taken by the case it still does not invalidate the rest of ish revolution. Not surprisingly many of members after full and free debate. It the work. It would be very stupid to throw these new members came to believe that should not have had to be spelled out when away the whole document because of one the AWG must be a radical departure from addressing other anarchists but seemingly less than clear sentence. it did, and the ‘Platform’ was misunder- anarchism for it seemed radically different stood by many as a result of this omission. Two arguments get used again and again from what they had been told anarchism Further signs of authoritarianism were against the Platform. Firstly we are told was. This, in turn, strengthened a feeling seen in the proposal for an executive com- that it is Arshinov’s ‘Platform’ as if the that there was little to learn from the mittee. Maybe if they had called it a other four authors were just dupes, but anarchist tradition. then it would be far less credible to throw working collective or something similar The result of this was that, as the anar- the same accusation at Nestor Makhno. It the same threat would not have been seen. chists got demoralised and drifted away, is done because in 1934 Arshinov returned the remaining members felt they had to The tasks of this executive committee were to Russia, where three years later he was move ‘beyond anarchism’. In both cases listed as murdered in Stalin’s purges. What the surviving rumps ended up moving into Arshinov did eight years after helping to “the execution of decisions taken by the authoritarian politics. We cannot be sur- write the ‘Platform’ surely does no more to Union with which it is entrusted, the prised when organisations where the ma- invalidate what was written in 1926 any theoretical and organisational orienta- jority of members have little understanding more than Kropotkin’s support for Allied tion of isolated organisations consistent of anarchist ideas cease to be anarchist imperialism in the First World War invali- with the theoretical positions and gen- organisations. To expect anything else dated all his previous anarchist writings. eral tactical line of the Union, the moni- would be crazy. toring of the general state of the The other reason is the experience in Brit- The ideas of the Platform can aid anar- movement, the maintenance of working ain where the Anarchist Workers Associa- chists to organise more effectively, but this and organisational links between all the tion in the 1970s and the Anarchist Workers is meaningless if we have not first ensured organisations in the union, and with Group of the early 1990s both claimed the that those in the anarchist organisations other organisations. The rights, respon- ‘Platform’ as an inspiration. Both groups - have a good grasp of anarchist ideas, are sibilities and practical tasks of the ex- after very promising starts - declined, de- confident enough to disagree and debate, ecutive committee are fixed by the generated, died and then saw their rem- and are united by the common cause of congress of the Union”. nants disappear into the Leninist milieu. making anarchism a reality. The last sentence of the document talks This has been held up as some sort of proof about the aim of the Union to become the that the basic ideas of the Platform inevi- Red & Black Revolution (33) Hobson's choice... The 'Good Friday Agreement' & the Left

Until the Real IRA blasted the heart out of Omagh and its people, the “Those urging rejection of the agree- Northern “peace process” appeared to be close to achieving the impossible. ment have no alternative to offer, just Loyalists and Republicans alike signing up to the “Good Friday Agree- more of the same conflict that has ruined ment”, its acceptance by large majorities on both sides of the border, Gerry tens of thousands of working class lives. Adams and Ian Paisley sitting down in the same room as part of the new The republican forces of the 32 County Assembly - it seemed as if what had appeared for decades to be impossible Sovereignty Committee, RSF [Republi- had been overtaken by the realpolitik of the pragmatic. All sides in the can Sinn Fein] and IRSP [Irish Repub- lican Socialist Party - the political wing “conflict” - we were led to believe - were looking to a new beginning. of the Irish National Liberation Army] Countless column inches in the popular press had been written eulogising have nothing but increased communal- the “statesmanship” of David Trimble and Seamus Mallon, the “peacemak- ism and sectarian tension to offer. The ing skills” of Tony Blair and Bertie Ahern and the “pragmatism” of Gerry loyalist opponents - whose rallies are Adams and David Ervine. attended by vocal supporters of the Loy- At the time of writing it remains to be seen ‘unionist’ or ‘nationalist’. alist Volunteer Force death squads - what the ramifications of the massive car- want a return to a time when Catholics “Those who refuse,” we noted, “will not nage wreaked on the people of Omagh by lived on their knees and in fear.” have their votes counted in measuring the Real IRA will be. What is already clear, the cross community support necessary The WSM statement further criticised the however, is that the working-class people for passing legislation…..As the agree- undemocratic nature of the referendum of the 6-Counties are once again the people ment was drawn up in the interests of itself. The manner in which the deal was who suffer. Following on from the sectar- the ruling class, the concept of working put to the people was such that it was not ian murders of the 3 Quinn brothers in class interests is not even possible to support or oppose the many Ballymoney during the Drumcree stand- considered…..The division between rul- individual components of the agreement, off, another working class community was ers and ruled, between bosses and work- allowing only one vote for or against the on the morning of August 16th counting ers, between rich and poor remains. The entire complex package. their dead and injured. Jumping on the biggest change will be a few nationalist bandwagon of populism, right wing politi- faces sitting down with bigots like Failed armed struggle cians and commentators such as Shane Trimble and Taylor, to make laws which Having called for an abstention in the vote Ross (Senator and “Sunday Independent” preserve the dominance of the rich over on the deal, our statement went on to urge columnist) and Michael McDowell (former the poor.” the continuation of the IRA and loyalist Progressive Democrats TD) were scream- ceasefires, stating that there must be no ing for the introduction of internment and In relation to the aspect of the referendum going back to the failed armed struggle even hinting that the extra-judicial mur- which proposed changes to Articles 2 and 3 “which gave us nothing except repression, der of those associated with the Real IRA of the Southern Constitution, the state- suffering and increased sectarian hatred.” and the 32-County Sovereignty Commit- ment pointed out that these amendments We then outlined the task facing anar- tee should be considered. “mean nothing to us…..Articles 2 & 3 chists, socialists and trade unionists in the While the reactions of the mainstream have never made one whit of difference coming period:- media commentators and political parties to the real lives of anyone on this island.” “When working class people begin to ask North and South and on both sides of the what kind of country they want to live in, Irish Sea and in the United States to the While rejecting the agreement as having and what kind of country they want “Good Friday” Agreement have been well nothing to offer the working class North or their children to grow up in, the politics commented on, this article is a look at the South, we went on, however, to point out of anti-imperialism will start making reactions to this deal from left wing parties that and organisations in Ireland. Desire for peace In the May 22nd referendum on the deal the Workers Solidarity Movement called for an abstention, stating that “Neither a ‘yes’ vote nor a ‘no’ vote will advance the cause of workers unity and socialism”. We noted in a statement issued before the referendum that the great desire for peace was being “….used to pressurise us into choosing between two completely flawed alterna- tives. The agreement, which was drawn up in secret by our so-called ‘representa- tives’, does not challenge the sectarian divisions which have bedevilled this country.” Indeed our statement went on to note that the structures proposed in the agreement actually institutionalise sectarian divi- sions. Politicians elected to the proposed Assembly must declare themselves either Red & Black Revolution (34)

haps this is the best we can reactionary elements - hope for from this agreement.” “Bitter sectarian polarisation in the com- This was an assessment shared munities would be the background to in large part by Sol. Fed.’s sister paramilitary outrages and open war- organisation in Ireland Organ- fare on issues such as parades.” If the ise!-IWA. In an interview with deal was accepted “This may at least see a spokesperson for Organise! in the main political parties carry on their the same edition of “Direct Ac- strategies within the framework agreed tion”, it was stated that some even though they will stumble from one members of the organisation had political crisis to the next. It would supported the WSM position of allow the continuation of the peace proc- abstention on the referendum. ess and could provide a space for work- “Other members of Organise!.” ing class politics to emerge which could it was stated, “like many work- challenge the grip of the sectarian based ing class people, voted ‘yes’ to the parties.” ‘Agreement’, not because they in In the same edition of “Voice”, Peter any way support sectarianism, Hadden, Secretary of the SP in the North or want anything to do with wrote choosing the form of government which oppresses us, but because “A yes vote is likely in the referendum, of a simple desire to see the guns more because of the lack of an alterna- removed from the sectarian poli- tive rather than any conviction that the tics in the north. Agreement will work.” Sectarian politicians agreeing “On offer,” he wrote, “is a choice of two a format in which to argue is roads towards sectarian conflict. The better than the prospect of con- immediate and direct route is via the No tinued or worsening sectarian camp. A Yes victory would mean a violence being counted in the slightly longer road. There might be a lives, maiming and imprison- limited breathing space which would ment of working class peo- give more time to the working class to ple…… Social issues, the challenge the sectarians. We believe the position of workers and the best option is to vote Yes, not in support sense to people who up to now have been unemployed at the bottom of society etc., of the Agreement, but for a continuation trapped in green and orange communal- will not and cannot be tackled through of the peace process and to allow more ism. this agreement - but surely at least a vast time for class politics to develop. reduction in sectarian violence must be Our struggle is for liberty, we are for the welcomed. Beyond this, we may also see Challenge removal of the British troops from Ire- the development of an atmosphere in land - and the destruction of the sectar- Hadden went on to offer what he saw as the which anti-sectarian working class poli- ian Orange state in the North and the challenge for socialists in the post-referen- tics may be given room to develop.” Green conservative state in the South. dum scenario:- We remain committed to a united Irish 'Normalisation' “The real issue is not just to vote in the Workers Republic, run by working class It was this hope that the agreement might referendum but to use this time to build people in their own interests, and demo- lead to some ‘normalisation’ of the political a socialist alternative and campaign for cratically controlled through a feder- scene which also appeared to be the pri- a socialist solution……One advantage ated system of workers and community mary factor behind the Socialist Party’s of the Assembly would be that the anti councils. Nobody has the right to wage call for a ‘yes’ vote in the referendum. In an working class policies of the major par- war on our behalf, working people them- article in the May 1998 edition of the SP’s ties on issues such as Health, Education selves must discuss the future they want newspaper “Voice”, Joe Higgins the party’s and Economic development would be and fight together for that future. Our TD (Teachta Dala - member of the Irish exposed to view - but this will only hap- struggle is for liberty, and no minority Parliament) wrote pen if a socialist opposition is built. This can impose liberty on the majority. The is now the key task.” “Tragically, but inevitably, the terms emancipation of the working class is the drawn up are a reflection of the stunted This was a theme to which the SP returned task of the working class itself.” politics that have dominated Northern in an editorial in the June 1998 issue of “Voice”:- Nothing to offer Ireland for generations, the work of poli- ticians and political parties, most of Our analysis that the agreement had noth- “If the situation holds together over the which are hopelessly sectarian-based or ing to offer working class people was shared summer”, they wrote, “then there is a right wing or both....….It appears in- by the majority of socialists and anarchists possibility that the agreement can hold, conceivable to those who have framed in both Ireland and Britain - although all at least for a period. This can open up a this agreement, that the ordinary people other organisations ended up by coming space for working class and socialist of Northern Ireland might want to elect down on either the ‘yes’ or ‘no’ sides. Per- politics. individuals or parties which are not haps one of the most realistic assessments sectarian based but which represent Local politicians will lose the luxury of of the realities of the deal was offered by working class people equally from Prot- blaming London and the Northern Ire- the British-based Solidarity Federation in estant and Catholic backgrounds, and land Office for cuts in services, hospital the Summer 1998 edition of “Direct Ac- who would have a vision utterly differ- closures and other unpopular decisions. tion” when they stated ent to the narrow sectarian politics that Their real nature will be exposed as they “Just maybe the peace agreement will have dominated Northern Ireland for take the decisions in these areas in the take the gun out of Northern Irish poli- decades with disastrous consequences.” Assembly. The Assembly would provide tics, or at least limit its impact. A According to Higgins’ article, the choice a focal point in the North for workers’ sectarian political scene without guns was a stark one. Rejection of the deal struggles and community campaigns.” will be preferable to one with guns. Per- would be seen as a victory by the most Red & Black Revolution (35)

Window of oppertunity Hopes & realities by the most reactionary elements on both sides of the sectarian divide - from Paisley The Socialist Party decided to contest the The Socialist Workers Party, on the other and the LVF through to the 32 County elections to the Assembly on the basis that hand, called for a ‘no’ vote on May 22nd. The Sovereignty Committee and RSF - as their May 1st - 14th 1998 edition of their paper “It is likely that small parties will make victory. A more likely scenario than the “Socialist Worker” stated that many hoped a breakthrough by winning seats in the coming to the fore of working class politics that the deal “…brings peace to the work- Assembly. All of this can open up an would have been a demoralisation of such ing class areas that have suffered most opportunity for building a socialist al- tiny progressive forces as currently exist during the conflict.” Pointing out however ternative to the sectarian based and the filling of the subsequent political that the Agreement “…does nothing to dis- parties……If a window of opportunity vacuum by the forces of sectarian hatred. mantle the sectarian structures of the opens up for class based politics, we are We would quite possibly have been facing North…..institutionalises sectarian determined to go through it.” into a Lebanon/Balkan type situation with division….doesn’t even begin to tackle the each community retreating into ‘its own’ In a lengthy article entitled “Will the Agree- poverty that affects both Catholic and Prot- area and the possibilities of cross class ment bring peace?” in the May 1998 issue estant workers” and that “Having Gerry unity would at the very least have been of “Socialism 2000”, the political journal of Adams in a cabinet with David Trimble dealt a severe blow. the Socialist Party, Peter Hadden expanded will only mean that both preside over stu- on how this ‘window of opportunity’ might dent fees, cutbacks and poverty” the SWP As Andrew Flood wrote in Workers Soli- be represented:- called for a ‘No’ vote in the referendum. darity 54(Summer 1998) “For anarchists looking at the future the old saying ‘if I was “There is only one way out for the work- “The alternative,” the SWP stated, “is going there I wouldn’t start from here’ rings ing class. It is not to imitate the leaders not civil war or armed conflict…..The particularly true.” The challenge facing all of the trade unions and sit back and pressure for a settlement came from both of us is to attempt to break down the applaud the Agreement and the politi- the elite at the top and workers at the sectarian barriers and to build unity be- cians who produced it. Rather it is to bottom of society. Tens of thousands of tween Catholic and Protestant workers. begin to build an alternative to sectar- workers turned up to peace rallies to The question is not whether this is desir- ian politics, to unite working people, demand an end to the armed campaign. able - All sections of the left are agreed that Catholic and Protestant, around com- In the unlikely event of the settlement it is. How to do it is however the problem mon class interests and in opposition to being rejected that same pressure for that remains. What is achievable in the all who attempt to maintain sectarian peace would continue and socialists short to medium term? And - provided that division …… From a working class point would give it every support. The real the guns remain silent - does the new of view the best scenario is that the solution to sectarianism lies in common situation make this task any easier? Agreement would hold, that a new local class struggle……It is time to break from administration would form and that as all the sectarian agendas and put class The WSM has always drawn a distinction many as possible of the existing parties politics to the fore. Voting No to this deal between the ceasefires and the “peace proc- accept the ministerial reins they are of- will mark a start.” ess”. In a statement issued on September fered. On the one hand this would allow 7th 1994, following the first IRA ceasefire the working class movement the pre- What's the alternative? we welcomed the decision to end the ‘armed cious ingredient of time to begin to put All in all then it can safely be said that the struggle’ but pointed out that an alternative to these parties in place. Good Friday Agreement excited little posi- “The ‘peace process’ as it is called, will On the other hand the fact of these par- tive support on the left. It must be stated not deliver a united socialist Ireland, or ties holding responsibility for local serv- however that those who adopted a position significant improvements apart from ices and for the low pay, contracting out which might best be described as ‘critical those associated with ‘demilitarisation’. and privatisation which goes with them, support’ were much more honest than those In addition it represents a hardening of would be a positive assistance to the who opposed the deal without actually traditional nationalism, and the goal of development of a class opposition ……. putting forward any credible alternative. getting an alliance of all the national- United class movements directed against The SWP view that a ‘No’ vote would have ists, Fianna Fail, SDLP, Sinn Fein and local politicians would open the way for resulted in the coming to the fore of class the Catholic Church. political conclusions to be drawn, for politics ignores completely the fact that socialist ideas to begin to take on flesh the deal’s rejection would have been hailed Its appeal to Protestant workers is no ……. Forces and obstacles which today appear unshakeable, the various sectar- ian forces included, can be melted down ✁ in the furnace of struggle. The building of a socialist organisation which can influence and effect events can be a cru- Subscribe to cial factor in determining whether the coming political and social upheaval leads towards a ‘carnival of reaction’ or Workers Solidarity towards united class action to bring • Irelands leading anarchist paper about socialist change.” “The way to solve the national question,” • News and analysis of events in Ireland according to Hadden’s analysis, “is to build unity between the working class in • International news, reviews and discussions common struggle against the present of anarchist politics. rotten system and for …a socialist soci- ety …… We stand for the unity of the To subscribe fill in the form below and send it with the appropriate working class to achieve a socialist Ire- money to Workers Solidarity, PO Box 1528, Dublin 8, Ireland. land as part of a democratic and volun- tary socialist federation of England, Name Rates Scotland, Wales and Ireland.” Ireland and Britain £5 for Address 8 issues, Europe £5 for 5 issues, rest of world $10 for 4 issues. Red & Black Revolution (36)

Republican leadership whose political project looked no further than the exten- sion of the Southern clerical state north of the border. Making the links with Protes- tant workers would have involved break- Red & Black ing the links with the Catholic Church and with the southern ruling class. The Repub- lican leadership then were unwilling to do so and, following in their footsteps - despite the occasional left-wing rhetoric - the re- publican leadership of today see their al- Revolution lies in the likes of Bertie Ahern, Bill Clinton and John Hume. Republicanism will be forced to drop com- pletely the remaining elements of its so- The 'Good Friday cialist rhetoric in the coming years. Certainly an opportunity has opened up for the development of class politics but agreement' & the Irish Left this will not be built successfully by ignor- ing partition. The challenge is to build a greater than the military campaign (i.e. Commemoration 1934, Shankill Road Bel- movement of working class people involv- none) and to date republican statements fast Branch. Break The Connection With ing people from all religious backgrounds - have focused on the need for a De Klerk Capitalism” and “James Connolly Club, a movement which will be anti-capitalist type figure to lead the Protestants to Belfast. United Irishmen of 1934”. Unfor- and anti-imperialist. Northern workers compromise…… This approach should tunately the Belfast comrades found them- have united across the sectarian divide in come as no surprise to us, it is the under- selves confronted by, and ultimately the past to fight on economic issues, this lying bedrock of nationalism. It is the attacked by, a body of IRA men with orders will happen again in the future. We must reason we are anti-imperialists rather to prevent them marching unless they build an anarchist movement on this is- than socialist republicans……..The end- agreed to take down their banners. The land which will be big enough to be in a ing of the armed struggle cannot simply strategy of “breaking the connection with position to turn future battles into the become part of history. The issue of capitalism” was one step too far for the fight for an anarchist Ireland. partition cannot be quietly dropped in the interests of winning over Protestant workers. In the short term it would be possible to build workers unity on day to day economic issues without mention- ing partition but it would be building on sand. In the past we have seen how instances, some involving very large numbers, of working class unity have been swept away on a tide of bigotry. What is needed is a revolutionary move- ment, with consistent anti-imperialist policies that is composed from both Prot- estant and Catholic backgrounds.” Although 4 years have passed since the issuing of this statement, these sentiments still stand as an accurate assessment of the challenge facing revolutionaries today. The “Good Friday Agreement” is a consequence of the failure of republicanism and the left to win over any section of northern Protes- tant workers to an anti-partitionist, anti- imperialist stance. Right now, this failure is complete and it may even seem utopian to put forward such a project as the princi- pal challenge facing us. But historically, most notably at the time of the Republican Congress of 1934, sections of the Protes- tant working class have proved open to such a strategy and the idea of uniting “Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter” be- came more than a catchphrase. A step too far At the Bodenstown Wolfe Tone commemo- ration of 1934, some 500 Belfast Protes- tant workers marched to Tone’s graveside behind banners proclaiming “Wolfe Tone Inside: 1798, Victor Serge, Racism & more