Design, Context and Use of Public Space: the Influence of Heat on Everyday Behaviour in Outdoor Settings - a Western Sydney Case Study

Design, context and use of public space: the influence of heat on everyday behaviour in outdoor settings - a Western Sydney case study

Louise McKenzie

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Faculty of the Built Environment The University of New South Wales Australia

August 2017

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet

Surname or Family name: McKenzie

First name: Louise Other name/s: Rachel

Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: PhD

School: City Futures Research Centre Faculty: Faculty of the Built Environment

Title: Design, context and use of public space: the influence of heat on everyday behaviour in outdoor settings - a Western Sydney case study. Abstract 350 words maximum: This study explores the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space. Healthy city initiatives recognise that public space is vital to promoting physical activity and social interaction. In a warming climate, however, few studies explore the influence of hot weather and heatwaves on everyday public space use and the implications for creating health-supportive cities. Urban heat is a major health challenge exacerbated by climate change. For Sydney, heat-related deaths are projected to double by 2100 assuming no adaptation. In the main, studies investigating heat-health impacts focus on mortality reflecting only extremes. Yet, heat also impacts significantly on morbidity and people’s ability to be active outdoors. As those most vulnerable to heat include the elderly and those suffering chronic ill-health, increasing levels of chronic disease and ageing populations will increase the health impacts of heat. The complexities of real-life outdoor public spaces present barriers to thermal comfort research. As a result, few studies have been conducted and little guidance exists for those researching in this domain. For professionals designing and planning public spaces for hot urban environments, practical knowledge is also scant. Underscored by a comprehensive multi-disciplinary literature evaluation, my research seeks to address this gap. The aims of this thesis are twofold. First is to develop a cross-disciplinary research design for examining the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and thermal comfort in real-life outdoor public spaces. Second is to contribute to the development of health-supportive public space in warming urban climates. Using a six year fieldwork program, comprising meteorological measurements, behavioural mapping and infrared photography of thermal emissivity, I undertook detailed investigations of the use of a metropolitan park and its neighbourhood in a disadvantaged suburb of Sydney. Contextual analyses and an older person’s focus group augmented the fieldwork. Informed by urban climatology and public health, the results provide a research framework for examining heat which builds upon a standard landscape architecture approach. This study delivers essential practitioner knowledge for heat-related behavioural shifts, comfort choice and microclimatic design, as well as priorities to assist older people and disadvantaged communities adapt to a warming climate.

Declaration relating to disposition of project thesis/dissertation

I hereby grant to the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or in part in the University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all property rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation.

I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in Dissertation Abstracts International (this is applicable to doctoral theses only).

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Abstract

This study explores the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space. Healthy city initiatives recognise that public space is vital to promoting physical activity and social interaction. In a warming climate, however, few studies explore the influence of hot weather and heatwaves on everyday public space use and the implications for creating health-supportive cities.

Urban heat is a major health challenge exacerbated by climate change. For Sydney, heat-related deaths are projected to double by 2100 assuming no adaptation. In the main, studies investigating heat-health impacts focus on mortality reflecting only extremes. Yet, heat also impacts significantly on morbidity and people’s ability to be active outdoors. As those most vulnerable to heat include the elderly and those suffering chronic ill-health, increasing levels of chronic disease and ageing populations will increase the health impacts of heat. The complexities of real-life outdoor public spaces present barriers to thermal comfort research. As a result, few studies have been conducted and little guidance exists for those researching in this domain. For professionals designing and planning public spaces for hot urban environments, practical knowledge is also scant. Underscored by a comprehensive multi-disciplinary literature evaluation, my research seeks to address this gap.

The aims of this thesis are twofold. First is to develop a cross-disciplinary research design for examining the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and thermal comfort in real-life outdoor public spaces. Second is to contribute to the development of health-supportive public space in warming urban climates.

Using a six year fieldwork program, comprising meteorological measurements, behavioural mapping and infrared photography of thermal emissivity, I undertook detailed investigations of the use of a metropolitan park and its neighbourhood in a disadvantaged suburb of Sydney. Contextual analyses and an older person’s focus group augmented the fieldwork. Informed by urban climatology and public health, the results provide a research framework for examining heat which builds upon a standard landscape architecture approach. This study delivers essential practitioner knowledge for heat-related behavioural shifts, comfort choice and microclimatic design, as well as priorities to assist older people and disadvantaged communities adapt to a warming climate.

Originality Statement

‘I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged.’

Signed ……………………………………………......

Date ……………………………………………......

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‘I hereby grant the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or part in the University libraries in all forms of media, now or here after known, subject to the provisions of the Copyright Act 1968. I retain all proprietary rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation.

I also authorise University Microfilms to use the 350 word abstract of my thesis in Dissertation Abstract International (this is applicable to doctoral theses only).

I have either used no substantial portions of copyright material in my thesis or I have obtained permission to use copyright material; where permission has not been granted I have applied/will apply for a partial restriction of the digital copy of my thesis or dissertation.'

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Date ……………………………………………......

Authenticity Statement

‘I certify that the Library deposit digital copy is a direct equivalent of the final officially approved version of my thesis. No emendation of content has occurred and if there are any minor variations in formatting, they are the result of the conversion to digital format.’

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Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements are due first and foremost to my family and friends for their patience, tolerance and good humour throughout the journey.

I wish to give special thanks to my joint supervisors, Professor Susan Thompson and Doctor Robert Samuels, who provided invaluable guidance and support. I will always appreciate Doctor Samuels’ initial suggestion to embark on a doctoral degree. Thank you also to Professor Bruce Judd, Associate Professor Linda Corkery and Doctor Patrick Harris (now of the Menzies Centre for Health Policy at The University of Sydney) for their critiques and sound advice during the annual review process.

The UNSW Graduate Research School Postgraduate Research Support Scheme funded my poster presentation at the NCCARF 2010 International Climate Change Adaptation Conference (Gold Coast, Australia) and participation in the pre-conference postgraduate workshop.

I wish to make special mention of Suzie Scandera, Administrative Assistant, Post Graduate Research Student Coordinator, for her support during the review process and in the final submission stage.

I also acknowledge and thank Doctor Pablo Fernandez de Arróyabe Hernaez, University of Cantabria and Chair of the Climate and Health Commission at the ISB, for his generosity and time during the university summer break. Thanks also to Francisco Plaza, Urban Designer at Ayuntamiento de Cáceres, Spain for his correspondence.

Marily Cintra, Director of the Health and Arts Research Centre, provided appreciated insights into health at a community-level. I am also grateful to Paula for her indispensable guidance and direction.

Thank you to my colleagues at Fairfield City Council, especially Roshan Aryal, Peter Forrell and John Smith, for their encouragement and support. I also acknowledge and thank the members of the Fairfield Seniors Network who took time to participate in the focus group, and to Yolanda Encina and Sara Bressa for their time in organising the group.

Lastly, I wish to acknowledge Michael who has been unwavering in his support from beginning to end.

Table of Contents

Title Page

Abstract ...... ii Originality Statement ...... iii Copyright Statement ...... iv Authenticity Statement ...... v Acknowledgements ...... vi Table of Contents ...... vii List of Abbreviations and Acronyms ...... x List of Figures ...... xiii List of Tables ...... xvii

1 Introduction ...... 1 1.1 Context and rationale ...... 1 1.2 The researcher’s background - position statement ...... 1 1.3 Aims and research questions ...... 7 1.4 Research design ...... 8 1.5 Thesis structure ...... 9 1.6 Conclusion ...... 12

Part I Theoretical and empirical framework ...... 13

2 Heat, health and heat-vulnerability ...... 13 2.1 Introduction ...... 13 2.2 Heat - a major health concern ...... 14 2.3 Heat and health...... 18 2.4 Heat-vulnerability ...... 27 2.5 Heatwaves ...... 34 2.6 Urban complexities, heat and health ...... 41 2.7 Adaptation responses ...... 45 2.8 Conclusion ...... 52 3 Urban heat and healthy cities ...... 53 3.1 Introduction ...... 53 3.2 Cities and heat ...... 53 3.3 Urban heat islands ...... 55 3.4 Traditional responses to heat ...... 59 3.5 Climate-sensitive design ...... 64 vii

3.6 Beyond air-conditioning ...... 70 3.7 Healthy cities ...... 73 3.8 Healthy city attributes and heat ...... 77 3.9 Walkability and heat ...... 80 3.10 Conclusion ...... 86 4 Behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space ...... 87 4.1 Introduction ...... 87 4.2 Behaviour settings, behaviour and public space ...... 88 4.3 Outdoor behaviour settings and physical activity ...... 94 4.4 Outdoor thermal comfort ...... 98 4.5 Thermal comfort tools, parameters and indices ...... 104 4.6 Everyday activities and comfort ...... 112 4.7 Mood ...... 114 4.8 Thermal adaptive behaviour ...... 117 4.9 Research designs and methods ...... 124 4.10 Conclusion ...... 125

Part II Research design and methods ...... 127

5 Design and methods ...... 127 5.1 Introduction ...... 127 5.2 Research design ...... 128 5.3 Case study approach ...... 134 5.4 Contextual assessments ...... 138 5.5 Fieldwork ...... 139 5.6 Fieldwork sessions and stages ...... 144 5.7 Recording behaviour in the field ...... 152 5.8 Recording weather in the field ...... 162 5.9 Seniors focus group ...... 167 5.10 Analytical approach...... 169 5.11 Conclusion ...... 179 6 Urban heat and heat-vulnerability contexts of the case study ...... 181 6.1 Introduction ...... 181 6.2 Cabramatta - settlement history ...... 182 6.3 Regional ‘urban heat’ context ...... 184 6.4 Regional ‘heat-vulnerability’ context ...... 195 6.5 Local ‘urban heat’ context ...... 197 viii

6.6 Local ‘heat-vulnerability’ context ...... 200 6.7 Conclusion ...... 202

Part III Results and Discussion ...... 204

7 Behaviour settings and patterns - shifts in response to heat ...... 206 7.1 Introduction ...... 206 7.2 Heat and the neighbourhood ...... 207 7.3 Cabravale Park ...... 213 7.4 Environmental quality and behaviour: the upgrade of Cabravale Park ...... 238 7.5 Freedom Plaza ...... 248 7.6 Heat stress and thermal comfort of the researcher ...... 260 7.7 Older people and heat: the focus group interviews ...... 267 7.8 Conclusion ...... 278 8 Designing health-supportive public spaces in response to heat ...... 280 8.1 Introduction ...... 280 8.2 ‘Non-steady’ outdoor thermal environments ...... 281 8.3 ‘Radiators’ and ‘coolers’ ...... 291 8.4 Designing-in ‘coolers’ ...... 298 8.5 Heat-sensitive approach to healthy cities ...... 317 8.6 Conclusion ...... 330

9 Conclusion ...... 332 9.1 Introduction ...... 332 9.2 Thesis aims and outcomes ...... 332 9.3 Key findings and contributions to knowledge ...... 336 9.4 Implications for policymakers and practitioners ...... 339 9.5 Limitations...... 341 9.6 Opportunities for future research ...... 342 9.7 Conclusion ...... 343 References ...... 344 Appendices ...... 378 Appendix A: NCCARF conference – poster presentation ...... 378 Appendix B: Human Research Ethics Advisory Panel (HREAP) Approval ...... 379 Appendix C: Questions and issues for study focus group ...... 382

List of Abbreviations and Acronyms

ABC Australian Broadcasting Corporation

ABOM Australian Bureau of Meteorology

ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics

ALR Active Living Research

CABE Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment

CCA Cancer Council Australia

COS City of Sydney

CRES Centre for Renewable Energy Sources

CSIRO Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation [Australia]

DOEnv Department of Environment [Australia]

DOIAT Department of Infrastructure and Transport [Australia]

FDOTCA Florida Department of Transportation and Department of Community Affairs

FCC Fairfield City Council

GDE Gobierno de España

HIA Horticulture Innovation Australia Ltd

IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change

LGA Local Government Area

MET Metabolic equivalent [Metabolic energy production]

MRT Mean Radiant Temperature

NCCARF National Climate Change Adaptation Research Facility

NHFOA National Heart Foundation of Australia

NSWDOH New South Wales Department of Health

NSWOEH New South Wales Office of Environment and Heritage

NSWPAE New South Wales Department of Planning and Environment

NSWPCAL New South Wales Premier’s Council for Active Living n.d. no date n.p. no page number

PC Productivity Commission [Australia]

PCC Parramatta City Council

PET Physiological-equivalent Temperature

PHIDUA Public Health Information Development Unit - Australia

PMV Predicted Mean Vote

PPAT Premier’s Physical Activity Taskforce [Western Australia]

PwCA PricewaterhouseCoopers Australia

QUT Queensland University of Technology

RBGADT Royal Botanic Gardens and Domain Trust [Sydney]

RT Radiant Temperature

RUROS Rediscovering the Urban Realm and Open Spaces

SAH South Australian Department of Health

SEIFA Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas

SES Socio-Economic Status

SET Standard Effect Temperature

SMH Sydney Morning Herald

VDH Victorian Department of Health [Australia]

VHHS Victorian Department of Health and Human Services [Australia]

SWSAHS South Western Sydney Area Health Service [now SWSLHD]

SWSLHD South West Sydney Local Health District

TFNSW Transport for New South Wales

UCS Urban Climate Spaces

UGI Urban Green Infrastructure

UHI Urban Heat Island

UKDOE&DOH United Kingdom Department of Environment and Department of Health

UN United Nations

UNICC United Nations Information Centre, Canberra

UNSW University of New South Wales

UQ University of Queensland

UTCI Universal Thermal Comfort Index

UVR Ultraviolet Radiation

VHD Victorian Health Department

VSG Victoria State Government [Australia] xi

WADOT Western Australian Department of Transport

WHO World Health Organization

WMO World Meteorological Organization

WSROC Western Sydney Regional Organisation of Councils

WSUD Water Sensitive Urban Design

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List of Figures

Number Title Page

Figure 1.1 Sick cities and urban design in the press ...... 3 Figure 1.2 Sick cities and epidemics in the press ...... 3 Figure 2.1 Points along the causal chain from heat exposure to heat death ...... 23 Figure 2.2 Average noon clear-sky UV Index Summer ...... 26 Figure 2.3 Ultraviolet radiation alert for Sydney 15 January 2015 ...... 27 Figure 2.4 Vulnerability and its components ...... 28 Figure 2.5 Heat-related deaths and temperatures - Chicago residents, July 10-20, 1995 .. 40 Figure 2.6 A causal-loop diagram showing multiple consequences of climate adaptation measures for human health ...... 43 Figure 2.7 The Settlement Health Map ...... 44 Figure 3.1 Thermal mapping of the City of Sydney ...... 59 Figure 3.2 Typical narrow streets of Spanish cities and towns in hot regions ...... 63 Figure 3.3 Streets and courtyards in Seville, Spain ...... 63 Figure 3.4 Torajan houses in Sulawesi, Indonesia ...... 64 Figure 3.5 Street canyons and suggested UGI placement based on context ...... 68 Figure 3.6 Optimising the cooling benefits of urban green infrastructure ...... 69 Figure 3.7 Excerpt from St Louis University walkability checklist - shade provision ...... 83 Figure 3.8 Excerpt from WA Walkability Audit Tool ...... 84 Figure 4.1 Methods used in the Connected Lives project ...... 91 Figure 4.2 Field site walkaround route - Connected Lives project ...... 91 Figure 4.3 RUROS project - Karaiskaki square ...... 101 Figure 4.4 UCS project - Example of wind data in different scales ...... 101 Figure 4.5 Human thermal environment ‘zones’ ...... 104 Figure 4.6 RUROS Project - standard questionnaire extract Part B ...... 110 Figure 4.7 Standard RUROS questionnaire - A. Observations ...... 120 Figure 5.1 Feedback process inherent in the research design...... 133 Figure 5.2 Action research spiral...... 133 Figure 5.3 Location of Cabramatta and Fairfield City LGA ...... 135 Figure 5.4 Cabravale Park ...... 136 Figure 5.5 Freedom Plaza ...... 137 Figure 5.6 Aerial photo indicating the location and proximity of the case study sites ..... 137

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Figure 5.7 Stage 1: Trial - Data sheet (no. 1 of 2 sheet set) - for recording weather and activity in Cabravale Park ...... 149 Figure 5.8 Stage 1: Trial - Data sheet (no. 2 of 2 sheet set) - for recording aggregate counts and mapping in Cabravale Park ...... 149 Figure 5.9 Sequential recording in Cabravale Park ...... 150 Figure 5.10 Interval recording in Cabravale Park ...... 151 Figure 5.11 Interval recording in Freedom Plaza - single data sheet ...... 152 Figure 5.12 Factors obscuring personal characteristics ...... 156 Figure 5.13 Typical sighting map ...... 159 Figure 5.14 Maps showing people standing and sitting in plazas ...... 159 Figure 5.15 Meteorological equipment ...... 165 Figure 6.1 Cabramatta – exotic or ghetto? ...... 183 Figure 6.2 Local government areas in Sydney, Newcastle and Wollongong ...... 185 Figure 6.3 WSROC region and Fairfield City LGA ...... 185 Figure 6.4 Location of Cabramatta on the Cumberland Plain ...... 187 Figure 6.5 Deforestation and urbanisation in the WSROC region and Fairfield City LGA .. 188 Figure 6.6 Tree canopy cover LGAs in Sydney ...... 188 Figure 6.7 Rose of Wind direction versus Wind speed in km per hour (01 July 1968 to 30 September 2010) Bankstown Airport weather station (ABOM 2017) ...... 190 Figure 6.8 Excerpts from air quality alert 1pm 21 October 2013 ...... 191 Figure 6.9 Traditional weather cycles for around Sydney ...... 193 Figure 6.10 NARCLiM projections for Sydney 2020-2039 ...... 195 Figure 6.11 Urban form and generic climate zones within the case study neighbourhood.198 Figure 6.12 Local waterway networks and greenspace ...... 199 Figure 6.13 Heat-related Vulnerability Index showing Cabramatta’s ranking ...... 202 Figure 7.1 Walking catchment and street patterns of the case study neighbourhood ..... 207 Figure 7.2 Local public space network and typical evening pedestrian activity ...... 208 Figure 7.3 Street characteristics and microclimates of the local public space network.... 211 Figure 7.4 Typical housing types and extent of private greening ...... 212 Figure 7.5 Cabravale Park and surrounding facilities ...... 215 Figure 7.6 Eastern heritage section of Cabravale Park ...... 216 Figure 7.7 Microclimatic diversity within Cabravale Park ...... 217 Figure 7.8 Place-specific activity generators ...... 224 Figure 7.9 Mean temperature recorded at Cabravale Park during fieldwork...... 226

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Figure 7.10 Average number of people in-transit in Cabravale Park – ‘usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days...... 226 Figure 7.11 People in transit at 3pm on an ‘extreme heat’ day...... 228 Figure 7.12 Number of people staying in Cabravale Park in differing heat conditions...... 230 Figure 7.13 Heat impacts on average numbers undertaking sedentary activities at Cabravale Park ...... 231 Figure 7.14 Heat impacts on average numbers undertaking exercise and play activities at Cabravale Park ...... 232 Figure 7.15 Thermal imagery of late evening activities. Images: McKenzie 2014...... 235 Figure 7.16 Transition temperature thresholds for staying activities in Cabravale Park - mornings and afternoons...... 237 Figure 7.17 Transition temperature threshold for staying activities in Cabravale Park - evenings ...... 237 Figure 7.18 Cabravale Park before upgrade - paths for transit activity ...... 239 Figure 7.19 Cabravale Park before upgrade - sitting options ...... 240 Figure 7.20 Community participation - Cabravale Park upgrade ...... 241 Figure 7.21 Cabravale Park after upgrade - sitting options ...... 241 Figure 7.22 Cabravale Park after upgrade - transit and staying activities ...... 242 Figure 7.23 Average transit activity in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - before and after upgrade ...... 244 Figure 7.24 Change in average number of people staying in Cabravale Park following its upgrade...... 245 Figure 7.25 Average sedentary activity in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - before and after upgrade ...... 246 Figure 7.26 Average exercise and play activity in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - before and after upgrade ...... 246 Figure 7.27 Freedom Plaza and surrounding facilities ...... 250 Figure 7.28 Cultural heritage features in Freedom Plaza ...... 250 Figure 7.29 Microclimatic diversity within Freedom Plaza ...... 251 Figure 7.30 Sun-shade patterns for Freedom Plaza ...... 252 Figure 7.31 Typical ‘staying’ activity on and around seating platforms on in the early mid- day period in Freedom Plaza ...... 254 Figure 7.32 Freedom Plaza – Average number of people staying during differing heat conditions...... 258

Figure 7.33 Rap-dancing and audience - 7pm on an ‘extreme heat’ day ...... 259 Figure 8.1 Park users seeking shelter during a sudden summer storm ...... 286 Figure 8.2 Sun-shade diagram for Cabravale Park, prepared by Environmental Partnership, April 2008 ...... 288 Figure 8.3 Sample average radiant temperatures of materials in sitting locations in Cabravale Park ...... 294 Figure 8.4 Method to determine the ‘average radiant temperature’ of a section of concrete path ...... 295 Figure 8.5 Sample average radiant temperatures of a concrete path and grass in Cabravale Park...... 304 Figure 8.6 Poor quality summer grass and environmental stresses in Cabravale Park ..... 307 Figure 8.7 Park Road promenade - extent of tree growth and shade after 4.5 years ...... 309 Figure 8.8 Natural shade in Freedom Plaza, January 2007 ...... 310 Figure 8.9 Temporary built shade in Freedom Plaza, November, 2014 ...... 311 Figure 8.10 Substantial reduction in tree canopy cover in Freedom Plaza between 2007 and 2015 ...... 311 Figure 8.11 Causal-loop diagram showing a potential scenario for declining tree health in Freedom Plaza ...... 312 Figure 8.12 ‘Garramilyi Badu’ rain garden ...... 314 Figure 8.13 Sample average radiant temperatures of materials in Cabravale Park rain garden over 12 hours ...... 316 Figure 8.14 Behaviour in hot conditions, Barcelona, Spain ...... 326 Figure 8.15 Pavement watering in Plaza Mayor, Cáceres, Spain ...... 328 Figure 8.16 Shade-cloth in plazas in central Madrid, Spain during summer ...... 329

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List of Tables

Number Title Page

Table 3.1 Urban and suburban characteristics important to heat island formation ...... 58 Table 3.2 Key behavioural adaptations to heat ...... 71 Table 4.1 Wind force comfort criteria ...... 97 Table 5.1 Landscape architectural approaches to public space and its use ...... 130 Table 5.2 Methodologies and set of methods applied in this study ...... 130 Table 5.3 Stage 1 trial fieldwork sessions ...... 145 Table 5.4 Stage 2 fieldwork sessions ...... 145 Table 5.5 Stage 3 fieldwork sessions ...... 146 Table 5.6 Stage 4 fieldwork sessions ...... 146 Table 5.7 Stage 5 fieldwork sessions ...... 147 Table 5.8 Stage 6 fieldwork sessions ...... 147 Table 5.9 Method combination for each fieldwork stage ...... 153 Table 5.10 Fieldwork equipment for measuring meteorological parameters...... 164 Table 5.11 Four-level wind speed ranking ...... 166 Table 5.12 Samples of collated fieldwork data for thermal conditions and activity...... 170 Table 5.13 Thermal context categories for fieldwork data ...... 171 Table 5.14 Thermal context used in analysis and heat-lag effects ...... 173 Table 5.15 MET categories for activities observed during fieldwork ...... 175 Table 5.16 ‘In-transit’ and ‘staying’ activities observed during fieldwork ...... 175 Table 5.17 ‘Degree of necessity’ and activities observed during fieldwork ...... 175 Table 5.18 Adaptive behaviours observed during fieldwork ...... 176 Table 7.1 Fairfield City LGA social capital indicators ...... 209 Table 7.2 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - mornings ...... 220 Table 7.3 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - mid-days...... 221 Table 7.4 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - afternoons...... 222 Table 7.5 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - evenings ...... 222 Table 7.6 Average number of people staying in Cabravale Park - ‘usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days ...... 230 Table 7.7 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - on ‘usual warm’ days before upgrade ...... 243 Table 7.8 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - on ‘unusual hot’ day before upgrade ...... 243 xvii

Table 7.9 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - on ‘extreme heat’ day before upgrade ...... 244 Table 7.10 Average numbers staying in Cabravale Park - before and after the upgrade... 245 Table 7.11 Mean temperatures and average number of people in Freedom Plaza - ‘usual warm’ days ...... 253 Table 7.12 Transit activity in Freedom Plaza - ‘usual warm’ and hot days ...... 257 Table 7.13 Average number of people staying in Freedom Plaza - ‘usual warm, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days’ ...... 257 Table 7.14 Thermal context and fieldwork meteorological measurements for Cabravale Park - 19-25 January 2009 ...... 262 Table 7.15 Thermal context and fieldwork meteorological measurements for Cabravale Park - 19-22 January 2010 ...... 265 Table 7.16 Details of focus group participants ...... 268 Table 7.17 Regular activity of participants in public spaces ...... 269 Table 8.1 Sample thermal context and meteorological data - Cabravale Park ...... 283 Table 8.2 Changing meteorological parameters in Cabravale Park over 30 minutes on an extreme heat day (15 January 2009) ...... 285 Table 8.3 Radiant temperatures for concrete paving and grass from infrared thermometry in Cabravale Park...... 301

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1 Introduction

1.1 Context and rationale

This study explores the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space. Healthy cities initiatives recognise that public space is vital to promoting physical activity and social interaction. In a warming climate, however, few studies explore the influence of hot weather and heatwaves on everyday public space use and the implications for creating health-supportive cities.

Urban heat is a major health challenge exacerbated by climate change. For Australia, heat- related deaths are projected to double by 2100 without strong mitigation (Bambrick et al. 2008). In the main, studies investigating heat-health impacts focus on mortality, reflecting only extremes. Reporting of heat-related morbidity is limited to hospitalisation rates and emergency callouts. Yet, heat also impacts significantly on morbidity related to people’s ability to be active outdoors. As those most vulnerable to heat include the elderly and those suffering chronic ill- health, increasing levels of chronic diseases and ageing populations will increase the health impacts of heat. Existing health inequalities will also be intensified.

Health and built environment sectors recognise quintessential approaches to decreasing heat- vulnerability. These include reducing urban heat and chronic disease through improved urban design and planning, and supporting the social nature of the city - that is, social cohesion, community functioning and active social networks (Bambrick et al. 2011; Yardley et al. 2011). The way public spaces are designed, constructed and managed - and, in turn, used by local communities - may contribute significantly to decreasing heat-vulnerability.

However, the complexities of real-life outdoor public spaces present barriers to behavioural and thermal comfort research exploring heat. As a result, few studies have been conducted and little guidance exists for those researching in this domain. For professionals designing and planning public spaces for hot urban environments, practical knowledge is also scant. Underscored by a comprehensive multi-disciplinary literature evaluation, my research addresses this gap.

1.2 The researcher’s background - position statement

I came to this research via academic studies and practitioner experience in health and the built environment. Indeed, my interest in heat and understanding of Western Sydney also mark my career. Initially, I qualified as a registered nurse and worked in hospitals for over a decade. My undergraduate degree was in landscape architecture and included a thesis on settlement in the

Negev Desert of Israel. My post-graduate studies in sustainable development included a final project on how physical and social environments impact on human health.

From 1997 until 2010, I was employed as a senior landscape architect at Fairfield City Council in Western Sydney. My work largely involved design, construction and management of urban public space and parkland corridors. Community development was an integral part of design processes. For most of this period, I undertook part-time post-graduate (masters and doctoral) studies while working full-time. In 2012, I returned to the health sector, working on ways to make hospital campuses in Western Sydney health-supportive for staff, visitors, patients and communities.

Synergies between theory and practice have been a point of reference and examination throughout my career, particularly over the course of this research. Scoping for this study began in 2003 and I submitted my PhD proposal in 2005. The context - knowledge and thinking at the time of my submission - are important to understanding my motivations to pursue this research. At that time, I was already concerned that my professional work needed to respond to social as well as environmental challenges arising from the urbanisation of Western Sydney.

Sick cities and poor city design In the mid-2000s, the notions of unhealthy cities and global warming were gaining traction in public and professional domains. Mainstream media emphasised that urban design in Sydney, as in many large cities in developed nations, contributed to the concerning rates of chronic disease and obesity. Public health and environment commentators made associations between poor health and poor urban design (Figure 1.1). The Sydney Morning Herald led the 'Campaign for Sydney' (SMH 2005) and published a range of articles, including ‘Sick Cities’ (Figures 1.1 and 1.2).

Documentaries and public debate over global warming were also major media features. Debate regarding carbon emissions reduction was prompted by extreme weather events, such as the European 2003 heatwave that led to more than 70,000 deaths (WHO and WMO 2012); Hurricane Katrina in 2005, and the release of the documentary, ‘An Inconvenient Truth’, in 2006 (Gore 2016). At the time, the most recent report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC 2001, p.2) confirmed that global temperatures had increased over the twentieth century.

Figure 1.1 Sick cities and urban design in the press. Left. ‘Finding a cure for our sick cities’. Source: Capon (2006). Right. ‘Poor urban design weighs heavily on health’. Source: Pollard and Bradley (2004).

Figure 1.2 Sick cities and epidemics in the press. Left. ‘Sick Cities - Fast life, slow death’. Source: Robotham (2006). Right. ‘Epidemic Epicentre’. Source: Robinson (2007). In the professional domain, I participated in seminars that showcased international health and built environment programs hosted by the South Western Sydney Area Health Service (SWSAHS) and the Centre for Physical Activity and Health, University of Sydney. The lack of cross- disciplinary research in Australia was evident.

Even so, inter-disciplinary partnerships between health and built environment sectors were consolidating in Sydney. Cross-sector challenges were, however, demonstrated by a ‘NSW 2004 Year of the Built Environment’ seminar. Coordinated by the Western Sydney Regional Organisation of Council (WSROC), outcomes highlighted the organisational, disciplinary and program differences between the various governments and agencies.

The WHO ‘Healthy City’ approach was highlighted in 2005. The 'Congestion and Connection: Health, Wellbeing and Sydney's Urban Planning' seminar, supported by The NSW Department of Health (NSWDOH), WSROC and the NSW Premiers Department, identified an immediate need to address urban complexities. Presenters included Professor Susan Thompson, who would later take on a joint-supervisory role for my research.

Similar needs were identified by the NSW government architect, area health specialists and public health academics in the 'Health and the City: Challenges Ahead' seminar, held by the Australian Institute of Urban Studies. Presenters examined the Sydney Metropolitan Plan.

Throughout 2005, I participated in the reference group examining the potential health impacts of projected growth in Greater Western Sydney. The ‘WSROC Greater Western Sydney Urban Development Health Impact Assessment’ project demonstrated how cross-sector input from the development industry, state and local governments, academia and the community may be utilised to prioritise health in planning (WRSOC 2007).

In practice The mid-2000s also marked the emergence at Fairfield City Council (FCC) of a group of staff and programs capable of integrating public health and public space initiatives. Residents of Fairfield City Local Government Area (LGA) had significantly higher rates of chronic disease and disadvantage than other parts of Metropolitan Sydney (PHIDUA 2007). In fact, Fairfield City was heralded as the ‘Epidemic epicentre’ of diabetes in NSW on the front page of a local newspaper (Figure 1.2).

The catalyst for change involved a workshop in 2004 with local primary health providers to 'brainstorm' ideas for upgrading local parks that was coordinated by the ‘Fairfield Physical Activity Network’, a partnership between FCC and the ‘Health Promotion Unit’ of SWSAHS. The health professionals emphasised that public space can support health within a local community, and profoundly changed my professional understanding of the role that public space can play. The opportunities to work in partnership with health providers that arose from the workshop fundamentally reshaped Council’s approach to involving communities in park upgrades. The initiatives arising from the workshop included: • Fairfield Hospital’s Cardiac Rehabilitation Unit and 'Fairhearts' Volunteer Walking Group assisted FCC in developing and promoting safe, off-road pathway networks throughout the LGA, and with particular attention to rest places; • Fairfield Hospital’s Occupational Therapy Department provided specialist input into a playground for children with disabilities; 4

• The Mental Health Unit of SWSAHS conducted a three year program in which participants with mental illness engaged in Council’s bush regeneration projects in natural settings; and • Fairfield Health Services’ ‘Arts for Health Program’ advised on ways to incorporate health and community cultural development into public space consultation, design and maintenance processes. Subsequently, health promotion objectives became important elements of Council’s design briefs for the ‘Parks Improvement Program’, a $13 million capital works program for upgrading parks and cycleways over 13 years. As the design and construction coordinator for the first ten years, I was involved in the upgrade of over 60 local and regional parks. Importantly, the media messaging celebrated newly completed parks reinforced the importance of quality parks to daily physical activity. This also helped to counter a broadly held view that parks are good if you can afford them, but not essential.

Motivations Three factors motivated my PhD proposal. The first emerged from the environment-behaviour research I undertook as part of my Masters studies. A seminal course - ‘Human Factors, Sustainability and Habitability’ conducted by Dr. Robert Samuels - explored the depths of environmental psychology, human factors in urban design, and the cooling of hot cities. The course developed my capacity to conduct field research in real-life settings using direct observation and analysis methods, upon which this study is based. Later, Dr Samuels supervised my final project for the Masters, which explored environmental influences on habitability and health. Dr. Samuels accepted a joint supervisory role for this study.

The second involved my increasing awareness of how extreme heat changes everyday behaviours. During heatwaves, I noted how I modified my work program, completing outdoor site investigations in the early mornings and postponing others until the heat abated. I also shopped for daily essentials earlier in the day and only at shopping centres with shaded parking.

The third involved firsthand experience of the significant physical and social differences between the central and western parts of Sydney. My daily commute between Sydney’s inner west and Fairfield City in the outer west - approximately 30 kilometres - highlighted Sydney’s dichotomy - ‘A Tale of Two Cities’ (Baum 2008). In particular, my journey highlighted marked differences in housing and public space quality, indicative of levels of advantage. Importantly, I noted significant disparities between maximum summer temperatures in the inner and outer west, at times up to 120C.

Longitudinal timeframe, research and practice My original thesis proposal was entitled, ‘Climate, public space and public health: the influence of microclimate and human comfort conditions on people's use of and behaviour in urban public space, and implications for urban population health’. My focus on heat developed later as new knowledge emerged and my reading of the literature deepened. The importance of Western Sydney arose as a growing body of research emphasised the importance of place-specific factors contributing to heat-vulnerability, particularly disadvantage. At the same time, planning for ageing populations also emerged as an issue.

Research into the climate change impacts on city dwellers grew exponentially over the course of my study. In 2006, at the commencement of this thesis, the Third Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Assessment Report (IPCC 2001) had been released, outlining that global temperatures are projected to increase. During the course of my study, two further reports were published: the Fourth Assessment Report (IPCC 2007a) and Fifth Assessment Report (IPCC 2013 and IPCC 2014). These reports indicate that global temperatures have risen and will continue to rise. Projected impacts for cities are given greater emphasis in the latter report by dedicating, for the first time, a specific chapter to adaptation in urban areas (Revi et al. 2014). The reports also confirmed that heat was a major climate change concern for Australian populations (Reisinger et al. 2014).

To keep abreast of new knowledge, I participated in several National Climate Change and Adaptation Research Facility (NCCARF) conferences. I presented a poster (Appendix A), participated in a pre-conference post-graduate program, and attended side meetings on human health. The research gaps identified by NCCARF forums and NCCARF ‘National Climate Change Adaptation Plans - Human Health (NCCARF 2009; NCCARF 2012) guided the evolution and development of my own research aims and questions, ensuring their relevance to current climate change adaptation approaches for cities.

Increasing research in the emerging field of outdoor thermal comfort was undertaken in the period leading up to and during my study, largely due to the development of new techniques (Chen and Ng 2012). Two seminal, multidisciplinary, projects contributed to the development of my study - Rediscovering the Urban Realm and Public Spaces (RUROS), and Urban Climate Spaces (UCS) that were conducted in Europe.

I also continued my professional development while working as a landscape architect at FCC. In particular, this included participation in regional climate change adaptation planning and developing professional skills in water-sensitive urban design (WSUD). In addition, I worked with 6 local Aboriginal Traditional Owners on several greenspace programs. Aboriginal knowledge contributed to design decisions for creating a WSUD raingarden in the case study park, in 2010.

In 2011, I spent six months in Spain, mainly in regions with constant hot seasons and others where heatwaves occur irregularly. Having conducted six years of fieldwork in Western Sydney, I was struck by how profoundly context and cultural norms influence behaviour and use of public space during hot weather. I bring these observations into discussion of my findings.

From 2012 until the present, my work has focused on health-supportive hospital campuses in Western Sydney. My role with the Health and Arts Research Centre involves liaising with the local council, local area health promotion unit, and Blacktown-Mt Druitt Hospital Expansion Arts and Culture Committee with regard to active transport opportunities.

Finally, my experience extends to guest lectures in the ‘Healthy Built Environments Program’ and landscape architecture design studios at UNSW. I also presented on my literature review at a ‘Healthy Parks Healthy People’ conference. In 2015, I authored a chapter in the ‘Routledge Handbook of Planning for Health and Well-being’ (Barton et al. 2015). My chapter is entitled ‘Hotter Cities: climate change and planning for resilient, healthy urban environments’ (McKenzie 2015).

My qualifications and over 20 years of experience bring to this research a depth of knowledge of the issues and opportunities related to public space, public health and heat in Western Sydney and my case study, which is located in the Fairfield City LGA. My ready access to documentation, knowledge of council corporate history, community contacts and capacity to consult enhance my ability to undertake a comprehensive and reflective study. My knowledge of the design, construction and management of public space within a local council and, indeed, political structure further inform this research.

1.3 Aims and research questions

This thesis takes as its foundation the proposition that hot weather and extreme heat events influence everyday behaviour in public space, with implications for creating health-supportive cities and neighbourhoods.

As a place-based and evidenced-based approach, the aims of this thesis are to: 1. develop a cross-disciplinary research design and methods for examining the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and comfort in real-life outdoor public spaces, particularly by older people, impacting on health and well-being; and

2. add to the practical knowledge of designing and planning health-supportive public space in a warming climate, with specific focus on disadvantaged urban communities such as the case study neighbourhood of Cabramatta. The central research questions of this thesis are framed as follows:

Question 1

To what extent do hot weather and extreme heat influence behaviour in urban public space? a. To what extent does heat impact on outdoor physical activity and thermal comfort in public space? b. To what extent does heat influence outdoor physical activity and thermal comfort, particularly for older people? Question 2

To what extent do hot weather and extreme heat inform design and planning interventions for urban public space? a. What are the implications of the impacts of heat on behaviour - particularly physical activity and thermal comfort - for health-supportive design and planning of public space in Cabramatta and Western Sydney? b. What are the implications of the impacts of heat on behaviour - particularly physical activity and thermal comfort - for health-supportive design and planning of public space in general? c. What are the implications particularly for older people?

1.4 Research design

As few studies investigate the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and comfort in real-life outdoor spaces, an important component of this research involves developing a research design and set of methods. The design, based on a standard landscape architecture approach, is further informed by my review of cross-disciplinary literature, spanning public health, urban climatology, built environment, social science and ethnography fields.

Using a six-year fieldwork program, comprising meteorological measurements, observation and behavioural mapping and infrared photography of thermal emissivity, I undertook detailed investigations at two case study sites and the neighbourhood in a disadvantaged suburb of Western Sydney. The sites were Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza in the suburb of Cabramatta, within the Fairfield City LGA. I trialed, tested and modified methods in the field, alongside

8 ongoing data collation and analysis and integrating new knowledge. Contextual analyses and an older people’s focus group augmented the fieldwork.

This multi-method approach aimed to ensure research rigour through obtaining data from a number of sources and enabling the convergence of multiple sources of evidence.

Chronologically, this longitudinal research project spanned three phases: 2006 Project planning and fieldwork trials; 2007 - 2014 Evolving fieldwork program - testing, modifying and analysing; and 2015 - 2016 Data collation and analysis leading to findings. As for any research project, this study was constrained in the resources available (Emmel and Clark 2009). Specifically, the program was tailored to a solo part-time researcher with access to unsophisticated mobile meteorological measuring equipment, an infrared thermometer and a digital camera. Later in the study I had access to an infrared camera, purchased by my faculty.

1.5 Thesis structure

This thesis is structured in three parts. Part I establishes the theoretical framework for the research across three literature review chapters. The first explores interactions between heat, health and heat-vulnerability. The second details urban heat and healthy city approaches. The third presents behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space. Four themes that emerged from the literature laid the basis for the research design. These are environmental context; urban ecological relations; nature and natural processes; and public space use and thermal environments.

Part II comprises two chapters. The first details my research design and methods and the second describes the urban heat and heat-vulnerability contexts of the case study.

Part III contains two chapters detailing the findings of this research and implications for health- supportive public spaces in warming climates.

1 Introduction

This chapter introduces the thesis topic and genesis of the study. It establishes the context, rationale and significance of the research. The research questions, aims and methodology are outlined. My professional background in the form of a position statement is detailed so that the reader is clear about what I bring to the research. The structure of the thesis is outlined.

Part I: Theoretical framework in practice

2 Heat, health and heat-vulnerability

This chapter establishes heat as a major health risk from climate change, with implications for people’s ability to be active outdoors. Risk is shown to be higher for urban populations. Increases in ageing populations, chronic illness and health inequalities are demonstrated as exacerbating heat-vulnerability. Heatwaves, heat thresholds and adaptation strategies are examined. The chapter identifies the key directions in the literature to reduce the heat-vulnerability of urban populations - to decrease urban heat, reduce chronic disease and support social cohesion. The chapter concludes with a summary of variables, parameters and methods from the literature which inform the research design of this project.

3 Urban heat and healthy cities This chapter reviews the literature that focusses on urban heat and healthy cities. The dynamics of urban heat are explained. Discussion draws on traditional and contemporary approaches to decreasing and adapting to urban heat. Attributes of healthy, age-friendly cities are examined. The extent to which healthy city approaches consider the needs of heat-vulnerable groups is addressed. Outdoor public spaces and their use are shown to play important roles in responding to the issues of heat identified in the literature. The chapter concludes by identifying shared disciplinary domains pertaining to urban density, streets and greening.

4 Behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space

This chapter examines behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space. The focus is on the influence of climate and weather, particularly hot weather, on physical activity and comfort. The premise of this chapter is that a multitude of interacting factors influence behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public spaces. In order to discern the influence of hot weather, I explain relations between behaviour settings and behaviour. I then examine the effect of weather and microclimatic conditions on physical activity, mood and comfort. This chapter sets out a framework for assessing public spaces at a micro-scale in the field in order to understand behaviour and thermal comfort.

Part II: Research design and methods

5 Design and methods This chapter outlines the research design and methods for this study. The process of selection of Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza, located in Cabramatta, as case study sites is outlined.

Contextual assessment, testing and modifying fieldwork methods, and conducting the focus group are detailed. I discuss preparations for carrying out fieldwork during hot weather conditions and the constraints of researching in extreme heat in the field.

6 Urban heat and heat-vulnerability contexts of the case study This chapter presents the broad socio-physical contexts of the case study area in relation to urban heat and heat-vulnerability. Specifically, it examines the Western Sydney region, Fairfield City LGA and the suburb of Cabramatta. This assessment of physical environmental attributes at a macro-scale facilitates understanding of the case study neighbourhood and sites at a micro- scale, addressed in Part III. Urbanisation patterns and social histories enable insights into the renewal (and decay) of public space, with implications for a community’s heat exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity.

Part III: Results and Discussion

7 Behaviour settings and patterns - shifts in response to heat

This chapter presents the findings for shifts in behaviour in response to hot weather and extreme heat. Findings are based on my six-year fieldwork program, international experience of hot weather and heatwaves, and a focus group with older people living in the locality. I assess the walkability of the case study neighbourhood during hot conditions. I present the behaviour settings, microclimatic conditions and recurrent behaviour patterns of the case study sites on ‘usual warm’ days and behaviour shifts on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days; and identify associations with thermal comfort and behaviour. Using techniques from public space and thermal comfort studies, physical activity is categorised according to metabolic heat expenditure, ‘staying’ and ‘transit’ activities, and ‘degree of necessity’. I discuss how heat influences the health, adaptive capacity and adaptive behaviours, particularly of older people.

8 Designing health-supportive public spaces in response to heat

This chapter presents the findings on the influence of natural and built elements on thermal conditions. I examine the ‘non-steady’ state thermal conditions of outdoor public space using meteorological measurements and infrared imagery and use thermal emissivity measurements to compare the performance of materials over the course of a summer day. These results illustrate the thermal diversity that characterise micro-urban environments, and the design implications of supporting thermal choice and comfort. I apply systems thinking to explore ways to support strategies to reduce urban heat. Drawing on the literature review and results of my study, principles for heat-sensitive, health-supportive public spaces are presented. 11

9 Conclusion This chapter details how the research aims and questions have been addressed. I then discuss the study’s limitations and make recommendations for future research.

1.6 Conclusion

In this Chapter, I have described the genesis of this study, including my academic and landscape architecture practice background and motivations to undertake the study, against the background of increasing concern at the impact of heat on health and research into adaptation.

The research aims and questions are introduced, an overview of the research design provided, and the structure of the thesis summarised.

Part I of the thesis, the theoretical framework in practice, follows. Across three chapters, I review the literature in relation to heat, health and heat-vulnerability; urban heat and healthy cities; and behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space.

Part I Theoretical and empirical framework 2 Heat, health and heat-vulnerability

2.1 Introduction

This chapter establishes heat as a major health risk from climate change, with implications for people’s ability to be active outdoors. Heat-vulnerability is shown to be exacerbated by increases in ageing populations and chronic illness and health inequalities. Urban environments present even greater heat-related concerns for population health. In Australia, the negative impacts of warming temperatures and increasing frequency and intensity of heatwaves are among the greatest threats to human health.

Confronted by global warming, health and built environment sectors recognise three priorities for reducing the heat-vulnerability of people living in cities. Firstly, the ‘quintessential “no regrets” approach’ involves reducing the rates of chronic disease to, in turn, decrease the population’s heat-sensitivity (Bambrick et al. 2011, p.76S). Secondly, urban heat mitigation should be prioritised to reduce air temperature and heat-exposure. Thirdly, the social nature of the city - social cohesion, community functioning and active social networks - needs to be supported as an important heat-protection measure. Public space and its use have significant roles to play in providing cool, comfortable, social places that support city life and daily physical activity by urban dwellers.

This chapter begins with a review of recent projections for global warming and implications for human health. Human physiology, the direct/ indirect impacts of heat on health, and heat- vulnerability are then explained. Aligned with the first research question of my study, health protective measures and the consequences for public space use are highlighted.

Discussion then moves to heatwaves, temperature thresholds and heat-vulnerable groups, who comprise major sections of city populations. Urban complexities, social determinants and systems-thinking approaches fundamental to health inequalities are outlined. The chapter concludes by examining heat-adaptation responses and a summation of variables, parameters and methods from the literature which inform the research design of this project.

Exploring the environmental context of heat-vulnerability is a particular theme of my research. Accordingly, discussion provides regional, national and international perspectives on heat and health impacts. While Australian cities are my prime focus, attention is also given to studies and

13 reports for Spain. This is due to my having conducted part of this study’s fieldwork in summer in hot regions of Spain.

2.2 Heat - a major health concern

Humankind has known for thousands of years, certainly since the time of Hippocrates, that climate has wide ranging impacts on health (Haines et al. 2006). In the twenty-first century, global warming and the health impacts of increasing temperatures and extreme heat events present major health concerns.

The World Health Organization (WHO 2016a) describes global warming as: among the greatest health risks of the 21st Century. Rising temperatures and more extreme weather events cost lives directly, increase transmission and spread of infectious diseases, and undermine the environmental determinants of health, including clean air and water, and sufficient food. The most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Report on the physical science of climate change states unequivocally that the climate system is warming. It identifies that the frequency of heat waves is likely to have increased in large parts of Europe, Asia and Australia, and temperatures will continue to increase with regional and interannual-to-decadal variability (IPCC 2013). The IPCC also notes that, in recent decades, rising temperatures ‘have increased the risk of heat-related death and illness [likely]’ (Smith et al. 2014, p.713).

Increasing chronic disease rates and ageing populations will significantly exacerbate the heat- health impacts of global warming (Bambrick et al. 2008). An important ‘no regrets’ strategy, therefore, is ‘to increase the priority given to currently important health burdens that are likely to be worsened by climate change’ (Campbell-Lendrum et al. 2007, p.235). Heat stress is ‘particularly severe in cities, where the urban heat-island effect can raise temperatures by more than 5°C, and high temperatures exacerbate the harmful effects of ozone and particulate air pollution’ (WHO and WMO 2012, p.40).

2015-2016 at a glance A glance at 2015-2016 provides a brief summary of recent warming on global and Australian scales. It emphasises the way patterns vary spatially and temporally across continents and regions, and sets the framework for a more detailed discussion of warming on regional and local scales relevant to the case study area in Chapter 6.

Global According to the World Meteorological Organization (WMO 2016, p.2), 2015 was the ‘warmest year on record by far, 0.76 °C above 1961–1990 average’. Modern records for heat were broken 14

‘as a result of the long-term rise in global temperatures (caused mostly by humanity’s emissions of greenhouse gases) combined with the effects of a developing El Niño’. 2015 was ‘the joint warmest year on record over land’, comparable with 2005, 2007 and 2010 (p.5).

Key heat findings of the ‘WMO Statement on the Status of the Climate in 2015’ indicate many countries experienced intense heatwaves, with the most devastating ones occurring in India and Pakistan. Asia ‘had its hottest year on record, as did South America’. Western and Central Europe experienced an ‘exceptionally long heatwave, with temperature crossing or approaching 40°C in several places’. New temperature records were broken in Germany, Spain and UK. Western Canada and North West USA experienced record wildfire seasons (UNICC 2016).

In January and February 2016, yet more monthly temperature records were broken. The WMO Statement was released to coincide with World Meteorological Day on 23 March 2016. The celebration day was themed ‘Hotter, drier, wetter. Face the Future’ to emphasise the ‘challenges of climate change and the path towards climate-resilient societies’ (UNICC 2016).

Australia Australia’s climate has warmed since national observations began in 1910, particularly since 1950: Mean surface air temperature has increased by 0.9°C since 1910. Daytime maximum temperatures have increased by 0.8°C over the same period, while overnight minimum temperatures have warmed by 1.1°C. The warming trend occurs against a background of year-to-year climate variability, mostly associated with El Niño and La Niña in the tropical Pacific (CSIRO and ABOM, n.d.a). The period since 1950 has also been marked by an increase in the duration, frequency and intensity of heatwaves across large parts of Australia. Extreme fire weather has increased, and a longer fire season has occurred, across large parts of Australia since the 1970s (CSIRO and ABOM, n.d.a)

The Australian Bureau of Meteorology has noted that 2015 was Australia's fifth-warmest year on record. Eight of the ten warmest years on record have occurred since 2002. The combination of El Niño and background warming contributed to the warm year. El Niño established during May and strengthened to become one of the strongest on record (ABOM 2016a).

Throughout 2015, above average temperatures were persistent. Maximum temperatures and mean minimum temperatures were warmer than average over most of the continent. Unusual warmth marked the last quarter, distinguished by the warmest October on record nationally for both maxima and minima. Indeed, spring 2013, 2014, and 2015 have been Australia's three

15 warmest springs on record, with implications for health-impacts due to unseasonably early hot weather (ABOM 2016a).

During 2015, there were a number of significant heatwaves and warm spells across the continent. The most notable included an exceptional autumn heatwave across northern and central Australia during March, an early-season heatwave in October across nearly all of southern Australia, and extreme December heat across much of southeast Australia. Significant bushfires occurred in the states of South Australia, Victoria and Western Australia (ABOM 2016a).

Future warming Warming trends are likely to continue globally and nationally. The IPCC (2013, p.20) projects that ‘[G]lobal surface temperature change for the end of the 21st century is likely to exceed 1.5°C relative to 1850 to 1900’ for most Representative Concentration Pathway scenarios. For the period 2016–2035 relative to 1986–2005, the ‘global mean surface temperature change will likely be in the range of 0.3°C to 0.7°C (medium confidence)’ (p.20).

Losers and winners Jendritzky and Tinz (2009, n.p.) note that favourable thermal conditions will ‘decrease basically all over the world’ due to global warming. Nonetheless, impacts will vary greatly. The authors identify ‘climate losers’ and ‘climate winners’. ‘Climate losers’ comprise the predominant part of the world’s population which is being confronted with more frequent and intense thermal conditions. Australia will suffer ‘from heat load with highest frequency at the extremes’ (Jendritzky and Tinz 2009, n.p.).

A study of heat-related mortality in four countries (USA, Canada, China and Egypt) indicates the most sensitive areas are those with intense but irregular heatwaves (Kalkstein and Smoyer 1993).

Australia Australia’s climate is warming. Annual mean temperatures have increased by 0.90C since 1910, and the frequency of extreme hot days has been more than double the frequency of extreme cold days during the past ten years (CSIRO and ABOM n.d.a).

Projections for Australia indicate a future of increasing temperatures, decreasing rainfall and increases in extreme fire days. The extent of warming ‘later in the century is strongly dependent on the emission scenario’ (CSIRO and ABOM n.d.b, p.6).

Temperatures are projected to warm by 0.6 to 1.50C by 2030 compared with the climate of 1980 to 1999. By 2070, temperatures are projected to warm by 1.0 to 2.50C for low greenhouse gas emissions and 2.2 to 5.0°C for high emissions compared with the climate of 1980 to 1999. These projected changes in temperature will be realised through an increase in the number of hot days and warm nights and a decline in cool days and cold nights (ABOM 2014a).

Average rainfall is expected to decrease over southern Australia (that includes the location of Sydney) compared with the climate of 1980 to 1999. The largest decreases will occur in winter and spring. Droughts are also expected to become more frequent and severe in the south. By 2050 the number of extreme fire days is projected to increase in southern and eastern Australia by 10 to 50 percent for low emissions and 100 to 300 percent for high emissions compared with the climate of 1980 to 1999 (ABOM 2014a).

Natural ecosystems are at risk from rapid climate change due to many species being restricted in geographical and climatic range. Major changes are anticipated in all vegetation communities, influenced by ‘interactions between CO2, water supply, grazing practices and fire regimes’ (Hennessy et al. 2007, p.517). In the state of NSW, climate change will have ‘wide-ranging impacts on biodiversity’ and ‘intensify existing threats such as habitat loss, weeds, pest animals and drought’ (NSWOEH 2016a).

Health impacts Global warming is expected to have a number of mostly adverse effects on human health, including increases in: • heat-related mortality and morbidity; • mortality and morbidity related to extreme weather; • water and food-borne disease; and • cardio-respiratory morbidity and mortality. (Confalonieri et al. 2007; NSWOEH 2016b; Smith et al. 2014). Health impacts also involve: • changes in seasonality and distribution of vector-borne diseases; and • impacts on community and mental health. (Confalonieri et al. 2007; NSWOEH 2016b; Smith et al. 2014). Until mid-century, global warming is projected to act mainly by exacerbating existing health problems rather than lead to the emergence of new and unfamiliar diseases (Campbell-Lendrum et al. 2007; Smith et al. 2014). Impacts include altering the distribution and frequency of existing health problems (Capon and Hanna 2009).

2.3 Heat and health

One of the most significant health impacts of climate change in Australia is likely to be an increase in heat-related deaths (Hennessy et al. 2007). While Australians are mostly accustomed to hot summers, the number of heat-related deaths in temperate cities is expected to rise significantly by 2050 (Nairn et al. 2013). Temperate cities are expected to experience higher heat-related deaths than tropical cities (Hennessy et al. 2007).

Rising temperatures are also likely to increase levels of ground-level ozone and particulate pollution with negative impacts for people with cardiac and respiratory conditions. Levels of aeroallergens are also likely to grow, exacerbating asthma (Beggs and Bennett 2011; Spickett et al. 2011; WHO 2016b). Changes in the distribution of major arboviruses for vector-borne diseases are projected (UQ 2016; VDH 2016a; VDH 2016b).

Human physiology Optimal human health and physiological functioning relies on the human body maintaining an internal (core) temperature within a restricted range around 370C, independently of ambient temperature fluctuations (Hajat et al. 2010; Parsons 2003). The temperature of ‘individual body parts may vary characteristically’ from the core temperature norm (Adair 1995, p.246).

To ensure a constant core temperature, heat production (metabolic rate) and heat dissipation must be balanced (Laschewski and Jendritzky 2002). Heat homoeostasis is achieved through thermoregulation. During thermal stress, the principal ways through which the body eliminates heat are ‘sweat production, increased cardiac output, and redirection of blood flow to the skin’ (thereby increasing heat loss by radiation and conduction). When ambient temperature is higher than the core body temperature, ‘sweat production is the primary physiological way to lose heat’ (Hajat et al. 2010, p.857). Some heat is also lost to the environment through respiration. Clothing plays an important insulating role (Fiala et al. 1999). These are also vital thermal comfort parameters, considered in Chapter 4.

Metabolic heat Humans produce heat to maintain a healthy core temperature. Havenith et al. (2002, p.588) explain that the ‘human body utilises oxygen and food to produce energy; the rate at which this occurs is termed the metabolic rate’. Some of the energy produced will be used by the body in performing mechanical work. Most is measurable as heat.

Metabolic heat production (or the energy cost of physical activities) varies with age, body type, fitness level and acclimatisation (Hajat et al. 2010). It is based on a multiple of the resting

18 metabolic rate and expressed as a metabolic equivalent (MET). A MET is defined as ‘the amount of oxygen consumed while sitting at rest and is equal to 3.5 ml O2 per kg body weight x min’ (Jetté et al. 1990, p.555).

The ‘2011 Compendium of Physical Activity’ (Ainsworth et al. 2011) categorises physical activity types as: • sedentary activity (1.0 - 1.5 METs) e.g. sitting; • light-intensity activity (1.6 - 2.9 METs) e.g. stretching; • moderate-intensity activity (3 - 5.9 METs) e.g. walking; and • vigorous-intensity activity (≥ 6 METs) e.g. jogging. Vanos et al. (2010, p.327) note it ‘takes 10-20 minutes to transition from rest to exercise to reach a relatively constant metabolic activity rate considered adequate for moderate exercise’.

Thermal comfort and heat promotion studies commonly categorise and analyse physical activity as sedentary through to vigorous-intensity activities, particularly ‘sitting/ standing’ and ‘transit/ en route’ activities (Section 4.7). Accordingly, typical physical activities observed in my study’s fieldwork are categorised and analysed according to activity intensity and sitting/ transit activities (Section 5.7).

Sweating and cooling Metabolic heat production and the thermal environment cause largely separate physiological stresses: metabolic heat production drives body core temperature, while the thermal environment drives skin temperature. Together, the combined stresses drive sweat rate.

Core temperature control depends on both the capacity of the environment to evaporate the sweat as well as adequate sweat production (Brotherhood 2008, p.6). Consequently, the ‘heat load for people living in warm-humid climates is the highest of all climatic conditions’ (Jendritzky and Tinz 2009, n.p.).

Eves et al. (2008, p.970) notes men ‘are more dependent on sweating for heat dissipation’, while women ‘depend more on radiant heat loss’. Increases in humidity, therefore, would be ‘more detrimental to thermoregulation via sweating in men than in women’. However, high humidity levels ‘would be a significant barrier to evaporative heat loss in both sexes’ (p.970). The temperature at which sweating begins also increases with age (McMichael et al. 2002).

Acclimatisation Acclimatisation is ‘a physiological response mechanism to prolonged heat exposure and physical activity’. It is ‘a function of current exposure, recent exposure, and other physiological factors 19 operating at the time, such as level of fitness, current health and activity levels’. It therefore varies between individuals living in the same region (Hanna et al. 2011, p.18S). Cândido et al. (2012, p.257) found that acclimatisation, based on changing climate artificially, has ‘a major impact in subjects’ assessments of their thermal environment’.

Hanna et al. (2011, p.S18) note that acclimatisation ‘typically requires 10 to 14 days in the warmer environment, although 75% of the response is believed to occur within 5 days’. Nairn (2013, p.11) states that acclimatisation to higher temperatures ‘may take between two to six weeks’. Haines et al. (2006, p.2103) observe that the ‘initial physiological acclimatisation to hot environments can occur over a few days, but complete acclimatisation may take several years’.

Acclimatisation, however, ‘dissipates in the absence of heat exposure’ and ‘needs to be re- established when returning to hot environments’. The influence on acclimatization of ‘moving in and out of air-conditioned environments is unknown’ (Hanna et al. 2011, p.S18).

While populations are acclimatised to their local climates in physiological, behavioural, and cultural terms, there are ‘clear and absolute limits to the amount of heat exposure an individual can tolerate’. Nonetheless, human ability to adapt to varied climates and environments is significant (Kovats and Hajat 2008, p.42). Inherent in climate change projections is a level of uncertainty for potential acclimatisation of populations (Bi et al. 2011).

Heat-health impacts The latest IPCC report on impacts, vulnerability, and adaptation to climate change reinforces humankind’s sensitivity to weather and climate (Smith et al. 2014). It highlights that shifts in weather patterns and other aspects of climate change occur directly ‘due to changes in temperature and precipitation and occurrence of heat waves, floods, droughts, and fires’ (p.713). They also occur indirectly through ‘ecological disruptions brought on by climate change (crop failures, shifting patterns of disease vectors), or social responses to climate change (such as displacement of populations following prolonged drought)’ (p.713).

Direct exposures Direct heat exposures refer to the immediate health impacts that occur as a direct result of extreme heat events and bushfires (Hanna and Spickett 2011). Direct heat exposure may render the body unable to adequately cool itself and lead to heat-illnesses. Initially, signs of heat stress occur, including thirst, tiredness, fatigue, mental confusion and visual disturbances. If signs are ignored, heat exhaustion followed by heatstroke may develop (Hanna et al. 2011).

Heat exhaustion symptoms include pale complexion and sweating, rapid heart rate, muscle cramps and weakness, dizziness and headache, nausea and vomiting, and fainting (VDH 2011). Heatstroke may present as ‘unconsciousness, fits, altered behaviour, confusion or symptoms of cerebrovascular stroke’. The skin may be dry with no sweating (VDH 2011, p.18). Progression to death from heatstroke can occur rapidly, within hours (Hajat et al. 2010).

Researchers conducting fieldwork under hot and extreme heat conditions also need to be aware of and self-monitor for signs of heat stress. Three thermal comfort studies conducted in extremely hot weather in Israel demonstrate ways for researchers to manage heat stress (Givoni et al. 2003). All studies limited direct heat exposure to short, controlled periods, with rotations between sun and shade exposures and air-conditioned spaces. Additionally, clothing insulation was specified as light-weight and light-coloured.

In the first study, participants (the researchers) were subject to alternating 15 minute sun and shade exposures. Temperatures ranged from 23 to 270C. In the second, participants spent 50 minutes in the shade, followed by 10 minutes in the sun. Maximum daily temperatures ranged from 34 to 410C. In the third, participants spent 30 minutes in the sun, followed by rest periods of 30 minutes in air-conditioned rooms (Givoni et al. 2003).

Indirect impacts Indirect heat exposures occur when high temperatures affect a ‘range of environmental parameters such as air, water, or food quality; food production and disease vectors; or social parameters such as changes to population distribution and economic variables’ (Hanna and Spickett 2011, p.7S).

Air quality

Air quality impacts relate to air pollution and aeroallergens. Air pollutants, including ground- level ozone and particulate pollution, impact negatively on people with cardiac and respiratory conditions. Ground-level ozone is one of the most toxic components of photochemical urban smog. Motor vehicle emissions in combination with strong sunlight during hot summer months form most ground-level ozone. Very high levels may be registered during heatwaves (Spickett et al. 2011). In Spain, low relative humidity has been found to enhance the ‘effects of high temperature, linking dryness to air pollutants, ozone in particular’ (Diaz et al. 2002, p.163).

Particulate pollution can be generated by nature and human activity and is associated with cardiac and respiratory illnesses. Natural sources include volcanoes, bushfires, dust storms and living vegetation (Beggs and Bennett 2011). Bushfires can produce vast amounts of particulate 21 and gaseous pollutants with dramatic, short-term impacts on air quality. Links between heatwaves and particulate pollution from bushfires were demonstrated in the 2003 European heatwave (Diaz et al. 2006) and 2013 heatwave in Sydney (NSWOEH 2013). Significant anthropogenic sources of particulates include motor vehicles, industrial processes and power plants (Beggs and Bennett 2011; Spickett et al. 2011).

The production, allergenic potential and distribution of aeroallergens, such as pollen and mold spores, increase alongside increasing temperatures and may be enhanced by the presence of air pollutants. Aeroallergens exacerbate respiratory allergic diseases, such as asthma and hay fever (Beggs and Bennett 2011; Kjellstrom and Weaver 2009; WHO 2016b). Strategies for reducing allergenic impacts include firmer management of allergenic plant species, and careful selection and use of plant species in populated areas (Beggs and Bennett 2011).

Vector-borne diseases

In Australia, changes in the distribution of major arboviruses for Ross River virus, Barmah Forest virus and dengue fever virus are anticipated as a result of climate change (UQ 2016; VDH 2016a; VDH 2016b). It is also predicted that the dengue virus may eventually be found as far south as Sydney (Kjellstrom and Weaver 2009).

Social parameters

Impacts on social parameters include the mental health consequences of social, economic and demographic dislocations and disruptions to traditional ways of living (Bambrick et al. 2008). Rural communities affected by drought and associated economic hardship, for example, may experience adverse impacts on personal and community morale, leading to depression and suicide amongst farmers (Banwell et al. 2012; Berry et al. 2011).

Nevertheless, social connectedness characterising rural communities suggests the ‘general population may have much to learn from rural Australia about maintaining well-being in the face of adversity’ (Berry et al. 2011, p.128S). Similarly, Loughnan et al. (2014) found social networking and community engagement provided a heat-protective environment in a rural community.

Secondary characteristics of heat events that are ‘often overlooked are increased rates of injury, trauma, crime, and domestic violence’ (Bi et al. 2011, p.30S). Indirect harms may also follow from policies to mitigate and adapt to climate changes, including inequitable access to adaptation resources such as home insulation and access to public transport (Walker et al. 2011).

Causal pathways Pathways for indirect exposures typically include numerous steps, many of which take place in non-health sectors and across long time frames (Hanna and Spickett 2011). The likely impact of droughts on food production, for example, will affect livelihoods in the agriculture sector with flow-on effects to the broader community due to changes in the cost, quality and availability of food (Brown et al. 2011).

The causal pathway from heat exposure to heat death includes factors related to ‘exposure’, ‘sensitivity’ and ‘access to treatment’ (Figure 2.1).

Figure 2.1 Points along the causal chain from heat exposure to heat death. Source: Kovats and Hajat (2008, p.46).

Heat-protection and public space use Protection measures for direct and indirect heat impacts have important implications for use of outdoor areas and public space. Measures for heatwaves, air pollution, aeroallergens and vector-borne diseases all include reducing time spent outdoors. They also advise adaptive behaviours while outdoors.

Protection measures and adaptive behaviours for heat impacts are also essential to planning and conducting outdoor fieldwork. In addition, they inform variables for observing behaviour in the field.

Heat-safe advice Heat-related illness is considered largely avoidable through prevention and adaptation strategies (Hajat et al. 2010; Hanna et al. 2011; Laschewski and Jendritzky 2002). A comprehensive review of heat-safe advice identifies several common recommendations relevant to outdoor behaviour: stay indoors in an air-conditioned or cool environment; avoid going out during the hottest part of the day; wear lightweight, loose fitting clothing and a hat; 23 avoid or reduce physical activities; drink regularly without waiting for thirst; and know the symptoms of heat-illness and how to respond (Hajat et al. 2010).

Lowering physical activity, or metabolic rate, is a behavioural adaptation to reduce thermal stress from heat-load. Physical activity often compounds heat risk. In people who are very active (e.g. athletes), for example, heatstroke might occur at moderate ambient temperatures. In hot weather, recommendations may be to ‘restrict physical activity, participation in sports, and potentially strenuous tasks such as gardening, or at least to do them during the coolest periods in the day’ (Hajat et al. 2010, p.860).

Hot working environments put ‘tremendous strain on all workers, including the healthy’ (Hanna et al. 2011, p.17S). In real-life work situations, ‘where people have freedom to self-manage their effort, they rarely work to their heat tolerance limit’. Instead, they ‘voluntarily start reducing activity prior to reaching the point of physical exhaustion’ (p.17S). For outdoor workers, protection measures include rationalising work activities to reduce heat exposure and rearranging work-related tasks to ‘minimize the need for outdoor activity or intensive physical activity during the hottest part of the day’ (p.21S).

According to Williams et al. (2011), public education campaigns to manage health during hot weather are important prevention strategies, especially prior to heatwaves. Recommendations to ‘drink more water, wear appropriate clothing, adjust daily activities, and support vulnerable relatives or neighbours has been provided through mass communication campaigns’ (p.S21).

A review of the social and community level factors that affect heat-related mortality and morbidity, however, indicates that heat-risk associated with poverty and social isolation is largely neglected in heatwave planning (Yardley et al. 2011). Public health heat watch/warning systems in USA and Europe, for example, may often include media messages, telephone helplines and cooling centres, while outreach visits to vulnerable persons and the homeless are rarely practiced (Kovats and Ebi 2006).

Heat-safe approaches may indirectly address heat-risk factors associated with social isolation, poor housing conditions and economic deprivation through outdoor public space design and use. Bambrick et al. (2011) suggest that the social nature of the city is possibly as important as the structural characteristics of the built environment to reducing heat-vulnerability, particularly among older people. As public space is integral to the social nature, heat-risk may be reduced through ‘access to public space and opportunities to meet others while out walking’ (p.73S).

Air pollution alerts Air pollution alerts for ground-level ozone and particulates recommend vulnerable people and, in some circumstances everyone, restrict or avoid outdoor activity. Excerpts of an air quality alert issued during a period of bushfires and unusually hot weather are reproduced at Figure 6.8.

Asthma advice Asthma may be triggered by something you breathe in, including cold air, humidity, allergens, irritants and smoke. This suggests that asthma may be exacerbated by higher levels of humidity, allergens (e.g. pollen) and bushfire smoke in outdoor environments during hot weather.

Triggers also include thunderstorms in spring and summer. People with asthma are advised to ‘stay inside with the windows and doors closed until after the storm has passed’ (Asthma Australia n.d.).

Vector advice Control strategies for vector-borne diseases include eliminating mosquito breeding sites, reducing exposure, and public education programs (Speigel et al. 2005). Australian health authorities warn self-protection from mosquito bites is the prime prevention approach.

Recommendations include: avoiding outdoor activity, particularly around dusk and dawn when mosquitoes are most active and likely to bite; staying in air-conditioned accommodation with flyscreens on windows and external doors; wearing light-coloured, loose-fitting long pants and long-sleeved shirts when outdoors; using effective insect repellents; and reducing potential mosquito breeding habitats around homes by eliminating stagnant water (VDH 2016a and VDH 2016b).

Ultraviolet radiation alerts High temperatures often coincide with high ultraviolet radiation (UVR) levels in Australia during warm months. High UVR levels may also occur on cool and overcast days (CCA 2016a). Overexposing the human skin to UVR significantly increases the risk of skin cancer and has negative effects on eyes and the immune system. Overexposure also affects plant growth, photosynthesis and aquatic ecosystems (Antón et al. 2009).

UVR levels at the Earth’s surface are projected to ‘generally return to pre-1980 levels by mid- century, and may diminish further by 2100’ (Smith et al. 2014, p.722). Nonetheless, UVR-induced adverse effects may increase due to people spending more time outdoors in temperate regions owing to higher temperatures (Makin 2011; Smith et al. 2014).

In Australia, skin cancers account for around 80 percent of all newly diagnosed cancers, with most caused by sun exposure. Melanoma, the most dangerous form of skin cancer, is the most common cancer in Australians aged 15-44 years (CCA 2016a). Relevant to outdoor activity, the average noon clear-sky UVR Index level across Australia in summer ranges from ‘very high’ to ‘extreme’ (Figure 2.2). For Sydney, levels are ‘extreme’.

Figure 2.2 Average noon clear-sky UV Index Summer. Source: ABOM (2016b). Public health campaigns for UV-protection began in the early 1980’s. The ‘Slip-Slop-Slap-Seek- Slide’ campaign, launched in 1981, is ‘credited as playing a key role in the dramatic shift in sun protection attitudes and behaviour over the past two decades’ (CCA 2016b). SunSmart UV alerts are part of national weather forecasts. Recommended UVR-protection measures include wearing full-length clothing, broad-brimmed hats and sunglasses, regularly applying broad- spectrum sunscreen, and seeking shade (CCA 2016c; Giles-Corti et al. 2004). Interestingly, measures to protect against UVR are often consistent with those to protect against heat.

The Metropolitan Sydney alert in Figure 2.3 advises UVR levels will reach extreme. Protection measures are recommended for between 8.50am and 5.20pm. Illustrating coinciding warm temperatures, the daily maximum temperature on this summer day was 28.30C (as measured at the ABOM weather station closest to my case study - Bankstown Airport).

Figure 2.3 Ultraviolet radiation alert for Sydney 15 January 2015. Source: ABOM (2015a). Similarly, UVR reaches very high values on the Iberian Peninsula (Anton et al. 2011), while the incidence of skin cancer in Spain is increasing (Gilaberte et al. 2008). Yet, in contrast to Australia, sun safety public education campaigns only began in Spain with the launch of ‘SolSano’ for elementary school children in 2000 (Gilaberte et al. 2008).

The ‘extreme’ conditions, detailed in Figure 2.3, were generally typical during the fieldwork undertaken in this research. UVR-protection measures, therefore, suggest behavioural variables to be observed in the field (e.g. wearing a hat and seeking shade). Adopting these measures are paramount for researchers conducting outdoor fieldwork when UVR levels are moderate to extreme.

Even so, some exposure is recommended as UVR is the best natural source of vitamin D (CCA 2016a). As WHO (2016d, p.21) note: Encouraging total sun avoidance … is a simplistic response to the hazards of increased ground-level UVR exposure due to stratospheric ozone depletion, and should be avoided. Any public health messages concerned with personal UVR exposure should consider the benefits as well as the adverse effects. 2.4 Heat-vulnerability

‘Vulnerability’ is defined as ‘the degree to which a system is susceptible to, and unable to cope with, adverse effects of climate change, including climate variability and extremes’. It is a ‘function of the character, magnitude, and rate of climate change and variation to which a system is exposed, its sensitivity, and its adaptive capacity’ (IPCC 2007b).

Figure 2.4 shows how vulnerability is influenced by inter-connections between exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity, described as:

Exposure is contact between a person and one or more biological, psychosocial, chemical, or physical stressors, including stressors affected by climate change. Contact may occur in a single instance or repeatedly over time, and may occur in one location or over a wider geographic area.

Sensitivity is the degree to which people or communities are affected, either adversely or beneficially, by climate variability or change.

Adaptive capacity is the ability of communities, institutions, or people to adjust to potential hazards, to take advantage of opportunities, or to respond to consequences (Balbus et al. 2016, p.29-30).

Vulnerability operates at ‘multiple levels, from the individual and community to the country level’ (Balbus et al. 2016, p.30). For an individual, factors include behavioural choices and the degree to which a person is vulnerable based on their level of exposure, sensitivity, and adaptive capacity. Fundamental to an individual’s vulnerability are the social determinants of health.

At a community or societal scale, health outcomes are greatly affected by adaptive capacity factors, including those related to the natural and built environments (e.g. infrastructure), governance and management (e.g. health-protective surveillance or community health programs), and institutions (e.g. national public health system) (Balbus et al. 2016).

Heat-vulnerability, therefore, is based on a complex set of variables and relies on context- specific factors rather than a generic condition (Barnett et al. 2008; Vaneckova et al. 2010). For example, vulnerability ‘to heat stress is not caused by exposure alone. Vulnerability includes the health, financial and cultural risks, as well as physiological risks, involved in keeping cool’ (Farbotko and Waitt 2011, p.S13).

Figure 2.4 Vulnerability and its components. Source: Garnaut (2008, p.125). Vulnerable groups The WHO (2012, p.40) identifies major heat-vulnerable groups as the ‘elderly, chronically-ill and socially-isolated individuals, people working in exposed environments and children’. The frail elderly, and people with little mobility and disabilities are especially at high risk. Low socio- economic status and, for some people, ethnicity contribute significantly to heat-risk (Banwell et 28 al. 2012; Hajat et al. 2010). Vocationally, people participating in strenuous outdoor activities, such as farmworkers, sportspeople and labourers, are at high risk (Hanna et al. 2011). These groups encompass substantial sectors of populations.

In Australia, heat-vulnerable groups also include Aboriginal peoples, who ‘have higher than average exposure to climate change because of a heavy reliance on climate-sensitive primary industries and strong social connections to the natural environment’. They ‘face particular constraints to adaptation’ that are ‘only partly offset by intrinsic adaptive capacity’ (Reisinger et al. 2014, p.1375).

Older people My research questions for this study focus on the impact of heat on older people. My interest in the elderly is due to Australia’s likely move into an entirely unfamiliar demographic environment over the coming decades. A profound shift in population age structure towards ageing is projected by the Productivity Commission, while temperatures warm (PC 2013).

Australia’s population is projected to increase to approximately 38 million by 2060, or around 15 million more than the population in 2012. Over this period, the proportion of the population aged 65 years or more is projected to increase from around one in seven Australians to one in four. At the turn of the next century, it will be close to one in 3.5. The number of those aged over 75 years is projected to rise by about 4 million, increasing from about 6.4 to 14.4 percent of the population (PC 2013).

How old is ‘elderly?

Orimo et al. (2006, p.149) notes that, conventionally, the term ‘elderly’ has been defined as 65 years or older. Those from 65 through 74 years old are referred to as ‘early elderly’, while those over 75 years are the ‘late elderly’. In heat-health literature, ‘elderly’ and ‘older’ people are commonly described as greater or equal to 65 years old (Bi et al. 2008; Dalip et al. 2012; Kenney and Munce 2003; Kjellstrom and Weaver 2009; McInnes et al. 2008; Smoyer 1998; Vandentorren et al. 2006; Vaneckova et al. 2010). The NSW Department of Health (NSWDOH 2013) identifies people greater than 75 years as heat-vulnerable.

Physiological factors

Older people generally experience a greater burden of chronic illnesses and co-morbidities. These can increase heat-vulnerability by compromising mobility, thermoregulation and awareness of hot environments.

Diminished thermoregulatory responses include delayed sweating reaction and decreased sense of thirst (Bouchama et al. 2007; Hajat et al. 2010; Kovats and Hajat 2008; McInness et al. 2008). Maintaining adequate hydration is a key protective behaviour. Yet adequate fluid intake is an issue for older people generally and a greater challenge during hot weather. In addition to a decreased thirst sense, the challenge is exacerbated by reluctance to increase fluid intake for reasons of incontinence, use of diuretics, and medical advice regarding fluid restrictions. Other barriers include a fear of falling during the night and not being found. Many older people prefer to drink hot tea rather than water when thirsty, not being from ‘a water-drinking era' (Hansen et al. 2011).

Reduced mobility and incapacity are identified as major risk factors for older people, including being confined to bed, not leaving home every day, and being unable to care for oneself (McInnes et al. 2008; Vandentorren et al. 2006). For people with cognitive impairments (e.g. people with dementia), behavioural factors such as overdressing during hot weather may contribute to heat risk (Hansen et al. 2011).

Reducing chronic disease in the elderly may increase heat-tolerance. Pandolf (1997, p.69) states that, when the effects of chronic diseases are minimized, the heat tolerance and thermoregulatory responses in the elderly (defined as ≥ 64 years) are ‘comparable to those of younger individuals’. Similarly, Kenney and Munce (2003, p.2598) note that studies that have separated the effects of chronological age from simultaneous factors, such as fitness level and chronic disease, have shown that ‘thermal tolerance appears to be minimally compromised by age’.

In addition, the ‘notion of gradual acclimatisation to heat in elderly people to build up their physiological defences’ has been given little attention (Hajat et al. 2010, p.861). Advice to stay in air-conditioned environments is well supported by evidence. However, avoiding ‘outdoor temperatures and strenuous exercise might divest elderly people of the chance to train their sweat glands’ (p.861).

Age and sex

Heat-vulnerability varies by both age and sex. Most European studies indicate that women are more at risk of dying in a heatwave. In the 2003 heatwave in France, female deaths dominated in the older than 65 years age group. However, more men than women died in the 35 to 64 year age group (Hanna et al. 2011). In subtropical Brisbane (Australia), heat-related mortality was found to be more pronounced in women than men (Yu et al. 2010).

Heatwaves also cause excess mortality among young and middle aged adults. During the 2003 heatwave in France, more than 1,000 excess deaths occurred in the 35 to 64 years age group, with more men dying than women (Hanna et al. 2011). In Melbourne in 2009, 64 excess deaths occurred in the 5 to 64 year age group. Further research is required to establish if these deaths were associated with high alcohol consumption, accidents, or drowning, or occurred in healthy people overexposed to heat or those with pre-existing disease (Bi et al. 2011).

Psychological factors

A study of heat-susceptibility and adaptive behaviours of older people reveals ‘high level knowledge’ of socioeconomic and psychological factors ‘rarely described in the literature’. Many are described as ‘perhaps specific to Adelaide and Australian contexts’ (Hansen et al. 2011, p.4723). Older people are often unable or reluctant to use air-conditioning, or attend ‘cooling centres’ due to concern for pets. Sensitive psychological responses relate to threatened independence, feelings of anxiety induced by heatwave media coverage, fears they may be perceived as being unable to cope, and ‘not wanting to be a bother to others’ (p.4270).

Social factors

Social isolation is a significant risk factor, with a great proportion of elderly people living alone (McInnes et al. 2008). Social isolation was identified as contributing to mortality rates in the elderly in heatwaves in Chicago in 1999 (Naughton et al. 2002), France in 2003 (Vandentorren et al. 2006) and Adelaide in 2009 (Hansen et al. 2011).

In Paris in 2003, the heat risk increased for unmarried men, but not unmarried women (Kovats and Hajat 2008). In the USA, elderly men are more at risk than women, as demonstrated in Chicago in 1995 (Semenza et al. 1996; Whitman et al. 1997). Vulnerability may be influenced by the level of social isolation among elderly men (Klinenberg 1999).

Strong evidence indicates the importance of social networks as being heat-protective (Hansen et al. 2011; Klinenberg 1999; Smoyer 1998). In fact, Vandentorren et al. (2006) determined that the risk of heat-related death for the elderly was multiplied by a factor of six in France because of the total absence of social activities.

Chronic illnesses Chronic illnesses associated with increased heat risk include mental illness, cardiovascular and cerebrovascular conditions, neurological disorders, respiratory and renal disease, cancer, obesity and diabetes (Banwell et al. 2012; Bi et al. 2011; Hajat et al. 2010; Khalaj et al. 2010; Kovats and Ebi 2006; McInnes et al. 2008; Nitsche et al. 2011). The use of certain medications, 31 notably diuretics, psychotropic and anticholinergic drugs, increase the risk of heat stress. The consumption of alcohol (a diuretic) may impair thermoregulation and judgement. Alcoholism is a risk factor for heat-related illness (Hajat et al. 2010).

Heat impacts may be compounded by lack of sleep, lethargy and the inability to function normally. In turn, mood and behaviour may be affected, ‘increasing mental stress, depression, and suicide, and triggering irritability and risky behaviours such as excessive alcohol consumption, violence and aggression’ (Banwell et al. 2012, n.p.). Heat’s influence on aggressive behaviour is discussed in Chapter 4.

Socio-economic factors Health outcomes, on average, are better in higher-income than in lower-income countries. However, ‘average levels of health hide the effect of socioeconomic inequality within urban areas’ of both high- and low-income countries (Rydin et al. 2012, p.2079). The ‘Climate Just Map Tool’ shows the uneven distribution of climate disadvantaged neighbourhoods across England (Climate Just 2014).

Climate change is projected to exacerbate health disparities, particularly with regard to low- income countries and vulnerable groups in developed countries (IPCC 2014; Haines et al. 2006). In a warmer climate, people with poor health who are financially disadvantaged and already vulnerable to heat-related mortality and morbidity will confront added difficulties (Hansen et al. 2013a). Socio-economic considerations are ‘used increasingly to understand adaptive capacity of communities’ and to ‘construct scenarios to help build regional planning capacity’ (Reisinger et al. 2014, p.1382). Relationships between socio-economic status (SES) and heat-risk vary significantly for Europe, USA and Australia.

Europe and USA

Evidence from Europe has shown little or no effect of socio-economic deprivation on heat- related health outcomes (Basu and Ostro 2008; Hajat et al. 2010; Ishigami et al. 2008; Kovats and Hajat 2008; Stafoggia et al. 2006). Those indicating some association with low SES include a study in France citing the exposure of manual labourers (Vandentorren et al. 2006).

In contrast, socio-economic deprivation is strongly associated with higher rates of heat-related illness in the USA (Klinenberg 1999; Knowlton et al. 2009; Semenza 1999; Whitman 1997). For the 1980 heatwave in St Louis, mortality rates were up to six times higher for individuals of low SES than individuals of high SES (Jones et al. 1982).

Klinenberg (2003, p.667) calls on government, health agencies and scholars to address socio- economic contexts at neighbourhood scales as: an emerging population of poor, old, and isolated urban residents makes extreme summer weather especially dangerous … Vulnerable, isolated people tend to live in places that foster social withdrawal and insecurity: neighborhoods that have been devastated by commercial and industrial abandonment, population loss, concentrated poverty, and violent crime. Australia

Similar to Europe, studies in Australia do not show a pronounced correlation between SES and heat risk. Findings are attributed, in part, to Australia’s greater social homogeneity characterised by less extremes of wealth and poverty than countries such as the USA (Vaneckova et al. 2010).

For example, a study of Australia’s five largest capital cities found little evidence of SES influence on heat-health outcomes (Guest et al. 1999). A study assessing age, sex and SES in Brisbane, however, determined SES did play a significant role in heat-related mortality (Yu et al. 2010). A study of the elderly in Sydney showed that SES was not significant in explaining mortality on extremely hot days (Vaneckova et al. 2010). Even so, significantly higher heat-mortality occurred in areas of relatively lower SES on unusually hot days.

Ethnicity Disparities for heat-risk related to ethnicity encompass broader environmental issues. Relationships between ethnicity and heat-risk are seen to vary significantly for USA and Australia.

USA

Stark disparities were evident in the 1980 St Louis heatwave. Heat-mortality was approximately three times higher for non-white individuals than for white individuals (Jones et al. 1982). Likewise for the 1995 Chicago heatwave, African Americans were 1.5 times more likely to die than whites, and almost 30 times more likely than Latinos (Klinenberg 1999; Whitman 1997).

‘Clustered’ neighbourhood characteristics contributed to disparate health outcomes. As stated by Klinenberg (1999, p.250): The processes that killed so many city residents were concentrated around the low- income, elderly, African-American, and more violent regions of the metropolis, the neighborhoods of exclusion in which the most vulnerable Chicagoans make their homes. Urban social networks were also critical to different outcomes. Social networks are ‘rooted in family and neighborhood life’ and create ‘not only a communal basis for social life but also a set of extended kinship ties that ensure the welfare of community members during hard times’. 33

Klinenberg (1999, p.262) proposes that social networks preserved the health of local Latino communities, which ‘despite a general socioeconomic status that placed their collective well- being at risk, withstood the heat wave much more effectively than any other ethnic group in the city’.

Australia

Ethnicity is identified as a significant heat-risk for Australia (Loughnan et al. 2013a). Australian society is highly multicultural: more than one quarter of the nation’s population was born overseas (ABS 2012a). Migrant numbers are projected to increase and diversity in the older population is likely to continue (ABS 2012b; Hansen et al. 2013a). My case study is located in one of the most culturally diverse areas of Sydney (Section 6.6).

Despite harsh summers, little research investigates the heat-vulnerability of migrants in Australia. International research may not be applicable to the Australian context due to the interchangeable meanings of ethnicity, race and migrancy (Hansen et al. 2013b).

An exception is a comprehensive study of CALD (culturally and linguistically diverse) communities in Adelaide, Melbourne and Sydney (Hansen et al. 2013a). This study shows that ‘people who settle in Australia from overseas have a high adaptive capacity’ (p.2). However, several factors contribute to heat-vulnerability. These include ‘socioeconomic disadvantage; cultural factors; health issues; poor housing conditions and limited access to air conditioning; linguistic and social isolation; and language barriers and low literacy rates limiting access to health warnings’ (p.2). People at high risk tend to be ‘older people, new arrivals and people in new and emerging communities’ (p.2). New arrivals and tourists, particularly those from cooler countries, may be unacclimatised to Australia’s high temperatures. They may also lack awareness of local conditions and adaptive behaviours (p.53).

2.5 Heatwaves

Global warming is expected to increase the intensity and frequency of heat extremes, while the number of people at risk is projected to rise due to population growth, ageing and urbanization (McInnes et al. 2008; WHO and WMO 2012). Extreme heat affects populations in developing and developed countries. However, some of the most damaging heat events have occurred ‘in relatively wealthy regions of the world with cooler average temperatures and mid-latitude climates’ (WHO and WMO 2012, p.40).

Haines et al. (2006) propose that, while death tolls from heatwaves include people of ill health who would probably have died in the near future, there are likely to be a significant number of potentially preventable heat-related deaths.

Defining hot days and nights As Stone (2012, p.71) explains, ‘an unusually hot day in any particular region is based on its departure from a long-term normal range of temperatures specific to the region’. This accords with the general use of ‘heat’ and ‘hot weather’ in this thesis.

Specific metrics used in global projections for Australia commonly describe a ‘hot day’ as being greater or equal to 35oC. The IPCC, for example, describes a ‘hot day’ for Australia as ‘≥ 35oC’ and a ‘hot night’ as ‘≥ 20oC’ (Hennessy et al. 2007, p.510). Kjellstrom et al. (2009) identify the range for ‘hot days’ used by models projecting temperature increases and heat impacts for Australia as 35°C to 40°C.

Accordingly, for the purpose of describing and analysing the data in my research project, I adopt the following metrics: • a day of ‘extreme heat’ has a daily maximum temperature greater or equal to 35oC; and • an ‘unusual hot night’ has a daily minimum temperature greater or equal to 20oC.

Defining heatwaves There is no internationally accepted definition of a heatwave. Generally, a heatwave is defined as ‘a period of abnormally and uncomfortably hot weather that could impact on human health, community infrastructure and services’ (VHHS 2015, p.3). Typically, heatwaves ‘occur in mid- summer, although severe and low-intense heatwaves are also experienced during spring and early autumn’ (Nairn and Fawcett 2015, p.228).

In Australia, heatwaves have ‘traditionally been defined by the achievement of a minimum sequence of consecutive days where daily maximum temperatures reach a designated threshold’. For example, for Adelaide, a heatwave is defined as ‘five consecutive days with maximum temperature at or above 350C or three consecutive days at or above 400C’ (Nairn and Fawcett 2013, p.3).

However, research highlights the importance of incorporating minimum temperature by utilising daily mean temperature due to heat stress concerns (Nicholls et al. 2008). Nairn and Fawcett (2015, p.229) explain that the ‘extent to which heat is dissipated overnight following a very hot day dictates the accumulating thermal load impacting vulnerable people’. Heat accumulation which is not dissipated overnight results in excess thermal stress. Consequently, 35

Melbourne has ‘thresholds of daily average temperature greater than 30°C, and daily minimum temperature greater than 24°C’ (McInnes et al. 2008, p.7).

Elevated minimum temperatures characterise the urban heat island (UHI), presenting particular health concerns for city dwellers. The UHI effect is outlined in Chapter 3.

Major heatwaves Unprecedented death tolls from major heatwaves in the Europe, USA and Australia have spurred a significant body of literature on excess heat mortality and, to a limited degree, morbidity. Most notable is the 2003 heatwave in Europe (Hajat et al. 2010; Stones Jnr 2012; WHO and WMO 2012). This period of extended heat ‘caused a rise in death rates that was 4 to 5 times expected levels at the peak of the event in some cities, eventually causing over 70,000 additional deaths across twelve countries’ (WHO and WMO 2012, p.40).

Significant heatwaves in the US include events in St Louis and Kansas City in 1980 (Jones et al. 1982), Chicago in 1995 (Klinenberg 2003; 1999) and California in 2006 (Knowlton et al. 2009). In 2009, southern Australia experienced one of the nation’s most severe heatwaves. Analysis of these major heatwaves informs discussion of heat-vulnerability later in this chapter.

Silent deaths In Australia, heatwaves have killed more people in the past 200 years than any other climate hazard, and caused major economic disruptions (NCCARF 2013). Yet, heatwaves ‘have received far less public attention than cyclone, flood or bushfire – they are private, silent deaths which only hit the media when morgues reach capacity or infrastructure fails’ (PwCA 2011, p.3).

During the 2009 heatwave in southern Australia, the city of Adelaide experienced 9 days of temperatures over 35oC, with six consecutive days over 40oC from 26 January to 3 February (Williams et al. 2011). Between 400 and 500 people died as a result of excess heat in Adelaide and Melbourne. This wave of mortality immediately preceded the Black Saturday Bushfires, when 173 people died and over 2000 homes were destroyed in the state of Victoria (McLennan et al. 2013; Nairn and Fawcett 2013; QUT 2010).

The 2009 heatwave had widespread impacts on the health and comfort of individuals and communities, overwhelmed some emergency services, and led to major disruptions to electricity and transport services. Governments, utilities, emergency response organizations and the community ‘were largely under-prepared for an extreme event of this magnitude’ (QUT 2010, p.1).

While Adelaide and Melbourne suffered the most excessive heat in 2009, Sydney also experienced extreme heat at this time. Fieldwork for this study was conducted during this heatwave period.

Morbidity gap The current understanding of heatwaves highlights important research gaps, particularly with regard to morbidity. According to Nairn and Fawcett (2013, p.68), heatwaves are ‘a significant, yet poorly understood hazard within the Australian community’. Morbidity is ‘an under-reported impact with significant ongoing human and economic consequences that are currently difficult to assess, requiring further research’ (p.22). Likewise, McInnes et al. (2008) note that few studies have investigated heat effects on population morbidity.

Laschewski and Jendritzky (2002, p.92) explain that the majority of studies focus on heat-related mortality, largely for reasons of data availability. However, mortality data ‘reflect only extremes, the tip of the iceberg’. Thermal environments are likely to impact on morbidity and the well- being and efficiency of humans. In fact, Hanna et al. (2011, p.16S) argue: Public health attention should not be restricted to mortality, as most people who are affected by heat will not die. Heat-related illnesses cause a variety of symptoms, ranging from mild, transient effects to death ... The toll on those who do not seek health services is unmeasured but likely to be substantial. Studies of heat-related morbidity, in the main, examine rates for ambulance call-outs, hospital admissions and emergency department presentations (Bi et al. 2011; Khalaj et al. 2010; Nitschke et al. 2011; Williams et al. 2012; Wilson et al. 2013).

Heat thresholds Many regions and cities world-wide have heat-health action plans involving health system preparedness, early warning systems, and public advice and emergency responses (City of Melbourne 2016; GDE 2014; Public Health England 2015; SAH 2015). Plans generally incorporate ‘locally defined heat thresholds or triggers for specific actions, so that responses are appropriate to minimise the likely health impacts’ (Williams et al. 2011, p.S21). Thresholds indicate the ambient temperature ‘above which heat‑related illness and mortality increases substantially’ (VDH 2011, p.2). Thresholds and alerts vary with regard to the temperature metrics, duration of days and location.

Australian cities A heat-health alert is issued for Melbourne, for example, when the Australian Bureau of Meteorology (ABOM) predicts the mean temperature threshold of 30oC will be reached or exceeded. The threshold is ‘determined where the average of the daily maximum temperature 37 and the overnight minimum temperature of the following day is calculated at 30°C or greater’ (City of Melbourne 2016, n.p.).

For Adelaide, an Extreme Heat Warning is issued when a mean daily temperature of greater than 320C is predicted for three or more consecutive days (SAH 2015).

For Sydney, the ‘NSW Government State Heatwave Sub Plan’ details the ‘coordination arrangements that will apply for Heatwave emergencies or periods of extreme heat’ (NSW Government 2011, p.10). Trigger temperatures are not identified.

However, research indicates a range of temperature thresholds for Sydney. Loughnan et al. (2013a) indicate the maximum daily temperature thresholds above which heat-related mortality and morbidity substantially increase are 38oC and 41°C respectively. A notable increase in mortality occurs when daily apparent temperatures exceed 37°C. Two earlier studies found that heat-related deaths in Sydney increase above maximum temperatures of 26oC (Gosling et al. 2007) and 27oC (Bambrick et al. 2008). A further study of eastern Australian cities identifies a maximum temperature threshold of approximately 28°C to 30°C (Guest at al. 1999).

Synoptic conditions Hajat et al. (2010, p.857) note that most studies model health effects ‘in relation to temperature alone or in combination with humidity as a composite measure’. However, Kalkstein and Greene (1997) propose a synoptic climatological methodology to evaluate relationships between weather and mortality that builds on the results from temperature-oriented research. The synoptic approach groups days considered meteorologically homogeneous into air mass categories, in order to assess more logically their impact on mortality. The synoptic procedure: assumes that the population responds to the entire umbrella of air (or air mass) that surrounds them rather than to individual weather elements such as temperature. Thus, the synoptic procedure permits an evaluation of synergistic relations among weather elements; the combined impact of several elements is more significant than the sum of their individual impacts studies (Kalkstein and Greene 1997, p.85). Vaneckova et al. (2008) investigated the effects of synoptic categories on mortality in Sydney. Results indicated mortality increases in the two warmest synoptic conditions, with the highest mortality in hot and dry conditions. Both categories were ‘characterized by high temperature levels, but varied in other meteorological factors, their timing within the warm season and their pollutant types and levels’ (p.447-8).

Days in the synoptic category with the highest mortality predominantly occurred during October and November, early in the warm season. They were associated with the highest afternoon temperatures (32.1°C). Humidity levels were relatively low. The lack of cooling sea breeze 38 resulted in similarly high temperatures 60km inland (31.5°C) and in coastal areas (32.1°C). This category is ‘a relatively rare condition’ (p.448).

Days in the second category occurred most frequently in December, January and February, the later part of the warm season. From all categories, temperatures were the warmest in the morning (21.1oC at 6:00 AM) and second warmest in the afternoon (29.0°C at 3:00 PM). Humidity levels were the highest from all the synoptic categories. Average afternoon inland–coastal temperature difference (4.5°C) were also highest.

Both categories showed high levels of air pollutants. The first had the highest levels of PM10 within the warmer months. Synoptic conditions were optimal for the formation of O3 in Sydney in the second.

Part of my study was conducted in hot regions of Spain, including Madrid, during warm months. Similar to findings for Sydney, Díaz et al. (2002) found that hot and dry conditions cause higher mortality than more humid but less hot days in Madrid, Spain.

Temporal aspects Higher mortality rates are typically observed during heatwaves at the beginning of the warm season than at the end (Diaz et al. 2002; Hajat et al. 2010). This may be explained by intraseasonal acclimatization - that is, ‘later in the season, the population becomes adapted to the oppressive conditions through physiological and behavioral adaptations’ (Vaneckova et al. 2008, p.448). Increased mortality early in the season offset by decreased mortality in subsequent weeks also suggests that deaths mostly arise in already frail individuals who were likely to have died in the short term (Hajat et al. 2010; Laschewski and Jendritzky 2002).

Heatwaves also have lag effects for heat-mortality. Hajat et al. (2010, p.857) note health effects have been shown to be mostly immediate, occurring on the same day, or within a day or two, of initial exposure. Nicholls et al. (2008) found a one day delay in mortality for a heatwave in Melbourne. Vaneckova et al. (2008, p.450) identified most heat-related deaths in Sydney ‘occurred on the day of the heat event, but significant high mortality was found to persist 1 and 2 days after for some population groups’. Diaz et al. (2006) found a lag of 0-4 days for heat- mortality for older people in Madrid during the 2003 European heatwave.

Figure 2.5 shows how heat-related mortality peaked two days after the maximum temperatures in the 1995 event in Chicago.

Figure 2.5 Heat-related deaths and temperatures - Chicago residents, July 10-20, 1995. Source: Whitman et al. (1997, p.1516). Temporal aspects related to intra-seasonal and lag effects emphasise the importance of the thermal context of data - that is, whether heat impacts occurred early in a warm season, during the course of a heatwave, or during the lag period post a heatwave.

Differences and difficulties Determining heat thresholds is particularly difficult due to diverse factors, including the characteristics of the people exposed to heat (e.g. age, acclimatisation, thermal history and adaptive behaviours) and environmental features (e.g. location of residence with regard to the urban heat island). These factors, examined later in this chapter, mean that similar temperatures may have varying impacts in different environments or communities (SOV 2015; Loughnan et al. 2013a; McInnes et al. 2008).

To illustrate, Nairn and Fawcett (2015, p.230) observe that Adelaide’s mean summer temperature is 3°C higher than Melbourne, ‘resulting in a more resilient heat-adapted city capable of withstanding the impact of extreme heat for longer’. A study of European regions demonstrates heat-related deaths occur at higher temperature thresholds in hotter cities (Keatinge et al. 2000).

Trigger temperature thresholds for cities in hot regions of Spain further reflect regional differences. Thresholds are based on maximum and minimum daily temperatures. Maximum and minimum daily temperature thresholds for cities in which fieldwork was conducted were 36.50C and 210C in Madrid; 410C and 220C in Seville; and 380C and 230C in Cáceres (GDE 2014).

Pilot forecasting In January 2014, ABOM introduced a pilot heatwave forecasting service for Australia (Nairn and

Fawcett 2015). The forecast comprises ‘a set of graphical maps of heatwaves, severe heatwaves and extreme heatwaves for the current day extending out for the next four days’. This service gives people ‘advance notice of unusually hot conditions allowing government, emergency services and people time to adjust and to adopt measures to reduce the impact’ (ABOM 2015b).

The Pilot Heatwave Forecast comprises a set of graphical maps for the current day extending out for the next four days and identifies three levels of severity related to heat risk: Areas of Heatwave can expect unusually hot conditions sustained for three days. The level of heat expected is unusual but injury to people is not generally expected unless inappropriate activities are conducted or sensible precautions are not are undertaken. In areas of Severe Heatwave vulnerable people are at risk of injury. Areas of Extreme Heatwave are likely to cause impact across multiple areas such as infrastructure, transport, energy, agriculture and both healthy and vulnerable people are at risk of injury (ABOM 2015b). 2.6 Urban complexities, heat and health

Cities Stone (2012, p.80) emphasises that global trends in warming ‘are rarely, if ever, reflective of climate trends experienced at the scale of human settlement’. Indeed, cities are warming faster than the planet as a whole, more rapidly than global warming projections. A study of 50 large cities in the USA found urban warming is greater than rural warming by a factor of 1.5 (p.86).

Cities are not only susceptible to the impacts of gradual climate changes, they are also vulnerable to impacts of extreme heat events (Matthews 2011). The tendency for urban areas is to amplify heatwaves - not cause them (Stone 2012). Urban heat is discussed more fully in Chapter 3.

Accordingly, cities are particularly high-risk places to be during very hot conditions (Bi et al. 2011). Several design and planning factors exacerbating heat-risk have previously been raised, such as heat exposure in the upper-floor apartments of high-rise buildings. Others include poor public transport access; poor quality of rental homes; homes with no insulation, and little ventilation; no access to air-conditioned environments; and limited domestic and neighbourhood greenery (Barnett et al. 2013; Hajat et al. 2010; Kovats and Ebi 2006; Walker et al. 2011). Urban social conditions - concentrations of people, poverty, inequalities - also contribute to vulnerability (Bambrick et al. 2011).

Nonetheless, cities ‘provide unique opportunities to rethink our approach to urban planning, development, and management in order to respond to the challenges of climate change’ (Bambrick et al. 2011, p.68S). These opportunities, as they relate to heat and public space, are considered in Chapters 7 and 8. Understanding feedback networks in relation to the social determinants of health are essential to rethinking heat-adaptation responses in cities.

System dynamics Urban population health is subject to a city’s ‘network of circular feedback effects’. When ‘one variable in the system is changed a range of outcomes, both intended and unintended will occur’. System dynamics recognizes that ‘studying parts alone does not lead to an understanding of how the system behaves’ in relation to health outcomes (Brown et al. 2011, p.S49).

According to Proust et al. (2012, p.2134), the feedback effects that ‘take place between the dynamical state of a city, the health of its people, and the state of the planet’ are critical to designing climate change adaptation strategies that promote urban health and well-being. Jackson (2011, p.xv) concurs that system-level approaches crossing many disciplines and populations are essential to addressing the ‘perfect storm of intersecting health, environmental, and economic challenges’ of twenty-first century nations.

The ‘causal-loop diagram’ (Figure 2.6) illustrates system dynamics and the multiple consequences of climate adaptation. The diagram indicates, for example, that an increase in the ‘extent of tree-planting to provide natural shade’ may, in turn, increase the ‘fraction of community participating in outdoor recreational activities’. However, additional trees may also lead to an increase in the ‘fraction of community suffering from allergies and asthma’, requiring planting of carefully selected non-aeroallergenic species (Brown et al. 2011, p.S51).

In 2012, I participated in a ‘CSIRO Climate Adaptation Flagship Research Cluster’ workshop for ‘Systems Thinking - Critical Public Health Issues and Drivers in Western Sydney’, conducted by Proust and Capon (Brown et al. 2011). The workshop aimed to assist urban planners and policy makers to develop and implement effective climate adaptation strategies, such as tree planting to reduce urban heat and air-conditioning use, as described in Figure 2.6. Systems-thinking is applied to the discussion of my study’s findings in Part III.

Figure 2.6 A causal-loop diagram showing multiple consequences of climate adaptation measures for human health. Source: Brown et al. (2011, p.S50).

Social determinants The social determinants of health are also critical to urban population health, especially health inequalities. Determinants involve ‘the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age. These circumstances are shaped by the distribution of money, power and resources at global, national and local levels’. They are ‘mostly responsible for health inequities - the unfair and avoidable differences in health status seen within and between countries’ (WHO 2016c).

Nowhere more so than in cities is health associated with the social determinants (Rydin et al. 2012). Consequently, every city has a ‘range of health burdens related to social inequalities and the effect of social determinants’ (p.2083). As cities are ‘complex systems, so urban health outcomes are dependent on many interactions’ (p.2079). Policy makers at national and urban scales are advised to undertake a ‘complexity analysis to understand the many overlapping relations affecting urban health outcomes’ (p.2080).

Barton et al. (2010) offer the ‘Settlement Health Map’ (Figure 2.7) to assist the complexity analysis of cities. The map integrates the ecosystem approach ‘with analysis of the social determinants of health and well-being. It embraces therefore everything from the personal to the planet’ and is a means for linking environmental sustainability, public health and spatial planning (p.24).

Figure 2.7 The Settlement Health Map. Source: Barton and Grant (2006, p.252). Social ecological framework A social ecological framework also assists understanding relations between social determinants. The framework provides insights into the unequal distribution of health inequalities within and between countries and the occurrence of ‘clusters’ in certain cities, census areas, and neighbourhoods. It explains why two individuals living in the same suburb, exposed to the same air temperature (as measured at the closest bureau weather station), may experience completely different health outcomes from an extreme heat event, as found for the Chicago heatwave (Klinenberg 1999).

Yardley et al. (2011, p.671) emphasise clusters can only be understood: within the context of a social ecological framework that examines not only the individual physiological risk factors of those inhabiting places where morbidity and mortality are high, but also scrutinizes the physical, social and economic characteristics of the places in which they live. Hotspots Spatial mapping of heat-related mortality and morbidity, together with thermal mapping, reveals clusters - or ‘hotspots’ - of heat-vulnerability. Typically, hotspots are areas of cities that are hotter and more disadvantaged than other parts. For the 1980 St Louis heatwave, the spatial distribution of mortality among the elderly was found to be concentrated in areas that are warmer, more disadvantaged and with higher population turnover (Smoyer 1998). Similarly, areas of Maryland (USA) with higher land surface temperature are characterized by ‘low income, high poverty, less education, more ethnic minorities, more elderly people and greater risk of crime’ (Huang et al. 2011, p.1753).

For major Australian cities, areas with high heat-vulnerability are distinguished by the presence of an urban heat island, high numbers of older residents, and people with disabilities (Loughnan et al. 2013a). These are important factors in my study, and are dealt with in detail in Chapter 6. Heat-vulnerability mapping undertaken by Loughnan et al. (2013a) considered broad physical and social factors; ‘age’ was weighted as the most important influential factor. Key findings indicate high heat-vulnerability areas tend to ‘cluster beyond the inner city areas, with several cities showing an increase in risk along the urban fringe’ (p.3).

Hotspots are also associated with a lack of urban greening. In six Australian cities, ‘temporal increases in levels of income and education’ were associated with ‘increases in urban tree density’ (Kirkpatrick et al. 2011, p.251). In subtropical Florida (USA), significantly lower tree cover was found in neighbourhoods with a higher proportion of African-Americans and low- income residents (Landry et al. 2009). Results are attributed to residents of wealthy neighbourhoods being able to fund urban amenities, such as public and private trees, with ‘implications for local public investment and policy strategies’ (p.2651). In arid Phoenix (USA), high density, sparse vegetation, and no open space significantly correlate with warmer neighbourhoods, low SES and ethnic minority groups (Harlan et al. 2006).

Adger et al. (2004) propose a vulnerability hotspot approach to identify vulnerable groups and inform effective adaptation strategies.

2.7 Adaptation responses

‘Adaptation’ is defined as: Adjustment in natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities (IPCC 2007c). Jendritzky and Tinz (2009) note societies have invariably reduced climatic exposure through behavioural adaptations, such as building design, clothing, limiting outdoor activities, lowering metabolic activity, and migration. Adaptation ‘enables the human being to live and work in virtually any climate zone on Earth, albeit with varying degrees of discomfort and strain’ (p.1).

Adaptation is increasingly viewed as a necessary means of addressing climate change impacts and ‘will be an evolving process as impacts emerge’ (Hanna and Spickett 2011, p.12S). Adaptive responses may reduce urban vulnerability and improve urban resilience (Matthews 2011). Understanding vulnerabilities and adaptation strategies requires ‘interdisciplinary approaches linking physical, ecological, and social science’ (Bambrick et al. 2011, p.75S). Saman et al. (2013, p.1), for example, demonstrate that ‘a combined approach including behaviour change, dwelling

45 modification and improved air conditioner selection can readily adapt Australian households to the impact of heat waves’.

Urban priorities For cities, three critically important adaptation priorities are identified for reducing heat- vulnerability. The first priority targets the incidence of chronic disease. As Bambrick et al. (2011, p.76S) contend: Reducing underlying disease burden will likely have the greatest impact on reducing the negative health consequences of climate change and is the quintessential “no regrets” approach. The second priority involves reducing urban heat through improved urban design and planning and service provision. Specific actions include provision of accessible cool, green spaces and improved active transport facilities. Other priorities include ‘building regulations to improve the thermal properties of residences’ and retrofitting passive energy measures (Bambrick et al. 2011, p.76S).

Improved urban design aligns with the adaptation goal to achieve ‘cool cities’ through ‘plantings, shading, and free airflow; providing public cool areas and amenities such as swimming pools; and mainstreaming consideration of heatwaves into urban planning’ (NCCARF 2013, p.4). ‘Cool city’ approaches, indoor-outdoor thermal relations, and passive energy design are taken up in Chapter 3.

The third priority comprises the social nature of the city - social cohesion, community functioning and active social networks (Bambrick et al. 2011). The IPCC (2014, p.8) states ‘there is increasing recognition of the value of social, institutional, and ecosystem-based measures’. Nonetheless, social characteristics can often be neglected in heat health planning. As noted by Yardley et al. (2011, p.670): While social isolation, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and neighborhood characteristics have all been identified as potential factors affecting the risk of heat- related illness and mortality, these are rarely, if ever, identified as heat health research priorities and are thus often neglected in heat emergency planning. They argue for a more socio-ecological approach to heat health planning to ‘better allow for the identification of community level vulnerabilities and available resources’ (p.670). Loughnan et al. (2014, p.271) identify ‘there is a clear need for community-directed adaptation to best meet the needs of older people, particularly those living in urban areas’.

Community and cultural dimensions Building resilience is likely to be most successful when communities themselves play a role in contextualising vulnerability and assessing adaptation capacity at a local level. As Rydin et al. (2012, p.2079) propose, ‘localised projects can be sensitive to local circumstances and might use the resources of local communities and organisations to effectively deliver their goals’.

There are also cultural dimensions to how societies respond and adapt to climate-related risks (Adger et al. 2013). Cultural dimensions ‘explain why different groups exposed to the same sets of changes display vastly different responses’ to environmental risks. They also ‘explain differences in responses across populations to the same environmental risks’ (p.113).

Adger et al. (2013, p.116) note that ‘[G]ood practice in public participation in adaptation decision-making usually includes notions of proportionality, inclusiveness and transparency’. Yet, cultural dimensions are ‘rarely and only partially included in conventional assessments of climate change impacts and adaptation’ (p.116). Overlooking cultural dimensions may, in turn, result in adaptation strategies that ‘potentially undermine the resilience of communities and cultures’, leading to ‘maladaptive outcomes’ (p.115).

Co-benefits Co-benefit adaptation actions ‘serve to improve population health and quality of life no matter what climate impacts eventuate’ (Bambrick et al. 2011, p.71S). When cities are viewed as complex systems, adaptation planning can incorporate complementary strategies to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (mitigation), while minimising health impacts.

An important health co-benefit and ‘no regrets’ adaptation strategy for urban populations involves improved and connected walking, cycling and public transport (or ‘active transport’) networks. As determined by Bambrick et al. (2011, p.71S), the ‘resulting increased physical activity would not only reduce overweight and obesity but also decrease urban air pollution and, importantly, mitigate global warming through lower emissions’. Health co-benefits are central to healthy city strategies, as described in Chapter 3.

Co-benefits are also borne of domestic-scale adaptation strategies. Loughnan et al. (2014) found that household adaptation and mitigation approaches in hot rural regions can be mutually reinforcing with regard to heat-protection. Adaptive behaviours, such as watering and maintaining gardens and vegetated pergolas, facilitate localised cooling. In turn, residential air- conditioning use is minimised, with reductions in greenhouse gas emissions and waste heat production. Behavioural adaptation in response to heat is further discussed in Chapter 4.

Attitude and knowledge According to the IPCC, adapting to climate change ‘relies on individuals accepting and understanding changing risks and opportunities, and responding to these changes both psychologically and behaviourally’ (Reisinger et al. 2014, p.1385). In addition, ‘beliefs about climate change and its risks vary over time, are uneven across society, and reflect media coverage and bias, political preferences, and gender, which can influence attitudes to adaptation’ (p.1385).

Patriotism and nonchalance The cultural metaphors central to settler society in Australia embrace the sun as a ‘dangerous foe’ or ‘symbol of new life’ (Sherratt 2005, p.3). Advancement was ‘expected to be won in an ongoing confrontation with nature’, while the sun presented a ‘symbol of Australian vigour and promise’ (p.3). The image of Australia remains as a ‘nation whose life is lived outdoors … even as we grapple with the highest rates of skin cancer in the world’ (p.3).

Life experience, together with cultural metaphors, has influenced Australian attitudes towards heat and adaptation. Hansen et al. (2011, p.4721), for example, found ‘some older people have fixed opinions, and are defiant or reluctant to change behaviours during extreme heat’. While many lacked insight into the potential dangers of excessive heat exposure, ‘life experience’ may have played a role in shaping attitudes whilst also contributing to resilience.

Loughnan et al. (2014) found heat was not recognised as a threat by older people in a heat- exposed rural community in Victoria. Findings indicated ‘a high degree of resilience to heat, due in part to a lifelong exposure to hot weather’ (pp.274-5). Nonchalance was found among older people who have experienced extreme heat during lifetimes spent in suburban Sydney (McKenzie 2015). Typical household adaptations included completing daily chores during cooler parts of the day and watering gardens.

Traditional knowledge Adger et al. (2011, p.5) argue that ‘[T]raditional ecological knowledge is an important resource for guiding adaptation to climate change’. Traditional ecological knowledge is the: systems of practice and belief of how the natural world works. This knowledge is often integral to a traditional community’s culture, and is a large part of its repertoire of habits, skills, and styles from which people construct their livelihoods (p.5). Many indigenous societies hold knowledge of their environments, ‘enabling them to monitor, observe and manage environmental change’ (p.5). Numerous examples illustrate the way this

48 knowledge is used to ‘manage water resources, predict weather, and forecast the onset of periodic climatic events’ (p.5).

In the Australian context, resilience of ecosystems to ‘expected climate and its effects’ may be achieved through ‘applying Indigenous knowledge and stewardship approaches’ (DOEnv 2015, p.15). Aboriginal people have lived with changing climate patterns over millennia and, consequently, have deep understandings of the continent’s diverse climate and ecological zones. Aboriginal meteorological knowledge predicts non-uniform seasonal changes through connections between weather pattern indicators and water availability, and the responses of plants and animals (ABOM 2015c). As stated by Rose (2005, p.41), Aboriginal people have ‘profound understandings of the ecology, including meteorology, of this continent … They are thus the possessors of a rich body of knowledge that is local, fine-grained, built up through long- term observations, and may be extremely sensitive to changing climatic conditions’. Rose notes, however, that efforts to situate Aboriginal understandings of seasons within a Western calendar is highly problematic.

In Australian cities the deterioration of physical environments is threatening cultural assets as well as being exacerbated by climate change. Alongside loss of language, urban expansion may potentially ‘further disconnect Aboriginal communities from their country and seriously limit their stewardship opportunity’ (Low Choy et al. 2013, p.1). A collaborative approach involving a ‘high degree of inclusive participation’ is recommended in order to improve the adaptive capacity of individual and collective Indigenous people (p.58).

Aboriginal knowledge and adaptation is relevant to my study because it includes built responses to unpredictable hot weather, approaches to thermal comfort, and deep understanding of local ecologies. In Chapter 3, I note the use of versatile, climate responsive structures affords heat- protection. In Chapter 4, cultural differences related to thermal comfort are highlighted. Chapters 6 and 8 showcase ecological knowledge specific to warm seasons in Western Sydney and application of this knowledge in my case study park, to enhance cooling and signal heat- adaptive behaviours.

Air-conditioning Adaptation factors identified as strongly protective against the impacts of extreme heat include household air-conditioning, thermally efficient housing, access to cooler environments and public awareness (Hajat et al. 2010; McInnes et al. 2008; McMichael et al. 2006). In Australia, the primary heat-protective measure is air-conditioning, with the proportion of homes with air-

49 conditioning increasing dramatically over a short period of time, from 35% in 1999 to around 73% in 2011 (Topp et al. 2012).

The expansion of air-conditioning has, however, attracted criticism. From a health promotion perspective, Farbotko and Waitt (2011, p.S16) argue that the promotion of residential air- conditioning is a ‘poorly conceived technological’ solution to heat wave conditions, potentially exacerbating existing inequities and increasing vulnerability. Costs for running and maintaining residential air-conditioners are identified as significant barriers to adopting heat protective measures amongst older people (Hansen et al. 2011). Banwell et al. (2012, n.p.) propose planning for ‘disadvantaged groups who cannot afford air-conditioned houses and cars during heat waves’. Other critics suggest that the habituation to air-conditioned homes, workplaces and vehicles, and the reduced incentive to adapt, may inhibit acclimatisation and even threaten behavioural adaptation (Hajat et al. 2010; Kovats and Hajat 2008).

Successful adaptation may, as a result, be ‘more likely among those who do not depend solely on residential air-conditioning to keep cool’ (Farbotko and Waitt 2011, p.S16). For example, access to air-conditioning in non-residential public spaces could become a central plank in policy. Traditional building design - exploiting indoor-outdoor space relations and offering thermal comfort choice - are discussed as an alternative to air-conditioning in Chapter 3.

Strategies in place Many developed countries have adopted climate change adaptation plans, including the United Kingdom (UKDOE&DOH 2013), Spain (GDE n.d.), USA (Environmental Protection Agency 2014) and Australia (DOEnv 2015). Adaptation plans and actions generally recognise extreme heat and increasing temperatures as major human health concerns.

According to the IPCC (2014, p.8), ‘engineered and technological options are commonly implemented adaptive responses, often integrated within existing programs such as disaster risk management and water management’. For example, the cities section of the Australian national plan (DOEnv 2015) has a strong focus on transport and infrastructure strategies and exposure information related to the built environment.

Global cities On a city scale, there is increasing global focus on urban population adaptation and resilience. Major international programmes include the ‘C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group’ program; ‘Rockefeller Foundation’s 100 Resilient Cities’ project; and the ‘International Council for Local Environmental Initiatives‘ Forum on Urban Resilience and Adaptation (Dunford et al. 2015). The

City of Sydney (comprising the central business district and adjoining suburbs) is a member of the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group and one of the 100 Resilient Cities.

Sydney At the state government level, the NSW ‘Towards a Resilient Sydney’ project identifies the exposure and sensitivity of region-scale (biophysical, social and economic) systems and government service delivery to the impacts of climate change. The project views Sydney as a ‘social-ecological system with the ability to absorb disturbances as well as the capacity to self- organise for adaptation to emerging circumstances’ (Dunford et al. 2015, p.1).

Vulnerability assessment processes identified several cross-government adaptation projects. Of particular relevance to my case study is the project, ‘Cooling the West – coordinated planting and vegetation planning in Western Sydney to address urban heat islands and other heat impacts’ (p.8). A sub-project, NARCliM, provides fine-scale climate projections at a 10km-grid resolution (Section 6.3).

Western Sydney There is no adaptation plan for Fairfield City LGA, in which my case study is located. However, an adjacent LGA, Parramatta City, broadly shares the physical characteristics of my case study. The Parramatta City Council (PCC) Plan (PCC 2011) recognises that more extreme temperatures and prolonged heat waves will affect all of Western Sydney.

As introduction to urban heat mitigation and adaptation approaches taken up in the proceeding chapter, recommended adaptation actions targeting extreme heat include: • ‘cooling centres’, transport and support networks for vulnerable community members. • altered hours of outside work to avoid the hottest part of the day. • measures to reduce the risk of heart stress to patrons of outdoor events during times of extreme temperatures (PCC 2011, p.47). and: • Increase green space in the Central Business District (through green roofs/walls and tree cover). • Adopt cool-roof technology by installing solar panels or cogeneration systems, highly reflective and well-insulated roofs. • Retrofit Council buildings with shade, insulation, passive ventilation, fans etc. to maximize passive cooling. • Factor in uncertainty when making irreversible land use and development decisions; undertake sensitivity analysis to understand the likely size, direction of changes and implications (PCC 2011, p.60).

2.8 Conclusion

In this chapter, I have established that global warming presents as gradual temperature changes and increasing extreme heat events, with both dynamics impacting on urban population health. Human physiology, metabolic heat and acclimatisation are explained in relation to being physically active outdoors and adapting to heat. Recommended heat-protective behaviours advise heat-vulnerable people to seek cool, indoor places, with negative implications for being active outdoors. With heat-vulnerable groups comprising significant sectors of populations, recommendations may potentially lead to fewer people occupying public spaces during hot weather and extreme heat events. Impacts are likely greater for elderly people.

This chapter also informs my fieldwork research methods. The literature highlights specific meteorological variables (e.g. temperature, humidity, wind speed and cloud cover) to be measured in the field. Demographic variables to be observed in the field include age groups and sex, while behaviour variables comprise activities related to metabolic heat expenditure (e.g. sedentary and moderate-intensity activities). Hot weather recommendations inform behaviour variables (e.g. wearing hats and seeking shade). Researchers conducting outdoor fieldwork in extreme heat need to observe recommendations themselves and monitor for heat stress symptoms. In addition, the timing of heat, air pollution, pollen and UV alerts is important to analysing observed behaviours in the field.

Finally, this chapter raised three key priorities for addressing the heat-vulnerability of urban populations and adapting to increasing urban temperatures. These are mitigating urban heat, reducing chronic disease, and supporting social networks and cohesion through improved city design and planning. These ‘“no regrets” actions’ will make a fundamental difference to the health burden from climate change’ (Bambrick et al. 2011, p.71S).

The next chapter takes up these priorities, emphasising the important role for outdoor public space in providing cool, social spaces and supporting people to be physically active in their daily lives.

3 Urban heat and healthy cities

3.1 Introduction

This chapter reviews research into the two aspects of cities from which my research questions are drawn. These are urban heat and mitigation strategies on the one hand, and cities and health and healthy city strategies on the other. My aim is to determine the extent to which healthy, age-friendly city interventions consider the impacts of heat on outdoor physical activity and comfort.

In Chapter 2, I established that increasing temperatures and the frequency and intensity of heatwaves present a major threat to human health. Moreover, the research demonstrates that exposure to heat, heat sensitivity and adaptive capacity influence heat-vulnerability. In this chapter, I review research that places these findings into the urban context, because cities modify their own climates and, of particular significance, amplify heatwaves. In relation to cities and health, the starting point of the chapter is that cities have become centres of chronic disease, obesity and ageing populations.

The chapter begins by examining how cities modify their climates, with a summary review of research on the dynamics of urban heat and urban heat islands. It then considers traditional responses to heat; climate-sensitive design approaches; and an examination of heat-adaptive behaviours beyond air-conditioning. Discussion then turns to health in cities and the issues, strategies and approaches that are integral to healthy, age-friendly cities. Importantly, public space plays a key role across both approaches.

At Section 3.8, I explore the extent to which urban heat mitigation strategies and healthy, age- friendly city strategies adopt common analyses, frameworks and initiatives. This enables the identification of interdisciplinary approaches to address both urban heat and health concerns. Finally, with regard to physical activity and implications for health, I examine walkability benchmarks and the ability and needs of major heat-vulnerable groups.

3.2 Cities and heat

This century marks the first time in history that the majority of people on the planet live in cities. Australia is highly urbanised, with more than 85 percent of the population living in ‘urban areas and their satellite communities, mostly in coastal areas’ (Reisinger et al. 2014, p.1379). Consequently, ‘if ongoing changes in climate are to have an impact on the human species, most of these impacts will play out in urban environments’ (Stone 2012, p.14). In line with ageing

53 trends, the share of residents aged 65 years and more in cities is increasing, exacerbating urban heat risk.

The United Nations (UN 2011, p.1) identifies that the ‘effects of urbanization and climate change are converging in dangerous ways which threaten to have unprecedented negative impacts upon quality of life, and economic and social stability’. Nonetheless, alongside these threats, the UN (2011, p.1) emphasises ‘an equally compelling set of opportunities’: Urban areas, with their high concentration of population, industries and infrastructure, are likely to face the most severe impacts of climate change. The same concentration of people, industrial and cultural activities, however, will make them crucibles of innovation, where strategies can be catalysed to promote reductions in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions (mitigation) and to improve coping mechanisms, disaster warning systems, and social and economic equity, to reduce vulnerability to climate change impacts (adaptation). Opportunities are underlined by the fact that cities modify their own climates. While urban climates can be modified to enhance living conditions, they also have the ‘potential to double the temperature increases caused by climate change’ (NSWOEH 2015a, n.p.).

This is illustrated by a study of 50 large American cities found that the majority ‘are not only warming faster than the planet as a whole, they are warming at double the rate of global climate change’ (Stone 2012, p.87). Land-use change and waste heat emissions were identified as playing a more significant role in ongoing urban warming trends than greenhouse gas emissions. The implications are ‘troubling … for anyone who lives, works, or owns property in cities’ (2012, p.14). Australian cities, including Sydney, are experiencing hotter, longer, more frequent heatwaves (Steffen 2015).

Importantly, cities ‘do not cause heat waves - they amplify them’ (Stone 2012, p.13). During unusually hot weather, the divergence between urban and rural temperatures tips the balance ‘between an unpleasantly hot day in one environment and a public health emergency in another’ (p.13). In the case of the 2003 European heatwave (Section 2.5, for example, the effects ‘for urban residents were as much as 50% greater than for rural residents just a few miles away’ (p.13).

These pronounced rates of warming, and amplification of heatwaves by cities, are likely to increase the incidence of heat-related illnesses (Section 2.3), exacerbate the heat-vulnerability of urban populations (Section 2.4), and put stress on essential infrastructure providing power, water and transport (Stone 2012).

3.3 Urban heat islands

The thermal environments of cities differ from their rural surrounds due to the urban heat island (UHI) effect. Urban heat islands are the ‘nocturnal elevation of the urban temperature above the surrounding rural areas’ (Givoni 1998, p.243). They are separate from the phenomenon of global warming (Gartland 2011). UHIs present health concerns for urban dwellers. As noted in Chapter 2, raised nocturnal (minimum) temperatures inhibit the human body from dissipating the heat load accumulated during a hot day, potentially leading to heat-illnesses (Nairn and Fawcett 2015).

Understanding urban heat island dynamics is essential to developing heat-mitigation strategies to reduce heat-vulnerability. It is important to appreciate, however, that this is a complex area of urban climatology and a full rendition is beyond the scope of this study. Urban climatologists have developed a range of scientific techniques to assess various aspects of heat exchange. Gartland (2011), for example, notes five approaches to modelling UHI that stretch from the characteristics of individual buildings, through roof energy calculators, urban canyon models, ecosystem and regional models. Nevertheless, as Solecki et al. (2013, p.13) note, despite the quantity of information available about cities and urban design, there is a ‘lack a coherent understanding of the underlying urbanization processes that create urban places and interaction of these processes with other systems.’

In the following discussion, I overview the research literature on the nature and impact of UHIs. This includes the layers and peaks of UHIs, the transference of heat (the energy balance equation), the impacts of land surface cover, and the uneven distribution of heat.

Layers, intensity and peaks Urban heat islands comprise two layers. The first is the urban canopy layer, the layer of air at the earth’s surface extending to the height of buildings. This layer is ‘mostly influenced by micro- scale processes in urban canyons’ and can vary ‘significantly from one location to another, as it is largely determined by the physical properties of the immediate surrounding conditions’ (Yang et al. 2011, p.769). During the 2003 European heatwave, air temperature in this layer was up to 100C warmer in central London than the surrounding greenbelt (Greater London Authority 2011).

The second is the urban boundary layer, the air above the canopy layer extending upwards for perhaps two kilometres (Gartland 2011). This layer is ‘more homogeneous’ and is ‘influenced by the general urban surface’ (Yang et al. 2011, p.769).

The UHI effect is measured by urban heat island intensity, the maximum difference in urban- rural temperatures. Intensity varies throughout the day and night. It is generally smallest in the morning (after sunrise) and largest at night (after sunset) (Gartland 2011). Intensity ‘may be insignificant’ during windy periods in the daytime, while the largest intensities occur during ‘clear and still-air nights’ (Givoni 1998, p.243). In cities with extreme climates, such as those located in deserts and cold northern regions, urban-rural temperature differences during the day may be less than zero, ‘creating a daytime “cool island”’ (Gartland 2011, p.3).

In addition to climate and weather, UHI intensity may change in accordance with economic circumstances. Stone’s (2012, p.87) study of 50 large American cities found that for some cities the UHI remained unchanged or was shrinking, while still reporting higher temperatures than rural areas. This trend was commonly associated with rust belt cities that are slow-growing or have declining populations, possibly leading to reduced waste heat emissions and recovering urban tree cover.

The magnitude and timing of intensity peaks also vary due to the thermal storage and emissivity of materials: Cities built of materials that release heat more quickly (such as dry soil and wood) reach peak heat island intensity sooner after sunset, while those made of materials that release heat more slowly (such as concrete and stone) may not reach their peak until sunrise (Gartland 2011, p.3). Energy balance equation Urban heat islands are subject to an ‘energy balance’. This explains ‘how energy is transferred to and from the Earth’s surface’ and is founded on the first law of thermodynamics, which ‘states that energy is never lost’ (Gartland 2011, p.16). Essentially:

… all of the energy absorbed by the surface through radiation or from anthropogenic heat goes somewhere. Either it warms the air above the surface, is evaporated away with moisture or is stored in the material as heat (p.16). The energy balance equation is: Convection + Evaporation + Heat storage = Anthropogenic heat + Net radiation (p.16)

Convection ‘increases when wind speeds are higher, when air becomes more turbulent over rougher surfaces and when temperature differences between the surface and the air are bigger’ (Gartland 2011, p.16). It may be tempered when buildings act as windbreaks, slowing wind speeds (p.21).

Evaporation increases ‘when there is more moisture available, when wind speeds are greater and when the air is drier and warmer’ (Gartland 2011, p.16). The cooling effect of evaporation 56 is, however, mitigated in cities through the ‘displacement of vegetation’ and impermeable materials (Stone 2012, p.75).

Heat storage depends on the thermal conductivity and heat storage capacity of materials. Thermal diffusivity, a combination of these properties, is ‘an important indicator of how easily heat can penetrate into a material’ (Gartland 2011, p.18).

Anthropogenic heat is generated by machinery, buildings and people. In dense urban areas it ‘can be a significant influence on heat island formation’ (p.16). Stone (2012, p.97) contends that human metabolic activity accounts ‘for almost 5% of the total waste-heat burden in some cities’.

Net radiation involves four elements. First, incoming solar radiation varies according to the season, time of day, cloudcover and atmospheric pollution levels. Second, albedo - or reflected solar radiation - differs according to surface reflectivity. Surfaces with high albedo (e.g. bright white roofing materials) ‘reflect most of the solar radiation that falls on them’ (Gartland 2011, p.17). This is, however, compounded by the ‘reabsorption of reflected radiation by the vertical surfaces of tall buildings’. These re-reflection and reabsorption processes characterise ‘urban canyons’, restrictive urban geometries created in high density areas (Stone 2012, p.75). Third, atmospheric radiation is emitted by particles in the atmosphere like water vapour. It is determined by heat and density of particles. Finally, surface radiation - radiated from a surface itself - is ‘highly dependent on the temperatures of the surface and its surroundings’ (Gartland 2011, p.17).

Samuels et al. (2010, p.6) note the complexity of net radiation as ‘radiant absorption and emissivity are in constant flux in the designed environment.’ As a result, some characteristics may contribute heat to the UHI, while others are cooling. Infrared photography of natural and built elements comprising outdoor environments (e.g. building facades, paving, garden beds and water features) illustrate ‘there are a multitude of possible elemental aspects in every micro- setting’, simultaneously warming and cooling ambient air (p.9).

Characteristics contributing to the UHI and their effect on the energy balance are summarised in Table 3.1.

Table 3.1 Urban and suburban characteristics important to heat island formation and their effect on the energy balance of the Earth’s surface. Source: Gartland (2011, p.16).

Land surface cover Land surface cover is the foremost contributor to urban heat. Changes in land cover, such as deforestation and urbanisation, significantly influence regional- and local-scale urban climate due to the energy balance factors described above (Stone 2012). Debbage and Shepherd (2015, p.191-192) found that ‘the spatial contiguity of urban development makes a statistically significant contribution to the UHI effect.’ However, urbanisation has differing effects on heatwave occurrence and urban heat in relation to density. The rate of increase in heatwaves is ‘higher in sprawling than in more compact metropolitan regions’. This association is ‘independent of climate zone, metropolitan population size, or the rate of metropolitan population growth’ (Stone et al. 2010, p.1427).

The impact of land surface cover on urban heat is not a simple relationship, as UHIs are also influenced by a range of factors such street layout, urban canyons, roughness factor and materials. Kotthaus and Grimmond’s (2014, p.278) study of inner London, for example, emphasises the complexity of urban surfaces, and their impacts on ‘storage heat flux’ in dense urban settings. They examined exchanges between synoptic conditions and radiation components affecting near surface atmospheric conditions, and found a pronounced diurnal cycle throughout the year and implications for air quality.

Density and urban climate are further discussed in Section 3.5. Healthy planning says densify for health benefits, but urban climatologists say density increases urban heat.

Uneven heat distribution I noted, at Section 2.6, that the spatial distribution of urban heat within cities is uneven, contributing to health inequalities. Heat-vulnerable groups are often concentrated in the hotter parts of cities, distinguished by a lack of urban greening (Kirkpatrick et al. 2011). At Section 2.3,

I also noted that toxic air pollutants generated by vehicles are elevated during extreme heat conditions, impacting on health (Spickett et al. 2011).

Thermal mapping captures radiant heat at neighbourhood and street scales and may inform heat-mitigation strategies. Thermal imagery undertaken at night by the City of Sydney demonstrates that road corridors radiate high levels of heat (Figure 3.1), potentially exacerbating air pollution and creating unhealthy pedestrian environments. The City of Sydney is currently testing the impact of shade trees and pavement colours on radiant temperatures in two locations and intends to undertake a cost-benefit analysis of techniques to reduce the UHI effect (COS 2014).

Figure 3.1 Thermal mapping of the City of Sydney. Left. Parks in the Sydney Local Government Area. Source: COS (2014). Right. Inner Sydney suburb of Chippendale. Source: ABC News (2014). 3.4 Traditional responses to heat

Traditional approaches to modifying heat-exposure are founded on long-standing ‘trial and error’ processes. They consider the notion of shelter and indoor-outdoor spatial relations, while afforded comfort relies on the way in which spaces are occupied. Adaption involves ‘modifications that occupants engage with to achieve comfort, be it through conscious or unconscious actions’ (Saman et al. 2013, p.98). Traditionally, adaptation is inherent in ‘climatically influenced and thermally configured practices, and the social spaces and practices associated with them’ (p.98). This traditional knowledge is ‘not integrated or re-invented’ in contemporary urban design, resulting in urban environments which are ‘often uncomfortable’ (Scudo 2002, n.p.).

My examination here begins with traditional knowledge and adaptations in Australia to heat and climate variability, followed by the adaptive features characterising old cities and vernacular design in hot regions. My interest is in how traditional knowledge and vernacular approaches may inform the design of urban public spaces and their surrounds exposed to generally hot weather and brief, but intense, periods of extreme heat.

Aboriginal knowledge Chapter 2 highlighted that traditional ecological knowledge is ‘an important resource for guiding adaptation to climate change’ (Adger et al. 2011, p.5). In Australia’s context: … climate is diverse. Monsoon tropics, desert, savannah, alpine and temperate regions can all be found in various locations. The sheer diversity of ecological zones can't be meaningfully simplified to a rigid European seasonal calendar for the entire continent (ABOM 2014b). Consequently, traditional knowledge and adaptations by Aboriginal peoples in Australia are finely-tuned to distinct geographical and ecological regions. As explained by the Australian Bureau of Meteorology (ABOM 2014c), the ‘educated eye’ may read ecological changes in ‘much the same way as an automatic weather station’, with evident changes being ‘a direct result of past, present and even future weather’ (ABOM 2014c). For example, the flowering of the boo'kerrikin (Acacia decurrens) indicates to the D'harawal people of Western Sydney ‘an end to the cold, windy weather, and the beginning of the gentle spring rains’ (ABOM 2014c).

Finely-tuned adaptations include responses to different times of day, changing weather and seasons, and resources. The ‘Lardil’ people in Northern Australia, for example, use several types of temporary shade structures during hot seasons. The structures are aligned with the sun’s changing location over the course of a day and seasonal change. Structures include: a ‘flat- roofed’ shelter for use in the middle of the day when the sun is ‘vertically overhead’; a ‘lean-to’ or sloping-roofed shelter for ‘early or late in the day’; and a number of supplementary forms for use during ‘transition periods between seasons, when weather conditions were unpredictable’ (Memmott 2007, pp.66-67).

In hot regions, adaptation practices may include ‘avoiding activity during the hottest/ wettest times of the day’ and ‘seeking out comfortable locations’ (e.g. shade) (Saman et al. 2013, p.97). These practices echo the heat-safe measures detailed in Section 2.3.

Old cities Traditional city planning and design respond to local climatic conditions to provide comfort and protect health, and illustrate a solid understanding of microclimatic processes. In hot regions, heat-mitigation approaches consider shade, ventilation and thermal storage of materials. 60

In ancient Rome, for example, Tacitus observed that parts of the city ‘became hotter during summer - and also less healthy after the streets had been widened’. Vitruvius advised that ‘for cities in a hot climate, streets would be healthier if made narrow, with houses high for shade’. The ‘violent force of winds’ could also be avoided by directing streets away from the direction of prevailing winds (Bosselmann et al. 1995, p.226).

In hot-arid Egyptian towns, main streets are orientated north-south to reduce heat-exposure and provide shade most of the day. In climates with high diurnal temperature ranges (e.g. Morocco and Tunisia), people are protected by buildings that commonly have ‘massive walls’ (Zhai and Previtali 2010, p.362).

In pre-industrial Europe, towns were shaped by ‘variations of climate, topography, agricultural soils and water supply’. Buildings were arranged around greens and courtyards ‘on the basis of functional necessity to conserve heat, minimize winds and to provide sunlight and space’ (Hough 1995, p.12).

In early nineteenth century America, Thomas Jefferson devised a checkerboard city plan comprising built-up city blocks and green squares with the aim of promoting natural air circulation and, thereby, reducing city temperatures and humidity (Bosselmann et al. 1995).

Vernacular architecture Vernacular architecture is the design of structures influenced by ‘climate, terrain and culture’ (Zhai and Previtali 2010, p.357). It has evolved ‘through a long period of trial and error and the ingenuity of local builders who possess specific knowledge about their place on the planet’ (p.357).

Vernacular architecture and adaptive behaviours for coping with heat were applied until the advent of mechanical cooling. Zhai and Previtalip (2010, p.365) warn ‘there is a threat that vernacular traditions that help define the cultural make-up of a people and a place will be lost’. Similarly, Hough (1995, p.12) argues that vernacular responses ‘hold crucial lessons for us today in our search for a relevant basis for urban form’. Yet, vernacular architecture has largely been overlooked in modern, architectonic, urban design.

Indoor-outdoor relations Traditional approaches and vernacular architecture involve thermal exchanges between indoor- outdoor spaces at microclimatic scale. Collectively, these micro-scale processes contribute to the urban heat island of cities. Samuels et al. (2010) also note the micro-urban thermal transience relationship between the designed environment and urban climate. They measure

61 the radiant temperature of elements, day and night, some acting as ‘coolers’, including swales, leaves of trees, tree shaded grass in parks, and running water; and others that act as ‘radiators’ including air conditioning exhaust, roads, cars both moving and parked, and paths, as well as tree trunks (pp.6-7).

These processes also exploit indoor-outdoor spatial and thermal relationships to provide thermal diversity. Wilkins (2007) explains that tried and tested vernacular approaches to thermal comfort comprise complex systems of numerous interacting parts. Parts include storeys, variations in room size and shape, closable-openings, transitional spaces and courtyards.

Vernacular architecture also offers occupants thermal choice and technologies for managing comfort, such as opening and closing windows and screens, and relocating to a more comfortable part of the building. Other behaviours involve reducing activity during the hot part of the day, and moving to a more pleasant outdoor area or to another location (Saman et al. 2013). Examples of heat-related cultural adaptions include the ‘evening paseo of the Mediterranean’ and ‘siesta of Hispanic culture’ (Healy 2008, p.319).

Of particular interest to my research is the way vernacular building configurations and transitional spaces articulate outdoor spaces, creating microclimatic diversity. Streets, courtyards, and natural ventilation and evaporative cooling technologies characterising vernacular architecture are discussed below.

Streets and courtyards The typically narrow streets of old cities provide shaded outdoor spaces (Figure 3.2). Shading may differ seasonally, depending on the orientation and height of buildings lining outdoor spaces (Saman et al. 2013, p.99).

Courtyards are ‘particularly effective in climates with extreme diurnal temperature’ as they ‘act like cups holding air cooled at night for use during the day’ (Zhai and Previtali 2010, p.362). Moorish buildings in Seville (Spain) illustrate the use of courtyards, with overhangs cooling porches and balconies (Figure 3.3).

Figure 3.2 Typical narrow streets of Spanish cities and towns in hot regions. Left to right. Cordoba, Cáceres and Fuente de Cantos. Photos: McKenzie 2011.

Figure 3.3 Streets and courtyards in Seville, Spain. Left. Courtyards and narrow streets. Right. Alcazar courtyard. Photos: McKenzie 2011. Evaporative cooling Vegetation and water elements are commonly employed to reduce outdoor temperatures through evaporative cooling. Moorish courtyards in hot regions typically use fountains and ponds in combination with greenery (Figure 3.3). Traditional Spanish American plazas may be ‘garden parks with grass, trees, flowers, and scenic walkways’, providing comfortable ‘social concourses’, even in extreme heat conditions (Low 2003, p.51).

Natural ventilation In locations with infrequent wind and high humidity, natural ventilation is facilitated ‘through buoyancy bringing cool air up from shaded areas of earth’ underneath buildings. Torajan houses in Indonesia (Figure 3.4) demonstrate this natural ventilation technique: extensive eaves shade 63 a large area of ground all day; and insulating thick roofs ‘trap cool air in the single chamber of the house … allowing it to stratify’ (Zhai and Previtali 2010, p.361). Closely located houses enhance shading.

Figure 3.4 Torajan houses in Sulawesi, Indonesia. Photos: McKenzie 1979. 3.5 Climate-sensitive design

Climate-sensitive design builds upon this traditional adaptive knowledge to reduce urban heat and provide health and comfort benefits for citizens (Coutts et al. 2012; Givoni 1998; Yang et al. 2011). Importantly, climate-sensitive design requires a place-specific approach and data at neighbourhood-scale: There is no one-size-fits-all solution when it comes to adapting to climate change. Decisions must take account of local circumstances and be based on good baseline information. Otherwise you could spend more money on trees, for instance, but fail to secure the intended benefits if they are in the wrong place or the wrong variety (CABE 2008, p.3). Neighbourhood-scale data enable heat reduction strategies to prioritise public areas where large numbers of people are active outdoors, such as public transport interchanges and major pedestrian thoroughfares (Norton et al. 2015). Another example is the planting of street trees along routes identified in initiatives like the NSW Government’s ‘Safe routes to school’ program (TravelSmart 2003).

Climate-sensitive design strategies can be applied to new urban developments or retro-fitted to existing urban settings. In areas under rapid urbanization or urban renewal, strategies can

64 potentially ‘accommodate ever-increasing population without compromising outdoor comfort, air quality and building cooling energy efficiency’ (Yang et al. 2011, p.770).

Key factors for consideration in climate-sensitive approaches include urban density, ventilation, greening and glare. Interactions between these factors influence urban heat islanding and associated heat-health impacts, as well as street-level microclimatic conditions and pedestrian comfort.

Density The earlier discussion of urbanisation and land surface cover highlighted that compact urban form is associated with an accentuated UHI effect depending on the nature of the form, while urban sprawl correlates with higher heatwave rates. However, urban heat is also affected by solar radiation exposure and ventilation in relation to buildings and streets, the presence of trees and prevailing winds.

Taking a closer look at density, Givoni (1998) explains that the impact of solar radiation depends, in part, on the height of buildings and spacing between them, the height-to-width ratio. Radiant heat loss to the sky from the ground level is also affected by the ‘sky view factor’, the urban hemisphere height-to-distance ratio (p.252). Restricted sky views in dense urban higher rising centres is an indicator of reduced radiant heat loss to the sky from the ground level.

Coutts et al. (2007) examined four sites of increasing housing density and varying land surface characteristics in Melbourne (Australia). Results indicate that the greatest difference between sites related to ‘urban heat storage, which was influenced by urban canopy complexity, albedo, and thermal admittance’ (p.477). Higher nocturnal temperatures correlated with ‘increasing density as a result of variations in heat storage release that are in part due to urban canyon morphology’ (p.477). Findings suggest urban climates can be improved by manipulating land surface characteristics.

In addition to density, multiple factors may account for differences in the above studies for Australian cities.

In subtropical cities, Richards (2004, p.51) suggests higher buildings should be ‘broken down in mass and scale’ and configured to facilitate ventilation to improve pedestrian comfort. Additionally, higher-density dwellings may cover less land surface, allowing for increased use of vegetation.

Ventilation Urban wind speed and turbulence are further issues that climate-sensitive design seeks to mitigate. Givoni (1998, p.260) notes that, at street level, wind speed and turbulence are affected by the ‘height of buildings relative to one another, and the orientation of the individual buildings with respect to the wind’ and that ‘individual buildings rising above those around them create strong air currents’ (p.285). Givoni (1998) also notes that blocks parallel to prevailing winds reduce the potential for natural ventilation of the buildings due to similar air pressure conditions being on both sides of the buildings. A similar phenomenon occurs when ‘streets lie at a small angle to the prevailing winds’ (p.290) which can also create wind tunnels, exacerbating climate conditions, especially wind chill.

Urban settings are, however, highly complex, multi-faceted, and so interdependent that it is unlikely they can be designed to a formula. Summer and winter wind directions are, for example, often different; settings may seek to shield against hot summer winds but open to cooling breezes, and shelter against cold winter winds. As Yang et al. (2011, p.783) found, ‘the problem [of ventilation] cannot be solved without considering the urban-scale factors.’

Greening In addition to density and ventilation, urban greening is a significant climate-sensitive design consideration. Urban greening comprises street trees, parkland, private gardens, remnant native vegetation, and ‘more engineered options such as green roofs, green walls, biofilters and raingardens’ (Norton et al. 2015, p.128). It is a ‘network of planned and unplanned green spaces, spanning both the public and private realms, and managed as an integrated system to provide a range of benefits’ (p.128).

Greening mitigates urban heat through evapotranspiration cooling and shading, thereby improving thermal conditions for human health. It also benefits psychological health through biophilia, ‘the deep-seated need of humans to connect with nature’ associated with restorative healing effects (Ryan et al. 2014, p.62). Greening also supports urban biodiversity (Bowler et al. 2010; Brown et al. n.d.; Norton et al. 2015). Expressive of the ecological framework for health presented in Chapter 2, Bambrick et al. (2011, p.74S) states there is: an urgent need to identify the ways climate change and land use change (eg, rapid urbanization) is affecting urban biodiversity and ecosystem services at local to city-wide scales and to develop strategies for the long-term management of green assets. A substantial literature outlines greening initiatives to mitigate urban heat, coined ‘urban green infrastructure’ (Norton et al. 2015). Key measures utilise trees, greenspace and water-sensitive urban design. Selection and placement are critical. 66

Trees Tree canopies are generally the ‘optimal solution for shading and cooling both canyon surfaces and the pedestrian space’ (Norton et al. 2015, p.131). Several studies indicate the air temperature beneath both individual trees and clusters of trees are ‘lower than temperatures in an open area, at least during the day’ (Bowler et al. 2010, p.152). Tree canopies not only reduce thermal stress, they may also protect pedestrians from the damaging effects of ultraviolet exposure noted in Section 2.3.

Canopy density influences urban heat mitigation. Trees that provide the greatest summer shade have dense canopies. Dense shade trees, however, can also trap heat under their canopy at night. Street trees, therefore, should ‘not form a continuous canopy, thereby allowing ventilation and long-wave radiation to escape’ (Norton et al. 2015, p.131). Cooling is found to be more effective if trees are scattered and irrigated. Clear specification of minimal height, canopy size and spacing of trees and irrigation is needed to achieve sufficient leaf density and ventilation and maximise evapotranspiration cooling (Norton et al. 2015; Yang et al. 2011).

Greenspace Greenspace can provide a ‘cool island’ effect in hot urban areas (Norton et al. 2015). Oliveira et al. (2011) examined the thermal performance of a small greenspace (0.24 hectare) in summer in a high-density area in Lisbon, Portugal. Results indicated the greenspace was cooler than the surrounding areas, particularly during clear and calm weather. The greatest difference (6.90C) occurred between a shaded area within the greenspace and the sunny side of a street.

In studies of multiple parks within the same area, larger parks were found to be cooler (Bowler et al. 2010). The degree of cooling also relies on greenspaces being open to prevailing summer wind to allow ventilation. Conversely, dense vegetation, particularly low shrubs, can act as wind barriers and aggravate thermal discomfort (Yang et al. 2011). Depending on their size, as well as wind direction, greenspaces can cool urban areas downwind (Norton et al. 2015).

The exposure of lawn and paving to solar radiation also influences cooling. For example, ‘high daytime UHIs’ were recorded for ‘un-shaded open lawns’ in high-rise quarters in Shanghai, China. Proposals for built-up areas include locating lawn, as well as paving, ‘within the shade cast by buildings during the major periods of use during summer days’ (Yang et al. 2011, p.7812).

Water-sensitive urban design Water-sensitive urban design (WSUD) provides a ‘mechanism for retaining water in the urban landscape through stormwater harvesting and reuse while also reducing urban temperatures

67 through enhanced evapotranspiration and surface cooling’ (Coutts et al. 2012, p.2). Importantly, it can ‘provide a source of water for landscape irrigation and soil moisture replenishment to maximise the urban climatic benefits of existing vegetation and green spaces’ (p.3).

The degree of benefit from WSUD for cooling and thermal comfort ‘depends on a multitude of factors including local environmental conditions, the design and placement of the systems, and the nature of the surrounding urban landscape’ (p.3). WSUD is most effective in warm, dry conditions. Distributing WSUD throughout urban areas ‘provides a larger areal extent of cooling than large concentrated green areas’ (p.22).

Coutts et al. (2012, p.3) argues that WSUD should be ‘implemented strategically into the urban landscape, targeting areas of high heat exposure, with many distributed WSUD features at regular intervals to promote infiltration and evapotranspiration, and maintain tree health’. WSUD should maximise the cooling potential of existing green infrastructure; target dense urban environments with little or no vegetation; combine with increased tree cover to maximize cooling; and be designed into the urban landscape (p.22).

Selection and placement

Strategic urban green infrastructure (UGI) implementation needs to consider the solar exposure and ventilation of street canyons (Norton et al. 2015), as discussed above. In narrow canyons with adequate light, for example, green walls and facades and ground-level vegetation ‘should be prioritised over trees due to reduced space, and because they allow better ventilation and long wave cooling at night’ (Norton et al. 2015, p.130). UGI options tailored to street canyons are demonstrated in Figure 3.5.

Figure 3.5 Street canyons and suggested UGI placement based on context. Source: Norton et al. (2015, p.136).

Norton et al. (2015) developed a framework to assist land managers in determining appropriate urban green infrastructure implementation strategies. The framework operates at the neighbourhood, street and micro-scales. It follows five steps, as described in Figure 3.6.

Figure 3.6 Optimising the cooling benefits of urban green infrastructure. Source: Norton et al. (2015, p.129). Permeable paving

Permeable paving is a WSUD feature that stores ‘water in the soil or supporting materials beneath the paving. During dry, sunny conditions, stored water evaporates and cools the pavement’ (Gartland 2011, p.51). An assessment of studies of permeable and water retentive pavements determines: new generation permeable pavements seem to present a significant lower surface temperature than the corresponding conventional permeable materials. However, the thermal performance of the permeable and water retentive pavements depends highly on the availability of water (Santamouris 2013, p.237). Glare Lastly, direct sunlight and reflections in outdoor environments may result in glare (Baker 2000). ‘Glare’ refers to the unpleasant sensation caused when a bright light source is placed in the line of sight (Rajaram and Lakshminarayanan 2013). In outdoor environments, glare causes discomfort and may reduce visibility. Measures to reduce glare can either increase or decrease urban heat.

Givoni (1998) notes large white surfaces may cause glare, especially in arid regions with high solar radiation. Using dark-coloured walls to mitigate these problems, however, both elevates the ambient temperature and indoor temperature of buildings.

Alternatively, wall design details, green walls and street trees can reduce the street’s glare without imposing a higher heat load for the buildings and pedestrians. This can also mitigate reflected albedo heat impacting other urban fabric. Wall details include horizontal projections (e.g. window overhangs), rough surfaces comprising ‘micro patches of shade’ and facades featuring small-scale projections and indentations (Givoni 1998).

3.6 Beyond air-conditioning

Chapter 2 established that air-conditioning is strongly protective against the impacts of extreme heat (McInnes et al. 2008). It ‘clearly has a role to play in housing, heat stress and health in a changing climate’ (Maller and Strengers 2011, p.493).

However, increased residential air-conditioning has attracted criticism. The habituation to air- conditioned spaces inhibits acclimatisation and reduces incentive to adapt (Hajat et al. 2010; Kovats and Hajat 2008). Residential air-conditioning increases urban heat and the heat island through energy consumption and carbon emissions and releasing waste heat into outdoor environments (Samuels et al. 2010). It also exacerbates health inequalities related to purchase and running costs, particularly for the elderly (Farbotko and Waitt 2011).

Residential building standards, and attitudes supporting air-conditioning, also limit passive cooling opportunities which exploit indoor-outdoor spatial relations. These include outdoor spaces in both public and private realms. The relevance of examining indoor-outdoor spatial relations to my research is captured by an observation of public space use in the City of Sydney. Public spaces ‘are already warmer in summer than humans’ thermal comfort, pushing citizens into air-conditioned buildings’ (Sharifi and Lehmann 2014, p.24).

Standards, attitudes and inflexible designs The current focus on domestic air-conditioners to moderate heat is a short-sighted policy solution, supported by constrained design and planning standards and behavioural and attitudinal assumptions. Hungerford (2004, p.7-123) observes that ‘air-conditioning is no longer climate-driven, but has become a standard feature of a normal house’. Maller and Strengers (2011) argue that air-conditioning is encouraged because of constrained opportunities for natural ventilation and shading. Specifically, ‘declining block sizes and increasing floor areas are reducing scope to optimize orientation and retain mature tree cover in new subdivisions’, while an increasing number of high rise apartments feature ‘poor shading and glazing’ (p.494).

The inclusion of air-conditioning as a standard feature is also based on assumptions about occupant comfort and behaviour. For Saman et al. (2013, p.98) these assumptions ‘have become

70 embedded in residential design theory and practice’ and ‘run the risk of limiting occupant choice through inflexible design’.

Chappells and Shrove (2005) propose alternate assumptions. Rather than ‘expecting standardised conditions indoors all year round, people may become used to greater variety’ (p.38). Working conditions might include different hours on very hot days and less rigid dress codes. In time, such ideas ‘might become so institutionalized that it would be taken for granted by designers, users and clients alike’ (p.38).

Further proposals address standards and more sensitive imperatives. Bambrick et al. (2011, p.67S) argue for implementing ‘broad structural changes to building codes and urban design’ to reduce chronic disease and heat-vulnerability. Oliver (as cited in Saman et al. 2013, pp.98-99) suggests that architects designing for hot, humid regions consider ‘not only the practicalities of climate modification, but of the far more subtle, intangible, but fundamental cultural imperatives that direct the pursuit of comfort’. Thermal comfort is examined in Chapter 4.

Contemporary adaptive behaviour In contemporary settings, the pursuit of comfort on hot days may involve combinations of traditional adaptive behaviours and mechanical cooling. In a study of older people living in a rural area that experiences extreme heat, Loughnan et al. (2014) found all homes were insulated, had shaded outdoor areas and at least one air conditioning unit. While participants are ‘increasingly using air conditioning to cool their homes, they still utilise household adaptations’ (p.275), as shown in Table 3.2.

Table 3.2 Key behavioural adaptations to heat. Source: Loughnan et al. (2014, p.273).

Household-level adaptations learnt prior to the advent of air-conditioning, such as creating cross-ventilation and cool spaces in homes, can contribute to future urban planning measures to ‘protect against heat exposure’ and ‘reduce the unsustainable reliance on artificial cooling’ (Loughnan et al. 2013a, p.275). Saman et al. (2013, p.100) note housing designs that discourage 71 adaptive behaviours offer an ‘extremely limited set of thermal options’. This may potentially lead to a ‘loss of adaptive knowledge in the community and increased reliance on active energy- consuming technology’.

Thermal monotony and delight In addition to adaptive knowledge, sensory diversity and richness are also lost as a result of air- conditioning. Thermal monotony, created by air-conditioning, is ‘maintained via scientifically delineated norms of thermal comfort that configure a standardized, homogenous “comfort zone”’ (Healy 2008, p.312). Thermal monotony contrasts starkly with the sensory diversity afforded by non-thermally controlled environments, illustrated by differences between the steady-state of air-conditioning and the ‘invigorating effects of “fresh air”’ (Healy 2008, p.319).

Air-conditioning’s quelling of sensory experience may also lead to the loss of thermal delight. In her book, ‘Thermal Delight in Architecture’, Heschong (1979, p.24) describes as ‘magical’ the way each sense ‘contributes to the fuller comprehension of other sensory information’. That is, many of the ‘sensory associations with cooling seem to want to remind us of … the breeze’ (p.26). During the hot, humid Japanese summer, Yoshida (as cited in Heschong 1979, p.25) explains associations between seeing and hearing breezes and implied coolness: People like to hang a lantern or wind chime under the roof of the veranda. The lightly swaying lantern or the ringing of the bell gives a suggestion of refreshing wind and coolness. Lastly, air-conditioning is equated with societal control and disconnection from nature’s temporal cycles. For Ackermann (as cited in Healy 2008, p.312), air-conditioning: can be and has been used to discipline both the individual human body and the social order, forbidding sweat, enforcing uniform and continuous productivity, and muddling traditional human connections with time, weather and season. Redefining the urban realm Designing thermal delight and nature’s temporal cycles back into everyday environments requires a rethinking of indoor-outdoor spatial relations. Saman et al. (2013) analysed the current transition to higher densities in the Australian housing market. The authors concluded that the market is ‘well positioned to redefine the relationship between interior and exterior spaces, particularly in regard to the urban realm’ (p.96).

Interior-exterior spatial relationships are ‘an important component of the Australian lifestyle’. The basic tenet of redefining these relationships involves improving thermal conditions in external spaces to reduce the ‘time spent indoors and hence the duration of active thermal conditioning’ (p.96). Saman et al. (2013) describe the layout of single-storey colonial bungalows

(equated with Australian suburban homes) and three to four storey urban dwellings to show how both may provide passively cooled, ventilated spaces.

Bungalow layouts include internal space which extends to form ‘an outdoor room’ (p.96). Bungalows depend on the ‘space around for ventilation and light’, requiring 'spatial distance between housing units’ (p.96). Multi-storey dwellings, on the other hand, are closely clustered, and ventilated and illuminated through a central courtyard. Lower rooms are darker and cooler, offering respite from heat.

Thermal conditions are also influenced by interior-exterior relationships involving private and public realms. For example, public spaces may provide light and ventilation for private dwellings.

3.7 Healthy cities

Health and cities is the second area of research that underpins my study. Cities have become the centres of serious health concerns, for which responses can broadly be grouped as healthy cities and age-friendly cities strategies.

Cities are being confronted by a rapidly increasing incidence of chronic disease and obesity and ageing of populations. These present significant and inter-related health burdens, which are exacerbated by increasing temperatures. According to WHO (2014, p.xi), chronic diseases are the ‘leading cause of death globally’. Decreasing the global burden of chronic illnesses is ‘an overriding priority and a necessary condition for sustainable development’ (p.xi). WHO (2015a) also notes that, in 2014, about 13 percent of the world’s adult population were obese and 39 percent were overweight. The elevated heat risk of these groups was established in Section 2.4.

Also in Section 2.4, ageing projections were outlined, reinforcing the need to design and plan cities for ageing populations. Older people also present a major heat-vulnerable group. Their heat risk is exacerbated by greater burdens of chronic illnesses and co-morbidities.

Healthy city strategies WHO (2016e, n.p.) defines a healthy city as: one that is continually creating and improving those physical and social environments and expanding those community resources which enable people to mutually support each other in performing all the functions of life and developing to their maximum potential. Healthy city programs target the ‘health issues that have emerged with urbanisation’ (WHO 2016f). In particular, programs address underactivity, a consequence of living in cities largely shaped to meet the requirements of automobiles (Forsyth and Southworth 2008; Kenworthy

2007). While chronic disease and obesity are largely considered preventable, cities lack the supportive environments fundamental to shaping people’s choices, making regular physical activity, as well as healthier foods, the easiest choice (WHO 2014).

A major focus of healthy city strategies is alleviating underactivity to help address the urban epidemics of chronic disease and obesity. They prioritise city and neighbourhood attributes which encourage and support healthy behaviours. A prolific body of literature indicates that cities contribute significantly to the underactivity of urban populations, which is central to chronic disease and obesity epidemics (Badland et al. 2014; Barton 2009; Ding and Gebel 2012; Feng et al. 2010; Frank et al. 2007; Frumkin et al. 2011; Kent et al. 2011; McMichael 2001; Rydin et al. 2012; WHO 2016f).

A primary objective of healthy city strategies, then, is to increase daily physical activity. Public space plays a critical role in strategies to achieve this objective. The elements are equity, accessibility, safety, co-benefits and social cohesion.

Equity ensures that ‘access to all aspects of a community (including health, safety, open space, transport and economic development) is fair to all residents regardless of socio-economic status, cultural background, gender, age or ability’ (NSWDOH 2009, p.13). Equity extends to environmental quality. As stated by Mitchell and Popham (2008, p.1655), ‘people with low socioeconomic status are less likely to exercise than are those with high socioeconomic status, partly because the environments in which they live are less conducive to it’. Conduciveness is further impacted upon by lower SES communities often being concentrated in ‘hotspots’ - that is, hotter, less green parts of cities (Section 2.6).

Accessibility relates to the provision of and access to high-quality public spaces. It takes account of people’s physical ability and socio-economic level. Public spaces for walking, for example, require no specialist facilities or user fees. Walking is ‘available to young and old, rich and poor, and requires no skills or training’ (Ward Thompson 2013, p.80). Nonetheless, inaccessible, low quality public spaces present disincentives for and barriers to walking.

Perceptions of safety influence the places in which people are physically active (Andrews et al. 2012; Foster et al. 2013). Associations between safety and health are based on the premise that communities that do not feel safe are less likely to be active due to avoidance behaviour. Safety strategies aim to ‘design-out’ crime through promoting street activity and passive surveillance or ‘eyes on the street’ (O’Hare 2006, p.5).

Co-benefits involve improved and connected walking, cycling and public transport - or ‘active transport’ - networks to increase everyday physical activity (Giles-Corti et al. 2012). In turn, private vehicle use and carbon emissions are reduced, enhancing pedestrian and cycling environments through decreased air pollution and waste heat (NSWDOH 2009; New York City 2010; Rissell 2009). Active transport co-benefits present a ‘no regrets’ adaptation approach to reducing the heat-vulnerability of urban populations (Bambrick et al. 2011, p.71S).

Social cohesion incorporates social contact, interaction and supportive social networks within neighbourhoods and among neighbours. It can be facilitated and encouraged by aspects of the built environment, including attractive, safe public places where people can meet and gather. Social cohesion addresses social exclusion and segregation (NSWDOH 2009) and is identified as an important heat-protective measure, particularly for the elderly (Section 2.4).

Finally, healthy city strategies reframe many of the environmental attributes long recognised as integral to lively city spaces as health-supportive. In fact, seminal built environment texts by Gehl (2010) and Whyte (1980) are recognised as foundations in healthy planning literature (Capon and Thompson 2011). These are examined in the next chapter.

Age-friendly city strategies WHO (2007, p.1) emphasises the need to ‘engage cities to become more age-friendly so as to tap the potential that older people represent for humanity’. Essentially, an age-friendly city is one that ‘encourages active ageing by optimizing opportunities for health, participation and security in order to enhance quality of life as people age’ (p.1).

Bowling and Dieppe (2005, p.1548), however, propose a ‘more forward looking’ approach. The authors suggest promoting successful ageing ‘from middle age onwards, rather than simply aiming to support elderly people with chronic conditions’. Such an approach draws on the many benefits of engaging in physical activity across the life course, including increasing longevity (WHO 2015b).

Sugiyama et al. (2009) explored the value of public space to enabling healthy levels of physical activity, an important component of healthy ageing. They found the ‘pleasantness and safety of open spaces’ are relevant to older people’s life satisfaction, whereas the ‘quality of paths to open spaces’ is associated with walking behavior (p.3). Neighbourhood open space ‘provides opportunities for a range of physical activities, and it is likely that its characteristics can influence older people’s choice in relation to being active outdoors’ (p. 4).

In practical terms, age-friendly cities adapt ‘their structures and services to be accessible to and inclusive of older people with varying needs and capacities’ (WHO 2007, p.1). Healthy city and age-friendly city approaches share many common objectives and actions. Commonalities include the safety and maintenance of environments and well-connected, accessible and unobstructed walking paths. In addition, active ageing requires outdoor environments that take account of reduced mobility and falls risk (Curl et al. 2015). For example, supportive environments include high quality pavements, formal (primary) seating located at regular intervals, and traffic conditions allowing ‘sufficient time for older people to cross the road’ (WHO 2007, p.18).

Ecological understanding Ecological understanding is essential to healthy city approaches. In Section 2.6, I outlined the social ecological framework and social determinants of health. I also established the importance of an ecological approach to understanding relations between urban complexity, heat and health.

Ecological understanding is also a foundation of healthy settings - that is, settings-based health promotion strategies which aim to ‘maximize disease prevention via a "whole system" approach’. Healthy settings have roots in the Ottawa Charter (as cited in WHO 2016e, n.p.), which states: Health is created and lived by people within the settings of their everyday life; where they learn, work, play, and love. The Healthy Cities Programme is the ‘best-known example of a successful Healthy Settings programme’ (WHO 2016e, n.p.).

Humpel et al. (2002, p.189) draw on the notion of behaviour settings (discussed more fully in Chapter 4) to explain ecological interactions between environments and healthy behaviour, specifically physical activity. Ecological models recognise that: environments themselves and people’s behaviour within them are shaped by social and organizational influences. In this regard, the “behaviour settings” construct is helpful, highlighting how physical activity can be promoted or encouraged within some environments, while made more difficult or restricted in others. Cross-sectoral understanding Healthy settings involve a ‘holistic and multi-disciplinary method which integrates action across risk factors’ (WHO 2016e, n.p.). Giles-Corti et al. (2014, p.1) note that ‘recently, there have been calls for public health and planning disciplines to reconnect to “create healthy cities” that

76 facilitate healthier lifestyles’. Many sectors, including public health, transport and planning, now recommend environmental attributes which promote walking, cycling and public transport.

Rydin et al. (2012) emphasise that good urban health outcomes require cross-sectoral understanding. The authors note that the UCL Lancet Commission brought together an ‘interdisciplinary team of experts to understand how better health outcomes can be delivered through interventions in the urban environment’ (p.2079).

3.8 Healthy city attributes and heat

The strategies to mitigate urban heat (reviewed earlier in Sections 3.4-3.6) and those that respond to the health concerns of cities (reviewed above) both focus on a redefinition of the public realm. There may be, as a result, areas of common ground that could lay the basis for the development of an interdisciplinary approach.

So far, the themes that have emerged from the discussion on urban heat are the influence of canyons, density, streets and greening, and their importance in creating thermally comfortable outdoor environments. Significantly, health-supportive city initiatives share a focus on density, streets and greening to improve the health of urban dwellers, particularly by targeting the growing incidence of chronic disease and obesity and the needs of ageing populations.

Despite these common themes, urban heat mitigation and health-supportive city initiatives focus on different aspects. For example, urban heat mitigation strategies consider streets in relation to wind flow and cooling ventilation. In contrast, health-supportive city strategies examine streets from the perspective of pedestrian flow. Are streets accessible? Do they connect pedestrians to where they want to go?

A significant body of literature examines the attributes of healthy cities (Barton and Grant 2011; Ewing and Handy 2009; Forsyth and Southworth 2008; Giles-Corti et al. 2012; Kenworthy 2007; NHFOA 2009; O’Hare 2006; Ward Thompson 2013). Multiple Australian (COS 2015a; NSWDOH 2009; NSWPCAL 2010; PPAT 2007; TFNSW 2013; WADOT 2011) and international governmental strategies and guidelines (CABE 2009; New York City 2010) have also been produced.

To focus discussion on heat relations, neighbourhood-scale attributes are outlined below under the common themes of density, streets and greening.

Density The density of neighbourhoods, together with the mix of land uses, is critical to daily physical activity (NHFOA 2009). Higher densities ensure that more people are living within walking

77 distance of transport nodes and local centres, and mixed land uses increase the range of activities that can be undertaken on a single trip within an urban precinct or suburban centre (O’Hare 2006). Higher-density living is also more likely to support the presence of shops and services and encourage active transport (NHFOA 2009). Sprawling areas, however, are not conducive to walking and cycling (NSWDOH 2009). Density impacts on urban heat vary considerably in relation to building forms and building/street layouts, solar radiation exposure, ventilation and prevailing wind patterns, and greening (Section 3.5).

Streets Advances in transportation technology - from horse-drawn streetcar to super highways - have degraded streets for pedestrians. Many contemporary cities feature wide high-speed arterial roads which border residential enclaves and separate residential areas from employment, retail, and entertainment land uses. Vehicular traffic breaks up fine-grained pedestrian networks and imposes barriers to free movement on foot (Forsyth and Southworth 2008). Broader consequences include ‘sedentary behaviour, ill health and social alienation’ (WADOT 2011, p.1).

Roads are characterised by traffic congestion and noise, waste heat and air pollution generated by vehicles. Roads materials have high thermal storage capacity and low albedo, exacerbating urban heat and air pollution. For pedestrians and cyclists, roads may be unsafe, thermally uncomfortable and unhealthy places.

Street patterns and form Street patterns determine walking distances and choices of routes. They are a ‘core determinant of whether a community is walkable and cycleable and able to be well served by public transport’ (NSWPCAL 2010, p.13).

Walkable neighbourhoods have highly inter-connected local street networks that provide dense pathway systems. Street orientation gives direct access to key destinations and facilities. High permeability is created through smaller block sizes and numerous links and intersections (Barton et al. 2010; NSWPCAL 2010). Walkable neighbourhoods also accommodate footpaths that are ‘wide enough to allow easy passing and overtaking, without being pushed out into traffic’ (Barton et al. 2010, p.144).

Greening Previous discussion explained how deforestation and urbanisation increase urban temperatures and decrease available water for evaporative cooling and maintaining greening. Permeable natural land surface covers are replaced with impermeable built materials. In turn, urban

78 biodiversity and natural ecosystems are reduced. Additionally, air-conditioning serves to disconnect people from the outdoors and nature’s cycles. Yet, humankind has a ‘deep-seated need’ to connect with nature, a concept understood as ‘biophilia’ (Ryan et al. 2014, p.62).

Nature and health Contact with and access to natural ecosystems in cities is an important component of human health and well-being. Nature in urban settings reduces stress, promotes healing, strengthens immunity, improves mood, and reduces depression (Frumkin 2001; Kaplan 1995; Maller et al. 2006; Marcus and Sachs 2014; Pretty et al. 2005; Townsend and Weerasuriya 2010). Nature also provides ‘environments for restoration from mental fatigue, solitude and quiet, education, artistic expression, contemplation, reflection and inspiration and invoke a sense of place’ (NSWDOH 2009, p.101). In addition, seasonal variations in sunlight and daylight are associated with mood (Section 4.7).

Green streets Green streets provide corridors supporting natural ecosystems. They also protect pedestrians from heat, ultraviolet radiation and glare and improve air quality.

In Chapter 2, air pollution levels were shown to be higher during hot weather, impacting on the health of people with cardiac and respiratory disease. Trees directly affect particulate matter in the atmosphere by removing particles (PM10, PM2.5 and

Nevertheless, a 10 x 10 km grid in London with 25 percent tree cover is estimated to remove 90.4 tonnes of PM10 per year, equating to the ‘avoidance of 2 deaths and 2 hospital emissions per year’ (Tiwary et al. as cited in Nowak et al. 2013, p.396). However, concerns about urban trees and traffic safety related to crash incidence and severity dominate decision-making for roads (Wolf and Bratton 2006). As a result, trees may be removed from or not designed into road corridors, decreasing evapotranspiration cooling and air quality, and further reducing pedestrian amenity and comfort. The ‘intangible values of the roadside such as community character and environmental systems’ are also compromised (Wolf and Bratton 2006, p.170).

A report on public spaces in the City of Sydney (Gehl 2007) describes how compromised conditions in urban streets impact on tree health. Streets have ‘sparse sunlight and high wind speeds’ and are ‘generally quite narrow and supplemented by awnings’ (p.30). Air pollution and waste heat from traffic and heat radiated from pavements add to unfavourable conditions. In addition, the impacts on tree health detract from city walkability.

Heat-sensitive healthy city design It is evident from this discussion that there are potential cross-sectoral opportunities for creating thermally comfortable, health-supportive outdoor spaces during hot seasons. That is, there is potential to develop a ‘heat-sensitive healthy city’ design approach.

Street pattern permeability, for example, could support walkability as well as street ventilation for cooling. Density, however, is not so straightforward. It requires place-specific examination of local climatic conditions in relation to building form and configuration; height- to-width ratios for buildings and streets; street layout; and land surface materials (particularly greening). Local climate, particularly prevailing wind and sun/ shade patterns, is also critical.

3.9 Walkability and heat

For my study, walkability is an important element as it is fundamental to physical activity. Walkability is the ‘extent to which an area or neighbourhood is pedestrian friendly’ and is a core factor of healthy, age-friendly cities (NHFOA 2009, p.10). It is influenced by the physical characteristics and people’s perception of neighbourhoods. A walkable neighbourhood is one which enables ‘residents to perform daily activities (e.g. grocery shopping, going to the park, taking children to school) without the use of a car’ (Leydon 2003, p.1546).

Benchmarks The walkability of a place is commonly determined using the walkability benchmark of a five- minute walk or 400 metres. It is the ‘generally agreed distance that is walkable in five minutes by a person of average fitness’ and the ‘optimal range of catchment for public transport stops’ (O’Hare 2006, p.3). Walkability strategies and guidelines, however, incorporate variations of this benchmark. The NSW Government (NSWDOH 2009), for example, recommends approximately 400-500 metres as a comfortable walking distance between public transport bus stops and housing, employment and other frequent destinations to meet every day basic needs. However, the recommended distance from train stations is 800 metres.

Barton and Grant (2011, p.145) highlight that the distances people walk vary ‘hugely, depending on the person and the destination’. Variations relate to an individual’s physical ability,

80 encumbrances (such as shopping), journey purpose, and perceived pleasures and dangers, as well as topography and weather.

Simple measures of distance to destinations are not adequate predictors of walkability, particularly for older people (Curl et al. 2015; Southworth 2005). Beyond utilitarian access, qualities of the path network that affect the likelihood of walking are: 1. Connectivity of path network, both locally and in the larger urban setting; 2. Linkage with other modes: bus, streetcar, subway, train; 3. Fine grained and varied land use patterns, especially for local serving uses; 4. Safety, both from traffic and social crime; 5. Quality of path, including width, paving, landscaping, signing, and lighting; and 6. Path context, including street design, visual interest of the built environment, transparency, spatial definition, landscape, and overall explorability (Southworth 2005, p.249). The extent to which walkability benchmarks and audit tools consider physical ability and hot weather, is considered below.

Benchmarks and heat-vulnerability My review of walkability literature highlighted two areas where the needs of significant population groups are overlooked. Firstly, walkability benchmarks are based on norms and standards related to the fitness of an average person. Walkability infrastructure, such the provision of seats and spacing of rest areas, are also largely tailored to the ability and body shape of an average person. Yet, walkability strategies target underactivity. In the main, those who are underactive are more likely to have chronic disease, obesity and disabilities. These groups are also heat-vulnerable. Secondly, the literature does not consider acclimatisation, which is a significant factor for mobile populations groups, such as tourists and migrants (Sections 2.3 and 2.4).

Disability and chronic illness Technical assessments of walking and mobility do not recognise the differences in bodies and abilities. People may take different times to move, including a ‘lack of flow as people pause to rest’ (Andrews et al. 2012, p.1928). Assessments do ‘not allow for the embodied and emotional experiences and needs of disabled and chronically ill people’ (p.1929). Yet, people with disabilities and chronic illness have ‘much to gain from improved access and opportunities for exercise’ (p.1929).

In addition, walkability checklists overlook the requirements of people with obesity. Benchmarks and guidelines ‘assumes bodies that walk are thin bodies, or should aspire to be thin or a “normal” weight’ (Andrews et al. 2012, p.1928). Cooper (2010, p.14) notes that many public

81 spaces include facilities ‘that are uncomfortable for fat people to navigate, especially those of us who are super-sized.’ Cooper argues that these spaces ‘exclude people whose bodies do not fit’ and ‘offer a symbolic reprimand to transgressive fat bodies, and are psychologically uncomfortable’. Longhurst (2005, p.254) calls for a ‘”proxemics” of fat bodies and spaces’ - that is, an examination of how ‘fat’ bodies fit, or do not fit, into spaces. Proxemics is further discussed in Section 4.2.

Acclimatisation As a final observation, research on the walkability benchmark and comfort-shed (see below) do not state whether subjects are acclimatised to the climatic conditions employed in the studies. This implies that the term ‘average individual’ is an assumed level of acclimatisation. If this is the case, benchmarks potentially do not take account of whether subjects are acclimatised to the climatic conditions.

Audits Walkability audits highlight barriers to walkability and inform walking strategies (Gehl 2007). Audits assess wide ranging macro- and micro- environmental features. The macro environment includes street inter-connectivity, block length and number of intersections, residential density, landuse mix, destinations and access to parks and recreation facilities (Alfonzo et al. 2008; Cain et al. 2014; Humpfel et al. 2002; NHFOA 2009, p.4). In the main, macro features can be measured remotely using geographical information systems and aerial photographs (Alfonzo et al. 2008).

In contrast, the micro environment is important to the use and experience of neighbourhood environments (Alfonzo et al. 2008; Cain et al. 2014; Gehl 2010; Whyte 1980). Micro features include street trees and gardens, footpath width, street lighting, signage, street furniture and traffic calming measures, as well as the quality of environments e.g. presence of abandoned buildings (Alfonzo et al. 2008; NHFOA 2009). They include local aesthetics which may influence people’s ‘predilection to walk for recreation’ and ‘contribute to social capital and community cohesion’ (NHFOA 2009, p.4). Micro environments require on-ground assessments to obtain real-life data at human-scale.

Numerous strategies and audit tools identify and measure the characteristics of neighbourhoods and streets for walkability (ALR 2003 and 2011; Cain et al. 2014; Carr et al. 2010; Christian et al. 2011; Ewing et al. 2006; Giles-Corti et al. 2006; NHFOA 2009; NSWPCAL 2010; New York City 2010; WADOT 2011).

Weather and microclimate Generally, audits consider the impacts of weather and microclimatic conditions on walkability. Assessments identify the benefits of shade and shelter from sun and rain; in some case, wind protection is considered in relation to windchill. The audit tools reviewed do not, however, indicate that audits recognise the benefits of cooling breezes in warm conditions. Weather’s consideration in audits is outlined here to emphasise how shade and shelter provision and heat stress reduction do not factor in some audits, while in others they are prominent.

Shade and shelter checklists vary substantially. The Saint Louis (USA) walkability checklist (ALR 2003) gives shade limited attention with a sole question on shade trees under ‘Aesthetics’ (Figure 3.7).

Figure 3.7 Excerpt from St Louis University walkability checklist - shade provision. Source: ALR (2003, n.p.).

In contrast, the Western Australian Walkability Audit Tool (WADOT 2011, pp.25-26) gives a complete section to ‘Street furniture and shade’. It emphasises the importance of ‘sufficient shade’ to the ‘footpath, and waiting and rest areas’, attending to the needs of people walking and stopping (p.26). Large trees are recommended as providing ‘excellent shade’. Built shade options are suggested where ‘trees are not appropriate’ and illustrative photographs are provided (Figure 3.8).

The NSW Premier’s Council for Active Living (NSWPCAL 2010, p.11) gives specific instructions on the placement and type of trees for shading. In southern hemisphere contexts, ‘trees located to the north of paths provide greater shelter from sun’, while deciduous trees can enable solar access in winter and shade in summer.

Figure 3.8 Excerpt from WA Walkability Audit Tool. Source: WADOT (2011, pp.25-26). The NSW Department of Health (NSWDOH 2009, p.100) stresses the importance of shade in public spaces to ‘skin cancer prevention’. It also emphasises the need to design for heat stress prevention in hot regions, citing my case study region of Western Sydney: Access to shade and the provision of drinking water (bubblers) is also important in the prevention of heat stress, particularly areas with extreme heat such as in western NSW as well as parts of Western Sydney. For wind protection, NSWPCAL (2010, p.11) advises that shelter from wind may be achieved using ‘a composition of trees and understorey planting’. The New York City Active Design Guidelines (New York City 2010, p.35) recommend that plaza designs accommodate use in a 84 variety of weather conditions, including creating ‘sunny areas protected from the wind for use in the colder seasons’.

Older people

An audit tool for falls risk, particularly relevant to older people, identifies that ‘weather is a dynamic factor, having a significant impact on falls and falls risk’ (Curl et al. 2015, p.8). Weather conditions can enhance falls risk through making certain surfaces slippery and causing people to detour. Icy and windy conditions can cause imbalance problems. Hot weather impacts are not specifically cited.

Subtropical conditions According to O’Hare (2006, p.1), ‘most of the literature and influential policy on urban walkability, and related concepts such as transit oriented development, is produced in urban regions located in the temperate zones of the Western world’. My own review supports this observation. Yet, the subtropical urban regions of the world are ‘rapidly expanding’ (O’Hare 2006, p.4). Indeed, one of Australia’s major cities and urban expansion areas, Brisbane and South East Queensland, are located in the subtropics.

The focus on temperate conditions for walkability benchmarks suggests limitations in their application to cities in other climate zones. Climate and local topography significantly influence ‘both the distance that people are prepared to walk, and the time in which they are able to comfortably complete that walk’ (O’Hare 2006, p.6). Consequently, O’Hare (2006, p.6), questions whether a 400 metre walk in the subtropics is ‘as appealing as the same walking distance in a temperate zone city’.

A small body of literature explores walkability and active transport in the subtropics, in Florida (USA) (DeVeau 2011; FDOTCA 2011) and South East Queensland (Australia) (O’Hare 2006). In these regions, ‘climate extremes (high heat and thunderstorms) are often cited as an obstacle to encouraging walking, biking, or transit’ (FDOTCA 2011, p.13).

In Miami, Florida (USA), DeVeau (2011) found that ‘with an appropriate amount of shade, it is possible on many occasions to comfortably make the “five-minute walk” of a quarter mile or 400 meters’. However, even with shading, ‘if relative humidity is too high or wind speeds are too low, the body will not be able to evaporate heat fast enough and excessive sweatiness and discomfort will occur’ (DeVeau 2011, p.61).

Results also indicate a three-minute walk of 240 metres is an appropriate walkability benchmark for Miami. This benchmark is termed a ‘comfort-shed’ which is defined as the ‘distance at which 85 the average individual will almost always maintain thermal comfort, even in the stifling humidity and still air of the morning commute hours’ (DeVeau 2011, p.62). The notion of a ‘comfort-shed’ leads to discussion of thermal comfort and the impacts of weather in the next chapter.

3.10 Conclusion

In this Chapter, I examined urban heat mitigation and healthy, age-friendly city approaches. My aim was to determine the extent to which healthy, age-friendly city interventions consider the impacts of heat on outdoor physical activity and comfort which is my second research question.

I noted that the UHI effect creates significantly higher urban heat in cities than their surrounding areas. I established the importance of traditional knowledge and adaptive behaviours for providing thermal diversity and thermal comfort, and mitigating heat-health impacts in hot conditions. I also noted the effectiveness of climate-sensitive design initiatives, including maximising appropriate land surface cover and tree canopy cover, and identifying and responding to hotspots.

I also outlined the health concerns of cities and the attributes of healthy and age-friendly city approaches in the context of hot weather. I noted that these strategies recognise that weather influences pedestrians’ comfort and choices, and the importance of shade and shelter; but that ventilation is overlooked. In addition, walkability benchmarks and support infrastructure were shown to give limited attention to the ability and needs of major heat-vulnerable groups.

Through this examination, I was able to identify that urban heat mitigation strategies and healthy, age-friendly city strategies share the themes of urban density, streets and greening. This suggests that there are opportunities for cross-sectoral approaches to reduce urban heat as well as respond to the health and age concerns of cities with warming climates. This approach may be termed ‘heat-sensitive healthy city’ design.

Finally, this chapter reinforced the importance of context and the need for place-specific approaches. Contextual assessments require examination at regional-, local- and neighbourhood-scales. Consequently, I assess the urban heat and healthy city attributes of my case study site at these scales in Chapters 6 and 7.

Having identified a heat-sensitive, healthy city approach, the next chapter examines the factors that influence behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor environments, including climate and weather.

4 Behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space

4.1 Introduction

This final chapter of my literature review examines behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space. It focuses on the influence of climate and weather, particularly hot weather, on physical activity and comfort.

In Chapter 2, I established that increasing temperatures and heatwaves present major health risks for large sections of urban populations. Chapter 3 determined that cities modify their own climates and the microclimates of public spaces with adverse population health implications. I noted that opportunities may exist to draw from the urban heat mitigation strategies and the healthy, age-friendly city initiatives to develop a heat-sensitive, healthy city approach.

The premise of this chapter is that a multitude of interacting factors influence behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public spaces. Climate, seasons and weather - hot weather and heatwaves - are among these factors. Weather significantly influences people’s decisions to go outside and their experience of the outdoors. Indeed, the ‘close relationship of humans to the thermal component of the atmospheric environment is self-evident and belongs to everyone’s daily experience’ (Jendritzky et al. 2012, p.421). The challenge confronting this research is how to discern the influences of climate and weather - heat - when so many other interacting factors are concurrently at play.

A principal aim of my study is to develop a cross-disciplinary research approach for examining heat’s influence in everyday, outdoor real-life settings. The approach builds upon a foundation of landscape architecture and design methods. Consequently, in this chapter, I review literature that examines public space use from a wide range of research fields, including thermal physiology, biometeorology and urban and tourism climatology through to environment- behaviour studies, principally from the built environment disciplines, environmental psychology and ethnography. Discussion in this chapter highlights the diversity of research approaches and methods, as well as commonalities and shared understandings.

The chapter begins by establishing a framework for behaviour and public space. Relations between behaviour settings and behaviour are central to this framework. I then review the emerging research area of outdoor thermal comfort, and examine the concepts of thermal comfort, sensation and perception, leading to a discussion on comfort ranges. The measuring of thermal comfort is then considered, with psychometric, meteorological, steady state and other tools being reviewed. 87

Discussion then turns to everyday activities, and mood, having regard to the limitations that, considered separately, the environment-behaviour and thermal comfort research bring to their analysis. The chapter concludes with a summation of research approaches and fieldwork methods, as a prelude to the next chapter on research design and methods.

Essential to discussion here are the definitions of ‘weather’ and ‘climate’: The weather of any place refers to the atmospheric variables for a brief period of time. Climate, however, represents the atmospheric conditions for a long period of time, and generally refers to the normal or mean course of the weather (ABOM 2016c). 4.2 Behaviour settings, behaviour and public space

A large body of literature deals with the physical, social, cultural and economic processes which shape public spaces and influence their use. Even so, from an ethnographic perspective, Low (2003, p.47) views public places as ‘relatively neglected’ objects of study, ‘partially because their social messages are so complex, and partially because the theory and methodologies for making these messages explicit are not available’.

To begin this discussion, it is necessary to provide a framework for understanding behaviour in the public realm. The critical theoretical component for this purpose is behaviour settings, which are influenced by urban ecology, context, spatial perception and experience and invitations.

Behaviour settings and behaviour Behaviour settings are the ‘contexts for behaviour that arise from social and environmental structures’ (Ward Thompson 2013, p.81). Behaviour settings, as noted at Section 3.7, can be used to explain interactions between environments and healthy behaviours (Humpel et al. 2002).

Behaviour settings are localities in which ‘some standing pattern of behaviour repeats itself at regular intervals’ and ‘in which space and behaviour can be considered as a whole’ (Lynch and Hack 1984, p.84). An example of a behaviour setting is a ‘school class session’, which comprises a physical place and socio-cultural context, and evokes ‘certain types of behaviour’ (Ward Thompson 2013, p.81).

Behaviour is multi-dimensional. It may be the ‘overt response of an individual or group to environmental factors’, or involve ‘subjective behaviour, such as attitudes, beliefs, expectations, motivations, and aspirations’ (Saarinen 1976, p.7). It may be ‘predictable’ as well as ‘recurrent’, supported by environmental properties, such as ‘affordances’ (Ward Thompson 2013, p.82).

For example, the properties of a large ‘grassy open space above a certain size’ may ‘afford’ a football game and support the ‘repeated behaviour patterns of young adults playing informal football’. In contrast, such behaviour ‘would not be found in similar sized lawns in front of corporate buildings, or in very small and subdivided grassy plots in a public park’ (Ward Thompson 2013, p.82).

Low (2003) explains the differences in relations between behaviour settings and behaviour of two closely located Costa Rican plazas. Differences are shaped by the history, design and users of each plaza. Interestingly, the resulting ‘cultural gulf’ is separated by an ‘invisible’ social boundary (p.177-178). The first plaza is newly upgraded and expresses ‘modern North American or international culture’. It is described as a ‘highly contested arena’ due to conflicting cultural and tourism activities. In contrast, the second plaza offers a ‘more traditional’ setting, characterised by a ‘long-term pattern of users and activities’ and little contested space (p.177).

Urban ecology Urban ecology influences behaviour settings as it identifies the inter-connections between urban units - that is, neighbourhoods, public spaces, homes and rooms. As explained by Saarinen (1976, p.241), all factors and their relationships to one another are ‘parts of a single system’. Accordingly, understanding the purpose and function of the smaller scale units that comprise a city, such as public spaces and neighbourhoods, requires an understanding of the ‘hierarchy of systems’ inherent in ecology (p.241).

Cities are places where people meet to exchange ideas and trade, as sources of creativity, energy and technology (McMichael 2001). Urban public spaces are settings for such exchange; activity is characterised by frequent shifts and overlaps (Gehl 2010). In this context, Madanipour (2003) describes the functions and purpose of the urban public realm as multipurpose, mediating, overlapping and symbolic. The way urban dwellers stay in, move through, around or elude city spaces is determined by inter-connected environmental factors, expressive of urban ecology.

The complexity of urban ecological systems has implications for the health and well-being of city residents (Rydin et al. 2012). This complexity was first raised in Chapter 2 in relation to heat- health inequalities in cities. It was also explicit in discussion of urban heat distribution at macro- and micro-scales and the existence of hotspots in Chapter 3. Indeed, urban ecological complexity emerged as an important and common theme throughout my literature review. This reinforces the need for a ‘systems thinking’ approach (Section 2.7) when addressing heat-related health issues in cities. This approach is adopted to analyse and discuss my research findings in Part III.

Context In addition to ecological processes, the importance of context to understanding heat-health- place relations and behaviour emerged as a consistent theme throughout this literature review. Chapter 2 established that contextual factors, such as age and chronic disease and unequal urban heat distribution influence heat-vulnerability. Chapter 3 emphasised that climate- sensitive design requires an understanding of regional-, local- and micro-scale factors, related to location, climate and land surface cover. Healthy, age-friendly city assessments consider contextual attributes, such as, density, streets and greening. In this chapter, attention extends to finely-detailed, human-scale characteristics of physical environments. Both social and cultural factors are meaningful.

Data sources in the literature for assessing contextual factors include census reports, manuscripts and government documents. Land use mapping and satellite photography provide data on land use mix, density and street patterns, greenspace provision and canopy cover. Ethnographic studies extend data sources to the media, literature, painting, poetry, song and conversation (Low 2003; Richardson 2003). ‘Ground-truth data’ obtained in the field provide critical real-life physical and social environmental data (Chorianopoulos 2014; Ewing et al. 2006; Kelly et al. 2007).

Ground-truth data Ground-truth data establish real-life conditions through investigations conducted on the ground, enhancing land surface information (Craik 1972). Aerial photography and geographic information systems are limited to capturing physical conditions at a particular moment in time. They may indicate, for example, the presence of street trees, but ground-truthing may reveal that the trees have since been removed, altering broader physical conditions (e.g. thermal conditions).

Importantly, ground-truth data capture the human-scale of urban environments - that is, the anthropocentric features, collective habits and preferences characterising pedestrian behaviour. Walking through study neighbourhoods facilitates information gathering at human- scale (Chorianopoulos 2014; Emmel and Clark 2009; Gehl 2010; Kelly et al. 2007). Accordingly, ground-truth data are shown to be imperative to health-supportive strategies and assessments of micro-environmental factors in walkability audits (Section 3.9).

‘Walkarounds’, or arbitrary walks around neighbourhoods, are an effective method for obtaining real-life, human-scale data. They are one of the multiple methods employed in the ‘Connected Lives’ project (Figure 4.1), which explored pedestrian behaviour and the ‘complexities of living 90 in networks, neighbourhoods, and communities’ (Emmel and Clark 2009, p.2). In this project, walkarounds were undertaken every three months according to the route depicted in Figure 4.2 (I note the authors use the term ‘walkarounds’ in their paper and ‘walkabouts’ in Figure 4.1).

Figure 4.1 Methods used in the Connected Lives project. Source: Emmel and Clark (2009, p.3).

Figure 4.2 Field site walkaround route - Connected Lives project. Source: Emmel and Clark (2009, p.8).

Context-driven design The principles of context-driven design are based on the premise that creating a sense of place is achieved through analysing local contextual conditions ‘within which meaningful design action can occur’ (Abbate 2006, p.1). Context-driven research, as in the Connected Lives project, may use local climate as a prime consideration.

To illustrate, local climate was a key factor in the ‘Community Design Guidebook Project’ developed for subtropical Florida (USA). The project aimed to shift an automobile dominated paradigm to one that is more sustainable and community-oriented. Local knowledge was combined with best-practice transportation and urban design, landscape architecture, and architecture suited to the subtropical climate (Abbate 2006).

Spatial perception and experience Context extends to human spatial perception and experience. How do people perceive and experience space in relation to objects? How do people position themselves with regard to other people in a space?

Objects, space and perception Object and space relations may be expressed as measured, material, social and perceived. Madanipour (2003, p.139) explains relations between objects and space in terms of brute and social facts: The brute fact about the space of our cities is that it is a collection of objects and people on the surface of the earth. The social fact about the cities, however, is that these objects and their relationships have been created by human agreement and bear particular significance and meaning for people. Low (2003) identifies an ecological relationship between space and objects. She considers the ‘built environment as space rather than a collection of objects … because its parts become conjoined within a system, a kind of ecology’ (p.36).

Emmel and Clark (2009) distinguish material from perceived space. Material space can be explored through ‘measurable points’, for example, a grid reference or geographical positioning systems. However, space is also ‘perceived’ and ‘imagined’, with implications for how it is ‘accessed, appropriated, dominated, and produced’ (p.4). Hall (2003, p.52) explains that people from differing cultures not only ‘structure spaces differently, but experience it differently’.

Similarly, Knox (1982, p.100) notes traditional urban spatial analyses largely focus on ‘measuring, mapping and classifying objective characteristics’. Yet, the perceived environment provides: a powerful antidote to the impression that cities are populated by land uses and pathologies rather than people; it also provides an enlightening background to the behavioural patterns which contribute so much to the “objective” geography of the city (p.101). Movement profoundly affects experience and perception of space and objects. Lynch (1986, p.99) describes how the events along a path - ‘landmarks, space changes, dynamic sensations’ - might be arranged as a ‘melodic line, perceived and imaged as a form which is experienced over 92 a substantial time interval’. Andrews et al. (2012) note that movement entails navigating local terrain, ascents and descents, accompanied by changing features.

The experiences and perceptions of space and objects vary markedly between those travelling on foot and by bicycle and automobile. The experiences of pedestrians and cyclists are more closely aligned with changes in the landscape, terrain and microclimate e.g. subtle changes in grade and cool stretches adjacent to greenspaces. Indeed, their experiences may influence their choice of routes and navigation through neighbourhoods.

Proxemics ‘Proxemics’ is the ‘study of man’s perception and use of space’ (Hall 2003, p.51). It primarily deals with ‘out-of-awareness distance setting’, such as ‘informal’ and ‘personal’ distance settings (p.51). Proxemics attunes the researcher’s eye to the distances people set with regard to other people in a public space.

‘Informal space’ is the distance ‘maintained in encounters with others’ (Saarinen 1976, p.25). It is categorised into four ‘distance types’: ‘intimate distance’ (0-45cm) for exchanging strong emotions; ‘personal distance’ (45cm-1.2m) for contact between close friends and family members; ‘social distance’ (1.2-3.7m) for conversational exchanges about ordinary information; and ‘public distance’ (greater than 3.7m) for more formal and one-way communication (Gehl 2010, p.47).

‘Personal space’ is: a small portable territory or invisible protective bubble within which encroachments are generally unwelcome and often distressing. Personal space is not necessarily spherical in shape, for people can tolerate close presence of a stranger at their sides more readily than directly in front (Saarinen 1976, p.28). Distance also converges with sensory experience. The ‘senses come into play at highly disparate distances’. Smell and touch, for example, are ‘most at play’ at intimate distances (Gehl 2010, p.33). This suggests that people’s skin temperature and heat radiation, sweat and body odour may play roles in distance-setting during hot weather. Effects of crowding on heat stress were found during a mass participation fun-run in New Zealand. Results indicated the heat stress of a group runner compared with a solo runner is increased by more than three times ‘due to their proximity to other hot bodies (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003b, p.1385).

Space and distance influence scale and may evoke thermal perceptions. In narrow streets and small spaces, people and details are seen at close range. These environments are perceived as ‘warm, personal and welcoming’ (Gehl 2010, p.53). Conversely, in large scale, built-up and

93 sprawling areas, details and people are few. These environments are commonly experienced as ‘impersonal, formal and cold’ (p.53).

Lastly, in Section 3.9 I noted two important aspects given little research attention. Longhurst (2005, p.254) calls for a ‘”proxemics” of fat bodies and spaces’. Andrews et al. (2012, p.1925) raise the need for research on ‘different forms of embodiment’ and ‘movement activities’. Differences in body shapes and abilities greatly influence experience and movement through space, including metabolic expenditure.

Invitations ‘Invitations’ are also critical to behaviour and behaviour settings. Invitations tempt people to walk around, take a look and stay in city spaces (Gehl 2010; Madanipour 2003). Invitations may be physical, such as good quality paths, seats, resting places and weather protection. They may involve social and cultural elements, such as people-watching.

Invitations are also determined by the regulation and design of city space. Ordinance signs may indicate specific users and activities that are not authorised or welcome. For example, no skate- board riding signs clearly indicate board-riders are not ‘invited’. Urban design details, such as raised metal lugs on seating walls and dividers along seats, are more subtle indicators that board-riders and people looking for places to sleep are not welcome. Such approaches conflict with ‘public democratically managed city space’ which ‘provides access and opportunities for all groups of society to express themselves and latitude for non-mainstream activities’ (Gehl 2010, p.28).

4.3 Outdoor behaviour settings and physical activity

Understanding the influence of hot weather and warm seasons on outdoor physical activity is an important part of this study. Environmental aspects of outdoor behaviour settings include weather and thermal conditions. These aspects significantly influence outdoor physical activity and thermal comfort. Vanos et al. (2010, p.320) emphasise that knowledge of these interrelations is necessary for ‘developing outdoor urban environments conducive to physical activity and human thermal comfort’ (p.321). As Gehl (2010, p.21) notes: For good reason, climate is mentioned as an important factor for the extent and character of outdoor activities. If it is too cold, too hot or too wet, outdoor activities are reduced or rendered impossible. This section establishes the importance of physical activity to human health and then considers the impacts of weather parameters and seasons on activity.

Activity and health Physical activity is ‘any bodily movement produced by skeletal muscles that requires energy expenditure’ (WHO 2010, p.54). It is categorised as sedentary and light-, moderate- and vigorous-intensity according to consumed oxygen and metabolic equivalents (METs) (Section 2.3). Physical activity may be planned or incidental, and structured or unstructured (NSWDOH 2009, p.53).

WHO (2010) recommends weekly physical activity to promote health and maintain health protective effects. Recommendations for adults include a minimum of 2.5 hours of moderate- intensity (or 1.25 hours of vigorous-intensity) activity. Those who cannot do the recommended amount of physical activity due to health conditions ‘should be as physically active as their abilities and conditions allow’ (p.31).

The ability of older people to be physically active during hot weather is also a focus on my study. Physical activity during older age sustains ‘mobility’, ‘cognitive functioning’, ‘continued social functioning’, ‘a sense of control over life, autonomy and independence’ and ‘effective coping and adaptive strategies in the face of changing circumstances’ (Bowling and Dieppe 2005, p.1548-49). Physical activity also improves social outcomes, for example, maintaining social networks (WHO 2015b). Physical environments significantly influence the opportunities for, and extent of, physical activity amongst older people (O’Brien and Phibbs 2011).

For most people, the ‘easiest and most acceptable forms of physical activity are those that can be incorporated into everyday life’, such as walking or cycling (UKDOH 2011, p.17). Walking is the main mode of aerobic exercise among older adults (WHO 2105b).

Activity and weather Geographical location and climate also matter. In temperate regions ‘sun is a big attraction’, while in warmer climates ‘shade is a prized quality’ (Gehl 2010, p.169).

Healthy city approaches recognise that weather significantly affects decisions to be active outdoors (Section 3.8). A walking strategy for the City of Sydney, for example, notes ‘people will factor in comfort when choosing whether to walk or not’ (COS 2015a, p.27). A sustainable travel study determined weather was more of a barrier for walkers than cyclists in Melbourne (Rose 2008).

Chan and Ryan (2009, p.2639) reiterate that weather is ‘identified as a perceived barrier to participation in physical activity’. They argue that:

Gaining an understanding of the relationship between weather and health-related variables such as physical activity has increased in importance with the burgeoning prevalence of diseases for which physical inactivity is a risk factor (p.2640). Nonetheless, the types of weather that deter physical activity are not well understood (Chan and Ryan 2009).

Existing studies indicate physical activity is affected by various weather (meteorological) parameters, including air temperature, humidity, sunlight, precipitation and wind (de Montigny et al. 2012; Eves et al. 2008; McCormack et al. 2010; Sumukadas et al. 2009).

Heat, humidity and sunlight de Montigny et al. (2012) found increases in temperature, dry conditions, and sunlight correlate with increased walking in temperate cities. However, empirical evidence demonstrates ‘humans choose to rest at high ambient temperatures’ (Nikolpoulou 2011, p.1560). Lassitude and fatigue are common symptoms of heat exposure and stress, potentially contributing to reduced physical activity.

In extreme heat conditions (e.g. tropics and dry arid zones), Merrill et al. (2005, p.378) note that the ‘weather may be among the strongest deterrents against physical activity’. Similarly, Wolff and Fitzhugh (2011) identify hot and cold temperature extremes and humidity present barriers for physical activity.

An exception is a study involving walking for an hour in dry desert heat (40-440C). Results indicate healthy, well-acclimatised elderly and young people adequately thermo-regulate to extreme hot, dry conditions (Yousef et al. 1984).

Storms, precipitation and wind Studies largely confirm precipitation (rain) has the highest negative correlation with physical activity (Chan and Ryan 2009; Merrill et al. 2005). Currie and Develin (2002) found wet and windy weather was the major barrier to mothers exercising with a pram. de Freitas (2015) observed rainfall periods of half-hour duration or longer resulted in the lowest counts of beach-goers. Low (2003, p.163) noted that a ‘sudden rainstorm’ temporarily stopped all activity in an urban plaza in summer, while surrounding cafes offered momentary shelter with views of the scene.

Regarding wind, Soligo et al. (1998, p.755) determine ‘gust speeds in the range 80-100 km/h are sufficient to blow pedestrians over’. The exact value depends on the subject’s ‘weight, size, traction, clothing and other factors such as athletic ability’ (p.756). The authors propose wind force comfort criteria for sitting and standing through to severe (Table 4.1).

Table 4.1 Wind force comfort criteria. Source: Soligo et al. (1998, p.757).

Activity and seasons As a general reflection on seasonal influences, Emmel and Clark (2009, p.9) found ‘a walk in winter rain was very different to a walk on a warm summer’s day’ in the UK. Several reviews of studies indicate higher physical activity levels are associated with warmer seasons compared with winter, with implications for human health (Chan and Ryan 2009; McCormack et al. 2010; Merrill et al. 2005; Tucker and Gilliland 2007; Wolff and Fitzhugh 2011).

However, seasonal influences on activity vary in accordance with climate, location and age. A study by Burdette et al. (2004) found the average outdoor playtime for young children differs by season in Cincinnati (USA). A reduced prevalence of obesity among children in summer is attributed to the highest levels of outdoor playtime occurring in the summer. Similarly, a study by Sumukadas et al. (2009) found significantly greater levels of physical activity during summer for older people in Dundee (Scotland). On the other hand, no major effects of seasonality on physical activity were found in a study by Gordon-Larson et al. (2000) of adolescents across the USA.

Subtropical and arid regions In contrast to the above locations, summer conditions in subtropical and arid regions are correlated with lower levels of physical activity. In subtropical regions, O’Hare (2006) identifies summer as uncomfortable for walkers. The summer challenges of heat, humidity and glare in the subtropical city are, however, offset by the pleasant winter pedestrian conditions.

For example, Low (2003, p.11) sampled ‘a variety of seasonal ecologies’ in Costa Rican plazas and observed that ‘more people are out enjoying the dry weather of January than during the rainy days of May, June, July, and August’. Eves et al. (2008) found that increased summer temperatures and humidity in subtropical Hong Kong reduce physical activity in relation to stair- climbing, particularly by elderly people. Baranowski et al. (1993) observed that the outside activity levels of young children were lower during summer than winter, and lowest during July, the hottest month, in hot and humid Galveston (Texas, USA).

In the dry, arid region of the United Arab Emirates, Henry et al. (2004, p.346) suggest undertaking physical activity is difficult due to high temperatures during daylight hours. In summer, temperatures may exceed 50oC; while winter is milder. In addition, adolescent females are subject to cultural restrictions when going outdoors and wearing clothes suitable for exercise. In part, these may contribute to the low levels of physical activity and rise in obesity in this population.

4.4 Outdoor thermal comfort

Thermal environments and comfort are integral components of behaviour settings and behaviour because they affect the types and locations of outdoor activities.

City designers and planners, however, are ‘commonly not well-acquainted with human comfort models and physiological knowledge’ (Vanos et al. 2010, pp.330-331). Consequently, this section reviews the ‘relatively new field’ of thermal comfort (Johansson et al. 2014, p.347), explores the concepts of thermal comfort, sensation and perception, and finally considers comfort ranges.

Outdoor thermal comfort research Thermal comfort is widely considered to influence people’s behaviour. Yet, research on the topic is surprisingly limited (Ciucci et al. 2013). While many studies have focussed on indoor thermal comfort, ‘relatively few have investigated outdoor thermal comfort and its determinants’ (Hoppe 2002, p.661). Research exploring ‘how the thermal component of weather affects behavior is also surprisingly scarce’ (de Freitas 2015, p.56). As Scudo (2002, n.p.) contends, the ‘understanding and evaluation of thermal comfort in outdoor spaces is a basic need’ for climate- sensitive urban design.

Emergence In the 1970s, Gehl, a pioneer in outdoor thermal comfort, demonstrated the ‘influence of microclimate on outdoor activities by counting people sitting on sunny and shady benches’ (Chen and Ng 2012, p.118). Findings established that ‘local sunny or shady conditions significantly impact the desire of people to either stay or leave’ (p.118). The importance of Gehl’s work is recognised in later comfort studies (Chen and Ng 2012) and is a primary example of shared knowledge spanning disciplines.

By 2003, outdoor thermal comfort had ‘received little research attention’ (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a, p.721). Studies involving detailed microclimatic analysis and thermal comfort assessments only emerged this century due to ‘advances in techniques in the fields of urban climatology and biometeorology’ (Chen and Ng 2012, p.120).

Indeed, the work by Nikolopoulou et al. (2001) is considered ‘one of the first outdoor thermal comfort studies to address people’s behavior’. Their research framework and analysis procedures, based on simultaneous meteorological measurements and interviews in the field, ‘greatly influenced subsequent studies in this area’ (Chen and Ng 2012, p.120) and contributed to urban design tools focused on outdoor comfort (Scudo 2002).

Comfort research was brought to the ‘forefront’ by the increasing focus on ‘sustainable urban environments, the sometimes inhospitable developments in city centers, along with the increasing importance of open spaces under climate change’ (Nikolopoulou 2011, n.p.). Interest extends to semi-outdoor environments due to major ‘recreational activities of considerable commercial value’ (e.g. sporting events and cultural events) (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a, p.721). Weather-sensitive businesses (e.g. outdoor restaurants) also depend on acceptable semi-outdoor conditions, including comfort in transitional spaces - that is, spaces between outdoor and air-conditioned indoor spaces.

Over the course of a decade or so, comprehensive reviews of the literature indicate that outdoor thermal comfort studies have been conducted in climate zones across Europe, North and South America, Asia, the Middle East and Australia (Chen and Ng 2012; Johansson et al. 2014).

Complexities The complexities of real-life outdoor environments, together with necessary technical instrumentation and skills, are central to the limited research body. Outdoor environments are ‘considerably more difficult to engineer and control than the indoor counterpart’ (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a, p.721). Ownership and management of many outdoor spaces are also not as clearly defined as indoor environments. Subsequently, most thermal comfort research has been conducted under indoor conditions.

Assessing outdoor comfort is a complex task due to the high spatial and temporal variability of environmental conditions and subjective factors, such as adaptation (Andrade et al. 2011). de Freitas (2015, p.56) determines that outdoor comfort preference patterns are ‘hard to pin down’ as behaviour is often influenced by some combination of thermal, physical and aesthetic components.

Outdoor thermal comfort studies span thermo-physiological through to meteorological parameter modelling (Chen and Ng 2012, p.118). Studies use a ‘great variety’ of instruments, methods and subjective scales and a ‘multitude’ of indices to assess comfort (Johansson et al. 2014, p.346). My review indicates studies often employ highly specialised mathematical

99 modelling, technologies and analytical processes (de Dear 2016; Jendritzky, et al. 2012; Laschewski and Jendritzky 2002; Lin et al. 2012; Makaremi et al. 2012; Pickup and de Dear 1999).

Formative studies On commencement of my study in 2006, two seminal thermal comfort projects had been completed in real-life, outdoor settings. These projects contributed to shaping my own study design.

The first project, ‘Rediscovering the Urban Realm and Open Spaces’ (RUROS), coordinated by the Centre for Renewable Energy Sources (CRES), evaluates a wide range of comfort conditions across outdoor plazas and squares in seven European cities (Nikolopoulou and Lykoudis 2006; Tseliou et al. 2010). RUROS is described as the ‘most extensive study of thermal comfort to date’ (Nikolopoulou 2011, n.p.).

The second project, ‘Urban Climate Spaces’ (UCS), investigates the influence of the microclimate on the use of urban public spaces and ‘how city life is influenced by the local climate’ (Westerberg et al. 2003, n.p.). Study sites - representing a sequence of places from natural to manmade (park, water front space, plaza and courtyard) in two Swedish cities with differing climates - are examined.

Importantly, the RUROS and UCS projects draw from multiple disciplines, including physiology, psychology, behavioural ecology, architecture and urban climatology (Nikolopoulou 2011; Westerberg et al. 2003). Consistent with my aim to develop a cross-disciplinary approach, UCS traverses ‘disciplinary boundaries in order to develop integrated knowledge … for the purposes of analysing the complex relational links between climate and human behaviour and its implications for sustainable urban design’ (Eliasson et al. 2007, p.73).

Both projects also integrate assessments of physical, social and cultural contexts into their thermal comfort research approaches. Figure 4.3 shows how different areas and uses within a case study site are noted in the RUROS project. Figure 4.4 demonstrates how macro- and micro- scale factors in space and time are investigated in relation to wind in the UCS project.

On my initial review of the projects, the commonalities and differences between thermal comfort and landscape architecture approaches to contextual assessment were stark. Both approaches consider the geographical characteristics and urban form surrounding, and the quality of the urban domain and microclimates within, case study sites.

100

Figure 4.3 RUROS project - Karaiskaki square - plan view and different areas in the square. Source: Nikolopoulou and Lykoudis (2007, p.3693).

Figure 4.4 UCS project - Example of wind data in different scales in space and time. Source: Westerberg et al. (2003, n.p.). 101

However, a marked distinction relates to the type and detail of elements examined in standard landscape architecture site analyses. Landscape analyses delve more comprehensively into the surrounding built and natural urban forms and their interactions to understand their influence on public space use and comfort (Booth 1983; Hough 1995; Lynch 1986; Lynch and Hack 1984). For example, analyses generally examine the landmarks, nodes, aesthetics and accessibility of streets; types and service hours of shops and services; and design details, such as location of paths, doors and windows (in part linked to ‘eyes on the street’) (Section 3.7).

Thermal comfort, sensation and perception Thermal comfort is defined as ‘that condition of mind which expresses satisfaction with the thermal environment’ (Parsons 2003, p.460). It is ‘a perceived sense of thermal equilibrium between a person and their surroundings’ (Saman et al. 2013, p.6) and ‘susceptible to interference from personal preferences and psychological factors particular to each person’ (Tseliou et al. 2010, p.1347). For Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a, p.722), thermal comfort ‘is about subtle, finely graded perceptual details’. Whyte (1980, p.44) considers thermal comfort in relation to ‘warmth’ - that ‘people do like warmth’ as opposed to feeling thermally neutral, with warmth being ‘just as important as sunlight’.

Thermal sensation refers to ‘sensory unconscious detection of environmental stimulation/information by thermal receptors in the skin’ (Johansson et al. 2014, p.361). It is ‘more directly related to the effects of thermal stress, moderated by adaptation and acclimatization’ (Tseliou et al. 2010, p.1347).

On the other hand, thermal perception refers to ‘conscious interpretation and elaboration of sensory data’ (Johansson et al. 2014, p.361). An example question for exploring perception is: ‘How do you feel right now?’ (p.361). The most commonly used tool is the ASHRAE 7-point scale (Section 4.7). The review by Johansson et al. (2014, p. 361) found that some studies ‘incorrectly used thermal sensation when they referred to people’s perception of the thermal environment’. Thermal sensation and thermal comfort are two closely related parameters which influence human responses to weather. However, ‘there is no reciprocity between them’ (Tseliou et al. 2010, p.1347).

Comfort ranges Comfort temperature ranges vary across geographical and climatic zones. In the RUROS Project, respondents in European cities, on average, felt most comfortable when air temperatures were 17.5-22.5oC (as cited in Metje et al. 2008, p.427). In contrast, Makaremi et al. (2012, p.13) determined the acceptable thermal comfort range in hot, humid Malaysia to be less than 34oC. 102

This range is found only during the early morning (9-10am) and late afternoon (4-5pm). Acceptable conditions extend from 10am to 11am in shaded locations.

For Sydney, Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a) found the ‘outdoor comfort zone’ is between 23.8- 28.5oC, with thermal neutrality at 26.2oC. Results are based on field studies in several sites, including an urban area in Western Sydney relatively close to my case study area, taken over summer and winter (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a).

Interestingly, the range of 23.8-28.5oC overlaps the daily maximum temperature ranges for heat- related mortality in Sydney in two studies: 26oC (Gosling et al. 2007) and 27oC (Bambrick et al. 2008) (Section 2.5). However, the range marginally overlaps the heat-mortality threshold of approximately 28oC to 30oC determined for eastern Australian cities in another study (Guest at al. 1999). The range also lies significantly outside the maximum daily temperature thresholds for heat-related mortality (38oC and 37oC apparent temperature) and morbidity (41oC) in a further study (Loughnan et al. 2013a).

Divergent research designs help to explain the anomalous findings and seemingly incompatible observations of studies. For example, overlaps in temperature ranges for heat-mortality and comfort zones in Sydney are evident. Gosling et al. (2007) and Bambrick et al. (2008) found daily maximum temperatures for heat-mortality of 260C and 270C respectively. These maximum temperatures fall within the comfort zone range of 23.8-28.50C determined by Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a).

The studies are, however, not comparable due to major differences in study aims, methods and analytical approaches. Gosling et al. (2007) and Bambrick et al. (2008) quantify relationships between daily maximum temperature and daily heat-related deaths, but use different data sets. Heat-related deaths commonly occur indoors. As noted by Fisk 2015 (p.70), ‘adverse [heat] exposures occur, to a significant extent, indoors’ where people who are particularly susceptible to heat-health impacts spend the greatest amount of time. Low quality housing with poor bioclimatic performance and inadequate natural ventilation and the inability to afford residential air conditioning are significant heat-risk factors (Sections 2.3 and 2.4). They may lead to high indoor temperatures during periods of high outdoor air temperature, ‘a key cause of death during heat waves’ (Fisk 2015, p.73).

In contrast, Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a) aim to quantify outdoor thermal comfort and determine whether indoor thermal comfort and models are directly transferable to outdoor

103 situations. Methods involved conducting fieldwork in a variety of outdoor and semi-outdoor locations.

4.5 Thermal comfort tools, parameters and indices

For built environment professionals, gaps in thermal comfort research knowledge extend to the psychometric tool, meteorological parameters and outdoor thermal comfort indices.

Psychometric tool Outdoor thermal environments comprise the major energy streams of convective heat loss, evaporative heat loss, conductive heat loss and radiative exchanges. These streams are discussed in Section 3.4 with regard to the energy balance equation for urban heat.

The human thermal environment can conceptually be regarded as a set of seven concentric ‘zones’ related to thermal sensation, with: thermal preference at its centre, flanked by a wider band of thermally comfortable conditions, which in turn may be flanked by wider bands of acceptable thermal conditions, then uncomfortable, then moderately stressful, then stressful conditions, and finally hazardous thermal environments (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a, p.722). According to Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a p.722), the seven-point scale for thermal sensation is the ‘psychometric tool at the very core of thermal comfort research’. However, the performance of the tool under ‘extreme outdoor climatic environments remains largely untested’, suggesting extreme heat is yet to be examined. Figure 4.5 depicts the psychometric tool and is used in the analysis of my study’s findings in Chapter 7.

Figure 4.5 Human thermal environment ‘zones’ - developed from the description by Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a, p.722). Diagram: McKenzie.

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Meteorological parameters Meteorological parameters are useful for understanding thermal environments and heat- adaptive behaviours.

Typical parameters Six typical parameters are used to ‘predict the thermal environment that will result in thermal comfort’ (Vanos et al. 2010, p.320). These include four environmental parameters (air temperature, humidity, radiant temperature and wind velocity), metabolic heat (generated by human activity) and clothing insulation (Gaitani et al. 2007; Parsons 2003; Spagnolo and De Dear 2003a; Vanos et al. 2010).

Some studies consider single-climate parameters, such as air temperature, while others consider compound indicators, such as mean radiant temperature (see below) (Lin et al. 2013). It is widely acknowledged, nevertheless, that ‘human beings cannot feel thermal parameters, such as air temperature, individually’ (Andrade et al. 2011, p.675).

Measurement Outdoor comfort studies commonly measure meteorological parameters in-the-field within case study sites (Givoni et al. 2003; Lin et al. 2011; Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003; Thorsson et al. 2004). Additional data may be sourced from nearby meteorological stations.

Thorsson et al. (2004), for example, measured air temperature and humidity using a mobile station. Minima, maxima and means for air temperature, humidity, wind speed and global radiation were obtained from a meteorological station. Mean radiant temperature (MRT) was calculated using the RayMan modelling programme. In the RUROS Project, mobile stations measured temperature, humidity, globe temperature, globe solar radiation and wind speed. Mean temperatures were sourced from the closest meteorological stations (Tseliou et al. 2010).

Mean radiant temperature Mean radiant temperature (MRT) is defined as ‘the uniform temperature of an imaginary enclosure in which the radiant heat transfer from the human body equals the radiant heat transfer in the actual non-uniform enclosure’ (Vanos et al. 2010, p.326). The MRT ‘for the human body can be calculated from the temperature of surrounding surfaces and their orientation with respect to the body’ (Parsons 2003, p.17).

Calculating MRT in outdoor situations is difficult due to non-steady conditions and subjects regularly changing their posture, activities and locations. Indeed, Andrade et al. (2011, p.676)

105 determine that the contribution of solar radiation and MRT to thermal comfort models is ‘not significant’ because: people easily change their radiant environment, by moving between direct K [solar radiation] and shade, in response to the general thermal conditions. Times of permanency under these conditions are usually short and not sufficient to create a steady-state situation. However, according to Loughnan et al. (2012), the two most important environmental factors in determining thermal comfort in urban areas are exposure to MRT and ventilation. For Gulyás et al. (2006), MRT is the most important input parameter for the energy balance, especially during sunny weather.

Influence on comfort Parameters influence comfort, and potential outdoor activity, differently across geographical locations and climate regions (Vanos et al. 2010). For temperate cities, Nikolopoulou and Lykoudis (2007) found air temperature and solar radiation to be the most dominant parameters in Europe. Wind speed and relative humidity had a weak effect. Metje et al. (2008) found air temperature and wind speed clearly influence comfort, while solar radiation and relative humidity showed a weak relationship in the UK.

For hot cities, Cheng et al. (2010) found air temperature, wind speed and solar radiation are the most influential factors in subtropical Hong Kong. Lin et al. (2008) found a strong relationship between solar radiation and thermal sensation in hot-humid Taiwan. Aljawabra and Nikolopoulou (2010) determined solar radiation has the greatest negative effect on summer outdoor activities in dry, arid Phoenix (USA) and Marrakesh (North Africa). Givoni (2003, p.77) suggests that modifying ambient air temperature, solar radiation and wind to minimize outdoor discomfort may enhance the vitality of outdoor spaces during periods of extreme temperatures.

For beach-goers, de Freitas (2015, p.62) determined that ideal conditions are generally ‘warm’, with scattered cloud and wind speeds below six metres per second. The immediate thermal environment is the main factor impacting on comfort.

Influence on perception Parameters, such as sunlight and wind, may influence our perception of the beauty of a place (Knez 2003). Eliasson et al. (2007, p.82) found high wind speed and low air temperatures enhance the perception of an exposed waterfront. People also feel ‘more active’ when wind speeds were higher, possibly due to the positive aesthetic and symbolic value of wind at a waterfront. Conversely, wind reduced activities in the case study park and square.

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Steady-state outdoor indices Thermal comfort indices ‘model and predict the thermal interaction between the human body and its surrounding environment’ (Eliasson et al. 2007, p.73). Steady-state indices are developed by subjecting individuals to constant climate-controlled environments for long time periods (Chen and Ng 2012; Höppe 2002). For outdoor environments, there are a number of commonly used steady-state indices, as outlined below.

The apparent temperature is defined as ‘the temperature, at the reference humidity level, producing the same amount of discomfort as that experienced under the current ambient temperature and humidity’. It is modelled for ‘an adult, walking outdoors, in the shade’. AT is used as the official thermal comfort indicator by the Australian Bureau of Meteorology (ABOM 2010).

The predicted mean vote (PMV) is the most extensively used index (Nikolopoulou 2011). PMV employs a seven point ‘psychophysical scale’ ranging from -3 (cold) to +3 (hot) with 0 as neutral. PMV may be used to predict the actual thermal sensation, ‘the perception of heat and cold (what one feels)’ (Vanos et al. 2010, p.322). PMV values between slightly cool to slightly warm (that is, ±1) are ‘widely considered to be “thermally acceptable”’ (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a, p.722).

The physiological equivalent temperature (PET) is defined as ‘the air temperature at which, in a typical indoor setting (without wind and solar radiation), the heat budget of the human body is balanced with the same core and skin temperature as under the ‘…. complex outdoor conditions to be assessed’ (Höppe 1999, p.71).

The universal thermal comfort index (UTCI) allows ‘calculations of the thermal state of different parts of the human body’ (Nikolopoulou 2011, p.1555). UTCI ‘represents specific climates, weather, and locations’ and ‘depicts temporal variability of thermal conditions better than other indices’ (Blazejczyk et al. 2012, p.515).

The windchill index takes into account the cooling effects of wind (Nikolopoulou 2011). Windchill indices are generally used for colder temperatures than those experienced in Australia’ (ABOM 2010).

Additional outdoor indices include standard effective temperature (SET) and outdoor standard effective temperature (OUT_SET). PMV, PET and SET are integrated in software models for evaluating outdoor thermal comfort conditions, such as Ray Man and ENVI-MET (Vanos et al. 2010).

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Limitations In stark contrast to steady thermal conditions, people in public spaces are likely to encounter a range of microclimates over short periods, even minutes (DeVeau 2011). Other limitations of steady-state indices relate to overestimation, use of average subjects, and contextual factors.

Höppe (2002) states steady-state models tend to overestimate discomfort for the relatively short periods spent outdoors (less than one hour). A person leaving a room in thermal comfort into cold outdoor conditions may take hours to obtain a steady-state. Conversely, a steady-state may be reached within less than 30 minutes when leaving into hot conditions.

Comfort index calculations are often based on an average person, not accounting for individual variations (Huizenga et al. 2001). Tseliou et al. (2010, p.1349) calculated PET for ‘an average person’ (height 1.75m, weight 75kg). Höppe (2002, p.662) used a ‘model subject’ (male, age 35, height 1.75m, weight 75kg). Reflecting the limitations of walkability benchmarks, comfort indices do not consider the influence of ‘non-average’ body dimensions and abilities on comfort (Section 3.9).

Importantly, steady-state indices do not account for contextual and psychological adaptation aspects (Chen and Ng 2012; Eliasson et al. 2007; Thorsson et al. 2004). Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a, p.723) emphasise ‘thermal sensation and acceptability in outdoor recreational areas must surely be context specific’. To illustrate this point, the authors note how holiday-makers deliberately choose locations ‘where the thermal conditions would be rated intolerable if encountered indoors’ (p.723).

Lin et al. (2011, p.302) agree that ‘contextual factors induce thermal expectations that are specific to each setting’. Consequently: people may well have divergent thermal perceptions/preferences when they are exposed to different contexts, despite having identical thermal balances as indicated by the heat-balance comfort indices (p.303). Nikolopoulou (2011, p.1555) reflects that, in the process of developing indices, ‘we have distanced humans from the real world context’. While the thermoregulatory system is important, ‘we need to look beyond thermal physiology to enhance our understanding of the discrepancy between actual and modelled data’ (p.1555). Indeed, Nikolopoulou (2011, p.1555) suggests ‘behavioral and other cognitive factors may enrich our understanding of the field’.

Towards this understanding, studies measure weather parameters alongside questionnaire interviews to explore the complexities of human perception of the atmospheric environment (Andrade et al. 2011).

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Perception, experience and preference At Section 4.2, I noted that space is perceived with implications for how public space may be accessed and used. Nikolopoulou and Steemers (2003) argue different people experience and perceive the thermal environment in different ways. As Cabanac (as cited in de Dear 2011, p.110) proclaims, ‘[O]ne man’s breeze is another man’s draft’.

Thermal comfort research often employs questionnaires to obtain data for individual subjects. Similar to the measurements, there is great variation in the design of questionnaires (Johansson et al. 2014).

Standardised scales Questionnaires generally allow subjects to rate their current thermal comfort level using a range of standardised scales, some including a value of neutral. Examples include: • five-point actual sensation vote (-2 very cold to +2 very hot) (Aljawabra and Nikolopoulou 2010); • ASHRAE seven-point thermal sensation vote (−3 cold to 0 neutral to 3 hot) (Lin et al. 2011); • McIntyre preference scale ‘(right now I prefer “cooler”, “no change” or “warmer”)’ (Lin et al. 2011, p.304) and • direct assessments of thermal dissatisfaction (“satisfied” or “dissatisfied”) (Lin et al. 2008, n.p.).

Extreme heat scales

Two studies conducted in extreme heat conditions in Israel used scales that extended the range to ‘unbearably hot’. The first used a 10-point scale (0 very cold to 9 unbearably hot with 4 as neutral); the second employed an 8-point scale (-3 very cold to 4 unbearably hot with 0 as comfortable) (Givoni et al. 2003).

Questions and data Questionnaires commonly gather data on demographics (age and sex), metabolic rate (activity level) prior to the interview, and adaptive behaviour related to clothing insulation (Lin et al. 2011; Metje et al. 2008).

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Figure 4.6 RUROS Project - standard questionnaire extract Part B. Source: CRES (2004a). The standard RUROS Project questionnaire (Figure 4.6) gathers demographic data on occupation and education level. In addition to thermal perception, questions explore the influence of sound, glare and views on the subject’s experience of the study site. Questions also determine the reasons for and frequency of the subject’s attendance, and whether they are local to the study

110 site. Many of the questions to subjects are consistent with those adopted by Whyte (1980) and Gehl (2010) in their studies.

Descriptions While questionnaires indicate some shared disciplinary approaches, the above discussion of parameters and indices reinforce the more technically-driven approaches of thermal comfort research. This highlights a major difference in methods employed by environment-behaviour disciplines to describe weather parameters and microclimate. Specific temperature ranges are, at times, referenced in environment-behaviour research. It is the user experience that is important in this research approach. As Seamon and Gill (2016, p.122) note, ‘[T]he research focus is on phenomena, things or experiences as human beings experience those things’. However, in the main, approaches are relatively subjective and illustrative of ‘narratives’, ‘heuristic inquiry’ and ‘descriptive note-taking’ methods - qualitative methods.

Narratives are ‘the organisation of stories … which makes these stories meaningful or coherent in a form appropriate to a particular context’ (Silverman 2011, p.470). Heuristic inquiry is ‘a form of phenomenological inquiry that brings to the fore the personal experience and insights of the researcher’ (Patton 1990, p.71). Descriptive note-taking captures what researchers have ‘noticed, seen, remembered, been reminded of, talked about, and felt’ in the field (Emmel and Clark 2009, p.9).

Weather Whyte (1980) uses an array of subjective descriptors to portray weather in city plazas, from ‘muggy’, ‘mild’, ‘cool’, ‘too cool’ and ‘cloudy’ and through to ‘tolerable’, ‘dry’, ‘bright’, ‘pleasant’ and ‘beautiful’. Good walking weather is described as ‘sparkling sunny days with temperatures in the seventies’ (approximately 21-260C) (p.44). In some instances, descriptors are provided by interviewees; others reflect the personal experiences and interpretations of Whyte.

Gehl (2010, p.168) describes weather as ‘good’, ‘bad’, ‘not bad’, ‘acceptable’, and ‘as good as it gets given the situation’. Specific temperatures are employed to emphasise the overriding preference of a ‘shining’ sun (sunshine) and ‘tame’ wind (low wind speed): It doesn’t seem to matter whether the temperature is -10C/14F or +25C/77F. When the sun is shining and the wind is tame, it is a good day at Nordic latitudes (p.169). Similar to Whyte, descriptors seemingly reflect Gehl’s personal experiences and interpretations.

Microclimate Like ‘weather’, microclimate is described in subjective terms, such as ‘open’, ‘enclosed’, ‘windy’, ‘nippy’, ‘drafty’, ‘exposed’, ‘shaded’, ‘sheltered’ and ‘warm’ (Whyte 1980). Microclimatic spaces 111 include ‘semiopen niches’, ‘suntraps’ and ‘crannies’ (p.45). Terms depict general protection from and exposure to sun, wind and rain, and provision of sunlight.

4.6 Everyday activities and comfort

Sitting and walking activities are common everyday activities essential to lively, healthy cities. Importantly, sitting and walking are significant themes in both environment-behaviour and outdoor thermal comfort studies. In fact, my literature review indicates that knowledge is often shared across these disciplines on the interrelations between sitting, walking and thermal comfort. This shared research focus presents opportunities for on-going cross-sectoral understanding.

An important starting point is to note that sitting and walking are highly integrated activities.

Complementary and inter-connected Sitting and walking are complementary and inter-connected activities characterised by flow, self-congestion and metabolic heat transitions. As noted by Whyte (1980, p.21), people usually stop to talk in the middle of pedestrian traffic streams, and are inclined to ‘station themselves near objects, such as a flagpole’. Equally, the majority of conversations on busy streets are held ‘smack in the center of the [pedestrian] flow’. The easier the flow of pedestrians between streets and public spaces, the greater the likelihood of people ‘tarrying’ and ‘sitting’ (p.33).

Transitions between the sitting (sedentary) and walking (moderate-intensity) activities influence metabolic heat production, with implications for thermal comfort. Walking is more comfortable than sitting when the air feels cold. However, sitting in the shade is more comfortable than walking in direct sunlight under hot conditions (de Montigny et al. 2012).

Spagnolo and de Dear (2003b, p.1391), for example, advise that the Sydney (Australia) ‘summer climate is ideal for sitting outdoors in parks or sidewalk cafes during the day, but once subjects begin to walk and their bodies reach thermal equilibrium … the comfort temperature is exceeded’.

Sitting and walking Choices associated with sitting are more influenced by comfort and microclimate considerations than those for walking, such as where to sit and how long to stay. Johansson et al. (2014, p.356) explain that: in places where people pass by on their way to a destination (a transition space) the microclimate may not be as important as in a resting place where poor comfort conditions may lead to avoidance of use.

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Nikolopoulou and Steemers (2003, p.95) agree a route is less likely to be chosen based on comfort ‘since the time of exposure to the specific environmental conditions is short’. However, ‘poor comfort conditions’ in resting places ‘may distress people and lead them to avoid using these areas’ (p.95). Similarly, Gehl (2010) notes microclimate and comfort increase in importance along with length of stay. As a result, participants that pass through or stop temporarily in study areas are excluded in some research designs (Lin et al. 2013; Thorsson et al. 2004).

Places where people choose not to sit are also significant. The circumstances in which people’s preferences are most evident are outside peak use times, when people are able to choose where to sit. Whyte (1980, p.44) determined that vacant sunny spots in plazas during summer indicated ‘very hot weather’. Field investigations indicated that at temperatures of 900F (320C) or more, people chose to sit in the shade rather than the sun.

Chapter 3 established that ‘life on foot’ is a requisite for good city life (Gehl 2010, p.19). If ‘cities are to adapt to the post-petroleum age’, an essential action involves creating ‘walking cities’ (Kenworthy 2007, p.48). In contrast to sitting, the thermal comfort of pedestrians involves three main components: the mechanical force of wind; the body’s thermal comfort; and wind chill effects on exposed skin. If any combination of these “comfort components” is not satisfied to a particular level, then pedestrians will not be comfortable (Soligo et al. 1998, p.759). Degree of necessity Further to sitting and walking, Gehl (2010) categorizes everyday activities in city spaces according to ‘degree of necessary’. He argues ‘optional’ activities are the only ones that are markedly influenced by comfort and microclimate: • Necessary activities are ‘activities people generally have to undertake’, for example going to work, picking children up from school, and shopping. They are undertaken ‘under all conditions’ (p.20); • Optional activities are ‘largely recreational’ and one’s people might like to do, for example, ‘sitting down to enjoy the view or the good weather’. When ‘conditions for being outdoors is good’, people in increasing numbers engage in optional activities (p.20); and • Social activities ‘require the presence of other people’. These range from ‘passive see and hear’ contacts (e.g. watching people) to ‘active contacts’ (e.g. chance meetings and greeting exchanges) to ‘planned activities’ (e.g. parades and markets) (p.20-21). Eliasson et al. (2007) also found that other people are a main attraction to public spaces.

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Sittable space versus thermal comfort Whyte (1980, p.27) views a ‘sittable space’ as the most important factor influencing people’s selection of a place to sit. It is more important than sun, aesthetics, shape and amount of space. People will mostly sit where pedestrian flow bisects a sittable place.

Nonetheless, microclimate is part of the ‘effective capacity’ of sittable places - that is, the ‘number of people who by their free choice will sit at a place during normal peak-use periods’ (Whyte 1980, p.68). Each place has ‘its own norm’ based on many particulars, including ‘the comfort of the perch, what you see from it, the overall attractiveness of the area’ and microclimate (p.68).

Sittable places are categorised according to ‘primary’ and ‘secondary’ seating (Gehl 2010, p.141). The major users of ‘primary’ seating (e.g. furniture with backs and arms, benches and moveable seats) are older people. ‘Secondary’ seating (e.g. steps, bollards, sculptures, and the ground itself) are ‘places where people can more informally and spontaneously sit to rest and look around’ (p.142). The main occupants of secondary seating are children and young people as they ‘can sit anywhere on anything’ (p.143). As seating choice correlates with age, thermal- sensitivities associated with age may also affect choices.

Gehl (2010, p.140) also views microclimate as important. He describes favourable sitting requirements as ‘good placement preferably at the edge of the space with your back covered, a good view, an appropriately low noise level to allow conversation, and no pollution’ in tandem with ‘a pleasant microclimate’ (p.140). Seats with the better view of other people are used ‘far more frequently’ than those without a view.

Social comfort On a final note for everyday activities, Whyte (1980, p.18) proposes ‘social comfort’ is the most important comfort form in relation to sitting. He correlates a higher degree of ‘sociability’ with higher proportions of people meeting other people e.g. couples and groups. Highly sociable places are also congenial for individuals, for a ‘lively place can be the best place to be’ if you are alone (p.18).

Social comfort requirements also differ for men and women. This is illustrated by men tending to sit up front in city plazas, while women favour slightly secluded places (Whyte 1980).

4.7 Mood

Weather, seasons and heat influence mood and, in turn, behaviour. This is another area of research that is given little attention in environment-behaviour or thermal comfort studies. 114

Mood and weather Weather has long been held to be an ‘important determinant of everyday mood and behavior in modern life’ (Keller et al. 2005, p.724). Generally, ‘higher mood’ is associated with higher temperatures, lower humidity and longer sunshine hours (Cunningham 1979; Howarth and Hoffman 1984; Persinger 1975). However, studies exploring ‘associations between weather and psychological changes have produced mixed results’ (Keller et al. 2005, p.724).

Howarth and Hoffman (1984) monitored weather variables, including sunshine hours, precipitation, temperature, wind direction and velocity, humidity, and absolute barometric pressure. Mood variables included concentration, cooperation, anxiety, potency, aggression, depression, sleepiness, scepticism, control and optimism. Results indicate humidity, temperature and hours of sunshine have the most significant effect on mood: high humidity lowered concentration while increasing reported sleepiness; rising temperatures reduced anxiety and scepticism mood.

Persinger (1975) correlated a similar range of weather variables with self-reports. In this study, participants rated their mood using a 0-10 scale against descriptive words. For example, ‘6’ was associated with the descriptors ‘mildly happy, pleasant, complacent’, while ‘3’ aligned with ‘unhappy, discontented, concerned’. Results indicated ‘higher moods’ were associated with greater sunshine hours and lower relative humidity (p.109).

Keller et al. (2005, p.724) calls into question the ‘commonly held belief that weather affects mood’, citing an extensive examination of weather-mood associations by Watson (as cited in Keller 2005). This study involved over 20,000 observations by students in Texas during the fall or the spring. No significant correlations were found between weather variables and self- reported mood.

Mood and seasons The effect of weather on mood is moderated by two factors: the season and time spent outdoors (Keller et al. 2005). Many studies indicate seasonal variations in sunlight are associated with seasonal affective disorder (SAD) - that is, a seasonally recurrent depression with typical onset during the autumn or winter and remission in spring (Keller et al. 2005; Ness et al. 1999).

For example, a study in Michigan (USA) found ‘pleasant’ weather in spring (described as higher temperature or barometric pressure) was associated with ‘higher’ mood, better memory, and ‘broadened cognition’ as time spent outside increased (Keller et al. 2005, p.724). It was concluded that higher moods followed the deprivation of pleasant weather during the winter.

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In this study, the same relationships between mood and weather were not observed at other times of year. In fact, hotter weather was associated with ‘lower’ mood in the summer. In comparison, Goldstein (1972) found low mood to be associated with high temperature and high humidity in a study conducted in autumn.

Aggression and heat Many studies have observed associations between seasonal warmth and aggressive behaviour (Auliciems and DiBartolo 1995). Hot summers have been found to produce bigger increases in violence than cooler summers and violence rates are higher in hotter years than in cooler years. Measured by assault rates, spontaneous riots, and domestic violence, aggression is higher during hotter days, months, seasons and years (Anderson 2001).

A study conducted in subtropical Brisbane (Australia) found a significant relationship between complaints to police for domestic violence and maximum air temperature, during all seasons (Auliciems and DiBartolo 1995). Within seasons, high temperature is also reliably associated with violent behaviour (Hughes et al. 2004; Keller et al. 2005; Rotton and Cohn 2001), although there is some debate over an ‘eventual decline of violence at extremely high temperatures’ (Auliciems and DiBartolo 1995, p.34). Beyond thermal conditions, a study of synoptic conditions in Chicago (USA) found that aggression - as measured by calls to the police - was related to the passage of warm and cold fronts, with an increased rate of calls during the warm fronts (Le-Beau and Corcoran 1990).

The effects of hot temperatures on aggression may be explained by ‘physiological effects of temperature’ or by ‘indirect effects due to the higher likelihood of interpersonal interactions in pleasant weather’ (Keller et al. 2005, p.725). Hot temperatures also increase aggression by ‘directly increasing feelings of hostility’ (Anderson 2001, p.33).

While numerous psychological processes might be involved in the typical effect of high temperatures on aggression and violence, the ‘simplest and most powerful ones all revolve around the “crankiness” notion’ (Anderson 2001, p.36). As Anderson also notes, global warming may well lead to an increase in violent-crime rates.

Alcohol consumption and heat Increased alcohol consumption during hot weather can generate problems, such higher levels of drink-driving, crime and public disorder (Hughes et al. 2004). In Australia, many major public holidays, cultural festivals and sporting events occur in summer. These occasions draw

116 significant numbers of people into public spaces, such as parks, beaches and outdoor festival venues, and are often accompanied by high alcohol consumption (Lloyd et al. 2013).

Interestingly, summer hot weather and high alcohol consumption were background to the lead up to the ‘Cronulla Riots’ (ABC 2006), a violent eruption involving 5,000 people on 11 December 2005 in public spaces along the beachfront of one of Sydney’s southern suburbs. The week of the riots was unusually hot, with five days of maximum temperatures above the monthly mean (29.50C) ranging from 30.1-400C (measured at the nearest ABOM weather station); and four days of minimum temperatures above the monthly mean.

Minimum temperatures may exacerbate heat stress signs, including thirst, tiredness, fatigue, mental confusion and visual disturbances, (Sections 2.3 and 2.5). This suggests that unusually hot weather may have contributed to the violent behaviour of the riots.

4.8 Thermal adaptive behaviour

The thermal perception and preferences in the outdoors are affected by thermal adaptation (Lin et al. 2011). Thermal adaptation is explained by Nikolopoulou and Steemers (2003, p.96): The term ‘adaptation’ can be broadly defined as the gradual decrease of the organism’s response to repeated exposure to a stimulus, involving all the actions that make them better suited to survive in such an environment. In the context of thermal comfort, this may involve all the processes which people go through to improve the fit between the environment and their requirements. Adaptive comfort theory involves a ‘less static approach to understanding thermal comfort, recognising that thermal perception is not limited to factors measurable through the physical and physiological sciences’ (Saman et al. 2013, p.98). The most appropriate source of evidence for adaptive comfort behaviour is field investigation, ‘using “real” people engaged in “real” tasks and interacting in “real” built environments’ (Auliciems and de Dear as cited in de Freitas 2015, p.56). Adaption can be classified as physiological, behavioural and psychological (de Dear et al. 2013).

Physiological adaptation Physiological adaptation, or acclimatisation, involves ‘changes in the physiological responses resulting from repeated exposure to a stimulus, leading to a gradual decreased strain from such exposure’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.97). A more detailed outline of acclimatisation is given in Section 2.3.

Seasonal acclimatisation partly explains differences in sitting activities in New York plazas in spring:

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One of the peak sitting days is the first warm day in spring, even though the same temperature later would be felt too cool for sitting (Whyte 1980, p.44). Acclimatisation becomes crucial in extreme environments (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003). In hot-humid countries, for example, local people have a higher heat-humidity tolerance than non-locals due to acclimatisation (Makaremi et al. 2012).

Behavioural adaptation Behavioural or physical adaptation involves ‘all the changes a person makes, in order to adjust oneself to the environment, or alter the environment to his needs’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.97). There are two different kinds of behavioural adaptation: reactive and interactive.

Reactive adaptation According to Nikolopoulou (2011), reactive adaptation is key to our species’ survival. To improve the fit between the environment and our needs, humans vary their posture to ‘enhance or protect solar or wind exposure for heating or cooling’ (p.1560). Similarly, humans modify their activity levels and metabolic rate, ‘whether it involves a brisk walk on a chilly day or limiting physical activity in hotter environments’ (p.1560).

Reactive adaptation also involves changing one’s position. This is an ‘effective way to avoid discomfort’ and strongly dependent on microclimatic conditions (Nikolopoulou 2011, p.1560). In studies of park usage in Taiwan (Lin et al. 2013) and Sweden (Thorsson et al. 2004), people adapted to increasing thermal conditions by moving from direct sunlight to shaded areas.

Reactive adaptation also includes adjusting clothing insulation. Clothing insulation reduces as air temperature rises, irrespective of geographic location. While air temperature is the main determinant of clothing insulation, wind becomes significant at ‘high speeds and low temperatures, where wind is the predominant factor’ (Nikoloupoulou 2011, p.1560).

Insulation is complicated by clothing design, levels of activity, modesty (Thorsson et al. 2004) and cultural norms. A study comparing the hot arid climate of Phoenix-Arizona (USA) and Marrakesh (North Africa) found clothing insulation was consistently higher in Marrakesh as both sexes tend to wear clothes that cover most of their body due to ‘cultural rules’ (Aljawabra and Nikolpoulou 2010, p.209).

Substantial differences in clothing insulation and cultural norms relate to clothed and naked states, as demonstrated by an exchange between an early European settler (Dawes) and an Aboriginal woman (Patyegaran) in colonial Sydney. While warming themselves at an open fire, Dawes told Patyegaran:

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she should not stand around naked in the cold as she was used to doing. She briskly replied that she was near the fire to get warm and that if she had clothes on it would take longer for her skin to absorb the heat (Troy 1992, p.158). Interactive adaptation In interactive adaptation, ‘people make changes to the environment in order to improve their comfort conditions’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.97). Outdoor environments offer limited opportunities for interaction beyond ‘opening a parasol for shade’, ‘ building shelters to create favorable microclimates’ and using technological developments for heating and cooling, such as outdoor patio-heaters and outdoor sprinklers (Nikolopoulou 2011, pp.1559-1560). de Freitas (2015, p.62) identifies how beach-goers, for example, ‘create, to a point, a personal microclimate that is acceptable’. Methods include using ‘shade umbrellas, windbreaks and possibly increased frequency of swims’.

Reactive and interactive adaptations are commonly incorporated into field observations and interviews employed in comfort studies. For example, the RUROS field observation questionnaire (Figure 4.7) includes adaptations, such as whether the observed person is wearing a cap/ hat and sunglasses, carrying an umbrella, making movements to screen their eyes from excessive light, or consuming hot or cold drinks, and the person’s level of clothing (CRES 2004a).

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Figure 4.7 Standard RUROS questionnaire - A. Observations. Source: CRES (2004a). Psychological adaptation Psychological adaptation involves ‘adjusting comfort expectations toward climatic conditions prevailing indoors and outdoors’ (de Dear et al. 2013, p.443).

The importance of psychological adaptation is highlighted by discrepancies between objective (modelled) and actual (subjective) data for comfort assessments. A study by Nikolopoulou and Steemers (2003, p.95) found microclimatic parameters only account for ‘around 50% of the variation between objective and subjective comfort evaluation’. The remaining is attributed to complex and variable interrelations between psychological aspects.

Psychological adaptations relate to naturalness, expectations and experience, exposure length, perceived control and personal choice, environmental stimulation, memory and socio-cultural processes (Knez and Thorsson 2006; Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003; Thorsson et al. 2004). A 120 brief description of these adaptations is necessary to understand their relevance to outdoor public space use and my study.

Naturalness Naturalness describes ‘an environment free from artificiality’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.97). In outdoor urban spaces with high levels of natural char istics (e.g. parks), the tolerance to widespread changes in climatic conditions is high, provided changes occur naturally.

Expectations and experience When outdoors, people expect variability, including changes in sun, shade and wind speed (Givoni et al. 2003). Expectations relate to ‘what the environment should be like, rather than what it actually is’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.97).

Expectations are influenced by past experience. Long-term experience is demonstrated by people in countries with hot summers, who expect hot weather and have mechanisms to cope with heat. Short-term experience underlies the increased numbers of people using urban squares on summer evenings, when temperatures after sunset are relatively cooler that those at midday (Nikolopoulou 2011).

In hot-humid countries, people are tolerant of heat due to their expectation of outdoor environments (Makaremi et al. 2012).

Exposure length Length of exposure influences satisfaction with the thermal environment. Exposure to discomfort, for instance, may not be negative if the person anticipates a short-lived exposure (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003).

Perceived control and personal choice People with perceived control over a source of discomfort may ‘tolerate wide variations’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.97). Nikolpoulou (2011, p.1563) argues most people in outdoor urban environments ‘are there by their own choice. Hence they have greater control and can terminate the exposure to the conditions when desired’. This observation aligns with ‘optional’ activities, for which thermal comfort is an important factor (Section 4.6). Means of control may also include a degree of control over a seating area and the amount and type of clothing worn. Fundamentally, ‘the degree of perceived control is more important than whether that control is actually exercised’ (p.1563).

The part absence of personal choice may be associated with dissatisfaction with the thermal environment. People who are in outdoor spaces due to work or ‘waiting for a third party to 121 arrive have a higher probability of being dissatisfied with the environment’ (Nikolpoulou 2011, p.1563). In these circumstances, the person cannot terminate exposure when desired as this depends on work arrangements or the appearance of the third party. This activity type correlates with ‘necessary’ activities, for which thermal comfort is not a priority consideration (Section 4.6).

Environmental stimulation Environmental stimulation is viewed ‘an important asset’ of external spaces and ‘probably the main reason for the majority of people to sit outdoors’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.98). Overwhelming evidence indicates that people ‘enjoy environmental stimulation and a static environment becomes intolerable’ (Nikolopoulou 2011, p.1561). Examples of positive environmental stimulation include exposure to sunshine, breeze and fresh air. This reinforces the argument supporting traditional adaptation approaches and ‘thermal delight’ over ‘thermal monotony’ (Section 3.6).

Memory The climate of a place impacts on memory. According to Knez (2003, p.67), climate ‘not only constitutes objectively a place but also subjectively influences the way we experience and remember a place’. Climate may have a ‘significant impact on meanings we attribute to places, on autobiographical memories we have of places … on activities we perform at places and on emotional bonds we evolve toward places’ (p.67).

Socio-cultural processes Finally, socio-cultural processes may be intertwined with thermal, emotional and perceptual assessments of a physical place. Lin et al. (2008, p.207) note ‘people in different areas may have different thermal sensations or preferences even under the same climate conditions’.

Knez and Thorsson (2006, p.258), for example, compared the ‘influence of culture’ and ‘environmental attitude (urban vs open-air person)’ on the assessment of public squares by Swedish and Japanese participants. Results indicated Swedes estimate conditions as windier and colder compared with Japanese. Swedes also felt ‘more glad and calm’ in the square and ‘estimated the square as more beautiful and pleasant’ than Japanese participants (p.258).

Designing for adaptive behaviours and heat Adaptation design is an area in which disciplinary understanding and approaches significantly overlap. A history of shared knowledge and approaches was presented in the preceding chapter, which outlined transitions from traditional (Section 3.4) to climate-sensitive design (Section 3.5)

122 adaptation approaches. The ongoing relevance of long-standing, traditional adaptive behaviours to living in hot environments was emphasised. Redefining indoor-outdoor spatial relations was shown to be key. Building on traditional approaches, climate-sensitive design uses new technologies to reduce urban heat and provide thermal comfort.

Essentially, adaptive design considers and enables adaptive behaviours to facilitate comfort. It provides thermal choice while thermal conditions change over the course of a day and through the seasons. Here I focus on design approaches to outdoor public spaces that enable adaptive behaviours.

Spatial and thermal variation Spatial and thermal variation is achieved through creating a ‘variety of sub-spaces within the same area’, allowing for access to sun and shade, exposure to breezes and protection from wind (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.100). Variation may be facilitated by interactive adaptation elements (e.g. movable umbrellas and awnings). Microclimatic variety within an area ‘enables great individual control in overcoming discomfort’ (Thorsson et al. 2004, p.153).

Spatial and thermal choice in cities facilitates a ‘rich variety of different environments to be experienced’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.100). Taking advantage of seasonal variations in the microclimate can provide ‘“climatically” attractive’ public spaces all year round (Eliasson et al. 2007, p.83).

The influence of ‘quality environments’ and ‘sittable’ space on public place use were previously raised in Sections 3.7 and 4.4 respectively. Thermal comfort and variety contribute to the quality and degree to which a place is considered sittable.

A study of a plaza redesign demonstrates the importance of spatial and thermal variation to people choosing to stop and sit. The redesign aimed to improve use through increasing seating. Results reveal that the ‘amount of seating provision is unimportant’ (Zacharias et al. 2004, p.657). Rather, temperature, sunlight, and the quality and position of seating, largely determined whether seating is used. These findings reflect Whyte’s (1980) argument that patterns of use are linked to public space quality. He observes that ‘good new spaces’ build ‘new constituencies’, stimulate new ‘habits’, ‘paths to and from work, new places to pause’, and all ‘very quickly’ (p.16).

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Design resources Despite shared approaches, designing for heat adaptation is hampered by communication barriers separating disciplines. Designers and planners are ‘demanding easily understandable methods … to facilitate comfortable microclimates’ (Gulyás et al. 2006, p.1713).

Resources include the ‘Designing Open Spaces in the Urban Environment: a Bioclimatic Approach’ (CRES 2004b) guidelines, informed by the outcomes of the RUROS project (Section 4.4). These guidelines explain thermal comfort models and provide design principles and applications. The ‘Framework for Transit Oriented Development in Florida’ (FDOTCA 2011) outlines practical design and planning approaches to integrating thermal comfort into sustainable transport initiatives in extreme hot-humid climatic conditions.

4.9 Research designs and methods

Throughout this chapter, shared disciplinary understandings have been highlighted. I close discussion in this chapter with a summary of common and different research designs and methods. These are critical to developing a research design and set of methods, built upon a foundation that extends the landscape architecture knowledge and skills base of my study.

Significantly, reviewed studies and reports indicate a consensus on adopting a case study approach involving real-life outdoor behaviour settings. The vast majority of reviewed studies employ case studies, highlighting the influence of generic and place-specific aspects of settings on behaviour and comfort.

Outdoor case studies necessarily require an assessment of their environmental context. Accordingly, disciplinary consensus extends to assessing contextual environmental factors. However, differences lie in the specific environmental factors assessed and the extent to which factors are examined (Section 4.4).

An imperative of real-life case studies is fieldwork. Accordingly, most reviewed studies involve research undertaken in the field. Major and commonly-used fieldwork methods include observation, counting, behavioural mapping, interviews and photography. Significant differences in approach relate to the variables examined in the field, the way fieldwork conditions may lead to fieldwork modifications (related to heat stress), and scheduling of fieldwork.

On weather and microclimatic variables, the influence of meteorological parameters on comfort, outdoor activity and mood is of interest across disciplines. Major distinctions, however, are evident in the way parameters are described, measured, monitored and analysed. The 124 technical measurement and modelling of parameters are a specialist area of thermal comfort researchers. Narrative, heuristic inquiry and descriptive note-taking related to weather, and phenomenological user experience on the other hand, are generally the domain of environment-behaviour researchers, particularly ethnographers (Section 4.8). Nonetheless, thermal perception, experience and adaptive behaviours are significant overlapping areas of knowledge and research interest.

On physical activity variables, disciplines share a general focus on ‘sitting’ and ‘walking/ transit’ activities. They also share a general understanding of the influence of comfort on optional and necessary activities and adaptive behaviours. Relations between heat stress and the metabolic heat expenditure of physical activities (Section 2.3) is commonly understood - that is, people tend to reduce activity intensity or rest when temperatures are high.

A major difference, however, relates to the broader gamut of everyday activities which significantly impact on behaviour. This is the realm of behaviour settings and behaviour studies and environment-behaviour researchers.

On analysis methods, contextual assessments provide insights into the generators of everyday activities and the influence of quality environments on behaviour patterns. Fieldwork data for recurring behaviour patterns and the thermal conditions particular to sitting/ sedentary and walking/ transit activities provide insights into comfort.

4.10 Conclusion

This chapter examined behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space. The discussion addressed my first research question - the extent to which climate and weather, particularly hot weather, influence physical activity and comfort.

Multiple interacting factors influence behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space. Weather and climate are factors among this broad range. As noted at the outset, a major challenge of this study is discerning the influences of climate and weather when so many other, interacting factors are simultaneously at play. The chapter establishes that an effective starting point is understanding relations between behaviour settings and behaviour. Real-life public spaces provide valuable case study settings for exploring city life. Recurrent patterns of activity provide a basis for exploring more variable aspects, such as the influence of changing weather. The nature of real-life and the outdoors requires research designs to consider context, complexity and variability. Multi-method approaches are essential for this task.

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The chapter also showed that thermal environments and comfort are components of behaviour settings and behaviour. Research on thermal comfort, however, involves a specialised, technologically-driven approach to weather parameters that is distinct from the approach taken by environment-behaviour studies. Nevertheless, I noted that commonalities with environment- behaviour research fields can be found in the areas of human thermal perception, experience and adaptive behaviours. Major fieldwork methods are also shared for observation, counting, behavioural mapping, interviews and photography; significant variations relate to weather parameters and their recording.

Throughout the chapter, I focused on hot weather, where possible. I noted that the impacts of heat on physical activity and comfort varied for geographical location. Significantly, warm weather is generally aligned with higher levels of activity and mood; comfort preferences favour feeling slightly warm. In contrast, cold and wet weather generally correlates with reduced activity. In extreme hot conditions (hot-humid and arid), physical activity levels and comfort are lower.

Finally, this chapter is instrumental in informing my research design and methods. It concludes Part I of the thesis. In the next chapter, I commence Part II by presenting the research design and methods of the study.

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Part II Research design and methods 5 Design and methods

5.1 Introduction

This chapter outlines the research design and methods used in this study. These are informed by themes, methods and variables that emerged from the extensive theoretical review in Part I. As few studies investigate the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and comfort in real-life outdoor spaces - that is, the investigation central to my first research question - an important component of this research involved developing a research design and set of methods. This also highlights an important gap in knowledge in the Australian context.

The design and methods of this research, as a result, drew from a range of disciplines and involved a continual process of theorising, testing, analysing and modifying. The knowledge and skill foundation was landscape architecture. Importantly, this action research process enabled the integration and testing of emerging new knowledge over the study’s longitudinal timeframe. Fieldwork comprised a major component of this study.

The chapter also strives to address one of the central aims of this study - to develop a cross- disciplinary research design and methods for examining the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and comfort in real-life outdoor public spaces, particularly by older people, impacting on health and well-being.

The chapter begins with an overview of the research design, specifically the theoretical themes, research framework, methods and variables. Methodologies are then explained with regard to the case study approach, contextual assessments, fieldwork, focus group, and data collation and analysis. As the major component, fieldwork methods are comprehensively dealt with in relation to recording behaviour and weather in the field.

Madanipour (2003) emphasises that public space researchers are required to interpret and understand the meaning and significance of behaviour from the complexities observed. However: What is for one person a refreshing experience of feeling in touch with nature becomes for another party just a person walking past in the park. What is a rich web of emotions and attachments to places … for one person becomes a set of statistics on pedestrian behaviour for another (p.140).

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This study confronted these complexities by collecting and analyzing a breadth of data types - from ‘a set of statistics’ on behaviour through to experiences of ‘feeling in touch with nature’. Data from numerous sources were analysed from multiple perspectives.

5.2 Research design

The research design of this study is founded on landscape architectural approaches, and incorporates methods and variables from cross-disciplines, spanning the built environment, environmental psychology, ethnography, public health, and urban climatology. Common theoretical themes that emerged from the review enabled the development of a cross- disciplinary framework. The themes and research framework are outlined below.

Theoretical themes Four theoretical themes emerged from the literature review in Part I. These laid the foundation for a cross-disciplinary approach to investigating the complex relations between heat, behaviour and comfort in outdoor settings. They are central to my research design, influencing all stages from data collection through to data collation, analysis and final results.

The themes are environmental context; understanding urban ecological relations; nature and natural processes; and public space use and thermal environments:

Environmental context The importance of environmental context at macro- and mico-scales is emphasised in relation to heat-vulnerability and healthy, age-friendly cities. It is also central to urban heat dynamics and behavioural adaptations.

Urban ecological understanding Ecological relationships are inherent to urban settings. Cities comprise complex systems and feedback loops, with implications for urban heat and creating urban environments that support population health. Accordingly, experimentation and ‘complexity analysis’ are necessary for reshaping cities confronting warming climates (Section 2.6).

Nature and natural processes The significance of nature and natural processes to urban population health was stressed throughout the literature. Nature provides psychological respite from urban stresses through ‘biophilia’ (Section 3.8). Natural shade and greening are essential to reducing urban heat. The diversity and stimulation of natural environments provide an antithesis to ‘thermal monotony’ and ubiquitous mechanically controlled environments (Section 3.6).

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Public space use and thermal environments Activities in public spaces commonly examined across disciplines are sitting, staying, walking and being in-transit (walking through). Each is given different emphasis depending on the purpose of the study. However, all activities are recognised as important to the extent of use of public spaces, and understood to imply associations with thermal conditions and comfort.

Research framework, methods and variables The cross-disciplinary framework evolved from a standard landscape architectural approaches to assessing and analysing public space and its use. In addition, methods and variables are incorporated from disciplines concerned with public space and those focused on urban heat and health. This will develop an understanding of people-environment relations in real-life outdoor spaces, the impact of heat, and implications for human health. The elements of this framework are outlined below.

Landscape architecture foundation Landscape architecture is interdisciplinary by nature. It shares strong disciplinary foundations with urban design and planning, environmental psychology, urban ecology, and the natural sciences. This is demonstrated in seminal texts of landscape architecture (e.g. Gehl 2010, Hough 1995, Jacobs 1992, Lynch 1986, Lynch and Hack 1984, McHarg 1992, Seddon 1998, Simonds 1983, Spirn 1984 and 1998, Whyte 1980). For example, ‘good practice’ landscape architecture embraces public space attributes that are core to healthy cities and age-friendly approaches.

Landscape architectural approaches to public space, presented in Table 5.1 and applied in this study, are informed by my academic study and experience as a practitioner. Contextual analyses on macro- and micro-scales are fundamental practice. While set out here as sequential stages, in reality processes overlap and analyses may be continuous throughout an assessment and evaluation process.

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Table 5.1 Landscape architectural approaches to public space and its use. STAGE DESCRIPTION METHODS AND SOURCES Contextual Examination of: Review of government websites, analysis - broad 1. physical factors e.g. location, climate, geographical information systems (GIS), (macro) topography, hydrology, vegetation and reports and academic papers. landscape urbanisation patterns. 2.social, cultural and economic demographics. Contextual Examination of: 1. Review of government websites, analysis - 1. physical factors e.g. public space network geographical information systems (GIS), neighbourhood and street attributes; greening, natural reports and academic papers, local landscape corridors and waterways; built form, media, cultural forums and media. transport, and land use (schools, institutions, 2. Fieldwork examination (ground- shops, services and cycleways). truthing) of environmental factors. 2. social, cultural and economic demographics. 3. Consultation with community representatives and groups, and individual stakeholders. Contextual 1. Preparation of detailed site inventory e.g. 1. Consultation with community analysis - paths, seats, lights, street connections, representatives and groups, and site (micro) vegetation and amenities. individual stakeholders. 2. Identification of microclimatic conditions 2. Fieldwork examination (ground- and spaces. truthing) of environmental factors 3. Identification of attributes that support/ through multiple site visits across a hinder use e.g. accessibility, connectivity, typical day, week and season perceptions of safety, environmental quality, (depending on time constraints). and microclimatic conditions.

Cross-disciplinary methodologies and methods As set out in Part I, researchers of behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public spaces commonly obtain data through multiple methodologies and methods to understand the complexities of real-life situations. This study also employed a range of methods drawn from across disciplines, as summarised in Table 5.2. The selection of these methods is discussed in Sections 5.3-5.8.

Table 5.2 Methodologies and set of methods applied in this study. METHODOLOGY METHOD Case study approach Selection criteria for public space case study sites Contextual assessment Assessment of reports, documents, websites, media and GIS sources - regional and local. Fieldwork Behaviour setting assessment - case study and international. Population counts Behaviour mapping Narrative and heuristic inquiry Infrared thermometry Photography - digital and infrared Measurement of meteorological parameters Subjective measurement of weather parameters Focus group In-depth group interview

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Variables Variables examined in this study were informed by the extensive cross-disciplinary literature review in Part I. A summary of variables is presented below.

Heat, heat-vulnerability and health

As discussed in Chapter 2, methods and variables pertinent to heat, health and heat- vulnerability are drawn from public health studies, which are based on the social determinants of health (Balbus et al. 2016).

Physiological variables for heat-sensitivity used for this study include age, sex, chronic disease, and level of acclimatisation. The physiological responses to heat-health impacts are influenced by temporal aspects, particularly the occurrence of extreme heat early in warm seasons. Such occurrences may result in higher heat-related illness rates due to lack of acclimatisation.

Variables adopted for heat-adaptive capacity include socio-economic status and ethnicity, as well as the thermal efficiency of housing and neighbourhoods and provision of ‘cooling centres’. Major heat-risk factors include social isolation and attitudes towards heat-vulnerability, particularly for the elderly.

The behavioural variables relate to heat-protective and adaptive measures. They include maintaining hydration during hot weather, behavioural adaptations (e.g. seeking thermally comfortable and cool places; wearing hats; and using sun umbrellas), and minimising the metabolic energy production of activities to reduce heat stress.

Meteorological parameters for heat-related morbidity and mortality mainly focus on air temperature and humidity. Maximum, and especially minimum daily temperatures, are noteworthy for accumulated heat stress and heat-lag effects. Impacts on morbidity related to people’s inability to carry out necessary everyday activities are considered under-reported.

Urban heat and healthy cities

In Chapter 3, I noted that methods and variables relevant to urban heat are informed by urban climatology. They are place-specific and involve complex heat exchanges influenced by geographical location, climate, topography, hydrology and land surface cover. For this study, I focus on urbanisation patterns and greening at regional and local scales, and microclimatic characteristics at neighbourhood and site-specific scales.

Healthy city variables are informed by urban planning and design, public health studies, and good landscape architecture practice. Variables that influence outdoor physical activity, social 131 interaction, and experience of nature are relevant to this research. These include the physical characteristics of street networks and public spaces, greenspace provision, and the location of shops, services and transport essential to everyday life. The assessment of my case study sites is guided by healthy city, age-friendly and walkability audit tools, including walkability during hot conditions.

Behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space

Chapter 4 noted that methods and variables for behaviour in outdoor public space are drawn from research conducted in the built environment, health promotion, environmental psychology, social science and ethnography. They target the place-specific nature of relations between behaviour settings and behaviour patterns. The influence of climate, seasons and weather on life in public spaces and outdoor physical activity is intertwined in these relations. Behavioural factors encompass proxemics, invitations to sit and stay, and the degree of necessity of activities, as well as the researcher experience in the field (heuristic inquiry).

Methods and variables for thermal comfort are of particular importance to my study. They are drawn from a relatively small body of research undertaken in urban and tourism climatology, built environment, and environmental psychology. Thermal comfort parameters include air temperature, radiant temperature, humidity, air speed, clothing, and metabolic heat generated by human activity. Importantly, these parameters are also relevant to heat-health impact studies.

Outdoor thermal comfort and environment-behaviour studies share a focus on microclimatic assessment and ‘staying’ activities, particularly sitting. In thermal comfort studies, microclimatic assessment examines meteorological parameters, the radiant temperature of materials, and thermal diversity. Analysis identifies that sedentary activities (e.g. sitting) are thermally- sensitive activities, providing insights into thermal preference. In environment-behaviour studies, microclimate is understood in a less technical way, while sitting and staying activities are viewed as vital to lively public spaces.

Shared disciplinary domains also include adaptive behaviours. These involve complex interrelations associated with physiological (acclimatisation), behavioural (reactive and interactive behaviours), and psychological (expectations and experience, memory, length of exposure, perceived control and personal choice, and socio-cultural processes) adaptations

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Theorising, testing, analysing and modifying Inherent to the research design is a continuing feedback process based on testing and analysing collected data and new knowledge, and modifying methodologies and methods (Figure 5.1). The working reality of this project reflected Whyte’s (1980, p.15) experience of studying behaviour in New York plazas - that is, the research process involved ‘floundering arounds’ and was ‘nowhere near as tidy and sequential as it can seem in the telling’.

Figure 5.1 Feedback process inherent in the research design. Source: McKenzie 2015. The feedback processes in my research design are also consistent with ‘action research’ and the ‘action research spiral’ (Figure 5.2). As explained by Dick (2002, n.p.): … there is a natural rhythm to the way most of us behave. We do something. We check if it worked as expected. If it didn't, we analyse what happened and what we might do differently. If necessary we repeat the process … This is the natural cycle which action research uses to achieve its twin outcomes of action (for example, change) and research (for example, understanding).

Figure 5.2 Action research spiral. Source: Dick (2002, n.p.).

Importantly, these feedback processes are fundamental to complex thinking, a cross-disciplinary theme that emerged in Chapter 2 and applied in this study. Complex thinking is key to new approaches for ‘shaping cities for health’ that combine ‘experimentation’ and a wide range of knowledge sources (Rydin et al. 2012, pp.2079-2080). Sources include statistical data, the ‘tacit and experiential knowledge’ of practitioners, and the ‘lay knowledge and experience’ of local communities (p.2080). These approaches were incorporated into the research design.

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In the next sections I outline the methods and data sources used - firstly the case study approach (Section 5.3), and then the contextual assessments (Section 5.4), fieldwork (Sections 5.5-5.8) and focus group (Section 5.9).

5.3 Case study approach

A case study approach is commonly employed in public space studies and is adopted in this research. As explained by Yin (1989, p.23), a case study ‘investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context’ (and is the preferred approach ‘when “how” or “why” questions are being posed, when the investigator has little control over events, and when the focus is on a contemporary phenomenon within some real-life context’ (Yin 1989, p.13).

The case study is defined as: an empirical inquiry that: • investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context; when • the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident; and in which • multiple sources of evidence are used (Yin 1989, p.23). Chapter 4 established that case studies were utilised in environment-behaviour and thermal comfort studies investigating public space use and climatic influences (Low 2003; Nikolpoulou and Steemers 2003; Thorsson et al. 2004; Whyte 1980).

In environment-behaviour and ethnographic studies, case studies effectively deliver ‘richly textured accounts’ of life in public spaces (Emmel and Clark 2009). Two seminal case studies in particular inform the fieldwork and analysis of my study (Chapter 4). First is Whyte’s (1980) case study of plazas in New York City, described as ‘one of the best and most famous descriptive case studies’ (Yin 1989, p.15). Second is Low’s (2003) longitudinal case study, exploring the ‘design and meaning of the plaza’ in a Latin American city.

In thermal comfort studies, case study sites are generally located within city centres, most commonly parks, plazas and streets (Chen and Ng 2012; Johansson et al. 2014; Soligo et al. 1998). Semi-outdoor sites are also examined (Eves et al. 2008; Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a). In weather-physical activity research, community parks are often adopted as case studies (Engelhard et al. 2001; McKenzie et al. 2006).

Many case studies ‘combine observation with interviewing’ to provide multiple sources of data (Silverman 2011, p.42). These features make the case study particularly relevant to my research design.

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Selection criteria Two case study sites were selected for this research. Their selection was based on criteria relevant to the research questions: • contrasting form and function to provide comparative insights; • outdoor public spaces where everyday activity occurs; and • known to be used by older people. Other criteria related to the practicality of the sites for conducting fieldwork and resources: • scale and form that enables observation by a solo researcher; • safe and accessible for a solo female researcher; and • location in the Fairfield City LGA to utilise my existing knowledge of local public space and community life, professional rapport with community members, and ready access to documentation

Sites The two case study sites are: Case Study 1 - Cabravale Park, a large metropolitan park; and Case study 2 - Freedom Plaza, a town centre pedestrian plaza. The sites are located in the town centre of Cabramatta, a suburb in Fairfield City LGA in the region of Western Sydney (Figure 5.3). Cabramatta is located approximately 30 kilometres inland from Sydney Central Business District (CBD) and the coast and. This ‘non-central’ location distinguishes my case study selection from public spaces in the centre of major cities commonly adopted in thermal comfort studies (Johansson et al. 2014).

Figure 5.3 Location of Cabramatta and Fairfield City LGA. Source: FCC (2015a).

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Case study 1 Cabravale Park is a 3.4 hectare civic greenspace with mature trees and a large open central grassed area (Figure 5.4). The park is used daily for a range of recreation activities and as a thoroughfare for people in transit. It is also used for local events such as festivals and commemorative services. The park underwent a major upgrade during the course of this study, presenting significant research opportunities to analyse the impact of environmental quality on behaviour - ‘before’ and ‘after’ activity - in the park.

The name registered for the park in 1976 was ‘Cabravale Memorial Park’ (GNBNSW 2015). However, the park is also referred to as ‘Cabravale Park’ or ‘Cabra-Vale Park’ in local government documents. The name used throughout this thesis is ‘Cabravale Park’.

Figure 5.4 Cabravale Park. Photo: McKenzie 2006. Map: Clouston (2001). Case study 2 Freedom Plaza is approximately 0.14 hectares and the main pedestrian area within the Cabramatta Town Centre (Figure 5.5). In the early 1980s the plaza was formed by closing a section of Park Road to vehicles. It is used daily by people accessing the surrounding retail outlets and other services in the town centre.

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Figure 5.5 Freedom Plaza. Photo: McKenzie 2006. Map: Google Maps (2015d, viewed 30 November 2015). Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza are approximately 300 metres apart and linked by a local road, Park Road (Figure 5.6). Applying the walkability benchmark of 400 metres (Section 3.9), the distance between the two sites is ‘walkable’.

Figure 5.6 Aerial photo indicating the location and proximity of the case study sites. Map: Google Maps (2014a, viewed 3 May 2014).

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5.4 Contextual assessments

Part 1 reinforced that the complexities of ‘real-life’ outdoor environments and relations between heat, behaviour and comfort require examining environmental context at regional, local and neighbourhood scales. Accordingly, this research assessed the context of the case study sites on these three scales.

Regional On a regional scale, urban heat and heat-vulnerability characteristics were assessed for Western Sydney. Urban heat characteristics included geographical location, climate, topography, urbanization patterns, and climate change projections. Heat-vulnerability demographics included age, chronic disease, socio-economic disadvantage and ethnicity. The results of this assessment are presented in Chapter 6.

Local On a local scale, urban heat and heat-vulnerability characteristics were examined for Fairfield City and Cabramatta. Urban heat characteristics included urban form and greening. Heat- vulnerability factors included heat sensitivity (age and incidence of chronic disease and obesity), exposure (thermal efficiency of housing and neighbourhoods, and access to air-conditioned environments) and adaptive capacity (socio-economic status, ethnicity and community cohesion). The assessment is presented in Chapter 6.

Neighbourhood On a neighbourhood scale, contextual assessments examined urban heat characteristics, specifically urban form and greening. Health-supportive attributes related to outdoor activity, and walkability during hot conditions, were also assessed.

As outlined in Section 4.2, fieldwork provides ‘ground-truth data’ for real-life conditions and facilitates information gathering at human-scale (Chorianopoulos 2014; Emmel and Clark 2009; Gehl 2010; Kelly et al. 2007). Fieldwork was essential to the micro-environmental assessment of urban form, greening, and the pedestrian experience of microclimatic conditions within the local public space network. Field inspections of street attributes and walkability revealed the degree to which the neighbourhood supported outdoor activity, particularly by older people and during hot conditions.

‘Walkarounds’ were also used to assess the case study neighbourhood. As described in Section 4.2, walkarounds are arbitrary walks around neighbourhoods and an effective method for obtaining real-life, human-scale data. They assist researchers to understand the ‘ways in which

138 people live in and use the place’ (Emmel and Clark 2009, p.9) and are ‘something that many researchers of place do, we go to see, smell, feel, hear, and understand the place for ourselves’ (p.8). Walkarounds are commonly conducted by landscape architects, for example, to understand public space use.

Throughout the course of this study, walkarounds were conducted regularly, sometimes multiple times in a day or week, and often associated with fieldwork sessions in the case study sites. Field notes and photographs recorded observations and heuristic experiences. Regular assessments were essential to monitoring broader environmental changes that may influence use of the case study sites, for example, road works and pedestrian detours, and activities in the town centre.

Findings for the neighbourhood scale assessment of the local public space network, and audits of health-supportive attributes and walkability during hot conditions, are presented in Chapter 7.

The regional, local and neighbourhood assessments provided a framework for analysing behaviour settings and behaviour patterns observed during fieldwork in each case study site.

5.5 Fieldwork

Overview Fieldwork during hot conditions formed a major component of this research project. It was concentrated on the case study sites and neighbourhood. A minor component was carried out in international contexts.

The fieldwork program was extensive. Initially, it focused on the two case study sites, Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza. The fieldwork focus then shifted to Cabravale Park. Contextual assessment of the neighbourhood was on-going throughout the program.

Between 2006 and 2010, 19 trial fieldwork sessions, 98 ‘full’ (30 minute) sessions, and 151 ‘short’ (10 minute) fieldwork sessions were conducted in Cabravale Park, Freedom Plaza and the neighbourhood.

In 2013 and 2014, I revisited the case study sites on three occasions to monitor use and vegetation changes (e.g. shade tree growth and health), and measure radiant heat using an infrared camera.

In 2011 and 2012, international fieldwork was undertaken to examine the influence of contrasting environmental contexts. 139

Aims The fieldwork program endeavoured to gain a deep understanding of thermal behaviour in public spaces during hot conditions. The aims of the program were to: • understand relations between behaviour settings and behaviour; • determine the degree to site and neighbourhood attributes supported healthy outdoor activity and social cohesion during hot conditions; • identify shifts in everyday behaviour in response to heat; and • understand how thermal environments influence comfort and use. Pioneering approach The design of the program was informed by reviewed environment-behaviour studies and integrated understandings from heat-health and thermal comfort studies. Due to the paucity of outdoor behaviour and comfort studies focused on heat, numerous aspects of the program were pioneering. Field methods were subject to the experimentation and modifications that characterised the overall research design (Figure 5.1).

Importantly, this review and modification process enabled new theoretical knowledge, practitioner knowledge, and place-specific contextual factors to be incorporated into the research design. This process reflects a new approach to planning for urban health, that emphasises the importance of ‘complex thinking’ and: the promotion of experimentation through diverse projects and the use of trial and error to increase the understanding of how best to improve urban health outcomes in specific contexts (Rydin et al. 2012, p.2079). Temporal programming The fieldwork program was longitudinal, conducted during warm seasons and hot weather, and accommodated a significant research opportunity to examine the influence of environmental quality on the use of public space.

The program was largely conducted while I was in full-time employment in Council. Flexible work hours enabled fieldwork to be conducted during daylight hours during summer, albeit work commitments restricted fieldwork at times.

Longitudinal timeframe As outlined above, fieldwork spanned eight years, from 2006 until 2014. The program was largely carried out in the case study neighbourhood and sites between 2006 and 2010, with further fieldwork conducted in 2013 and 2014. Fieldwork was also conducted internationally in 2011, in regions subject to hot conditions in Spain.

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Longitudinal examination distinguishes my study from most reviewed environment-behaviour and thermal comfort studies, which were generally conducted over relatively shorter and more intense time periods (Emmel and Clark 2009; Engelhard et al. 2001; Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a). Thermal sensation studies, for example, spanned a 24 hour period (Givoni et al. 2003). Comfort studies exploring seasonal behaviour changes required a minimum of one year, as in the case of the RUROS Project (Nikolpoulou and Lykoudis 2006).

My timeframe was more in-keeping with studies which involved years of fieldwork, facilitating deep insights. Whyte, for example, ‘walked the city streets for more than 16 years’ (Project for Public Spaces 2015). In the case of Low (2003), a 25 year program enabled deep insights into the use of city plazas and within the context of evolving environmental conditions. The researcher’s familiarity with the plazas’ physical, social, cultural and political contexts was fundamental to insights into the ebb and flow of community life, and the inextricable influences of heat on behaviour settings and behaviour. Shifts in behaviour patterns were recognised when the plazas - the behaviour settings - were modified. Familiarity facilitated comparisons between visits and seasons, and assumptions and expectations.

Similarly, familiarity with my case study sites - borne of a longitudinal timeframe - proved critical to the evolution of fieldwork stages in this study, as discussed below, and monitoring physical changes to the sites, as presented in Chapter 8.

Warm seasons and hot weather Fieldwork was necessarily scheduled for warm seasons, hot weather and extreme heat events, as my research questions focus on heat’s influence on behaviour and comfort. The focus on warm months and heat is a differentiating feature of this study. Most reviewed studies referenced warm days and the influence of weather and sunshine. Few studies shared a ‘heat’ focus (Sections 4.3 and 4.5).

The main body of fieldwork in the case study sites was conducted during summer months in the southern hemisphere (December-February). Of particular note, fieldwork was conducted during major heatwave events in the summers of 2008-2009 and 2009-2010.

Fieldwork in Spain was conducted in the northern hemisphere spring and summer (March-July).

Daylight and night Fieldwork was largely conducted during daylight hours in the case study sites. Hours of daylight in Metropolitan Sydney are subject to ‘daylight saving’, which involves clocks being put forward an hour between early October and early April. The resulting extended period of evening

141 daylight meant that visibility for observations was generally satisfactory up until 9.00pm. However, visibility was also subject to cloud cover: during clear nights light levels remained higher for longer than during cloudy evenings.

In Cabravale Park, daylight was essential to observing activity and behaviour due to minimal artificial lighting. Street lighting illuminated sections of the park perimeter. Within the park, lighting was restricted to the basketball court and a section of connecting path. Consequently, fieldwork was limited by around dusk.

On the evening of an ‘unusually hot’ day in 2014, however, I extended fieldwork until after dark, to 10.30pm, using an infrared camera. By this time, temporary solar lights had been installed along the main paths within the park. Even so, I found that this additional illumination extended visibility to only a few metres from the light source. The infrared images, however, revealed an unanticipated level of use by people sitting and exercising. Findings for this cooler part of a hot day are presented in Section 7.3.

In Freedom Plaza, artificial lighting enabled observations to be conducted after dusk. However, the low level of activity at this time meant that observations were conducted infrequently.

International research in Spain examined the use of public spaces after dark during hot seasons.

Environmental quality The longitudinal timeframe accommodated a major upgrade to Cabravale Park. This offered a significant research opportunity to explore the influence of improved environmental quality on behaviour from ‘before’ and ‘after’ perspectives. The upgrade works were book-ended by two unusually hot summers, in 2008-2009 and 2009-2010, during which I conducted concentrated fieldwork. The scope of improvements and fieldwork results are presented in Section 7.4.

Precipitation Fieldwork was undertaken during periods of summer precipitation (rain and storms), conditions which have significant negative impacts on outdoor activity (Chan and Ryan 2009; Merrill et al. 2005). Rainy days were, however, often omitted from thermal comfort and physical activity studies (Sharifi et al. 2015; Thorsson et al. 2004; and Zacharias et al. 2001). In addition, Lin et al. (2013, p.602) excluded days with heavy rain to ‘avoid interference from abnormal increases or decreases in the number of people with the analysis of the thermal environment’.

In the case of Sydney, rain and storms characterise summer weather. As outlined in Chapter 6, trends indicate increasing numbers of summer rainfall bursts (Zheng et al. 2015), with

142 implications for outdoor activity. Sydney is also frequently affected by thunderstorms, predominantly in summer during the afternoon and evening (Potts et al. 2000).

Findings on the impact of rain and storms on behaviour are presented in Section 8.2.

Preliminary tasks and safety Preliminary tasks were essential to safe research practice in the field and were undertaken prior to fieldwork sessions. Tasks involved planning for hot weather research and occupational health and safety.

Hot weather preparation Preparation for hot weather fieldwork was based on the hot weather health protection messages and guidelines discussed in Section 2.3.

For protection against heat and ultraviolet levels, I wore light-coloured, loose-fitting clothing with long sleeves and full-length trousers, a broad-brimmed hat, sunglasses, and 30+ sunscreen (Figure 5.15). I ensured I was well-hydrated prior to commencing fieldwork and carried adequate drinking water, appropriate to the length of the session.

During fieldwork, I monitored for symptoms of heat stress, and minimised energy expenditure and heat risk by limiting activity to sedentary and low-intensity activities. I also minimised time spent in full sun while measuring meteorological parameters. Viewing points for observing activity were located in the shade.

Heuristic inquiry findings for researchers engaged in hot weather fieldwork are presented in Section 7.6.

Occupational health and safety Prior to and during each fieldwork session I assessed potential occupational health and safety risks. Fieldwork was only conducted when potential risks were assessed as low. As a Fairfield City Council (FCC) employee engaged in construction, my training and practice was consistent with NSW Workcover and FCC guidelines.

Notably, both Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza were public spaces managed by FCC. The sites were subject to regular maintenance regimes, requiring use of a range of vehicles and chemicals. Council put in place public safety measures when conducting rubbish removal, high-pressure pavement cleaning, mowing, arboriculture work, and chemical weed spraying. Operators and/or temporary signage alerted the public to vehicular traffic, works in progress and, in the case of weed spraying, works recently conducted.

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5.6 Fieldwork sessions and stages

Overview The fieldwork program was designed for a solo researcher from a landscape architecture background. This distinguishes my research from reviewed studies, which generally involved research teams from a range of disciplinary backgrounds (Gehl 2010; Low 2003; Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003; Thorsson et al. 2004; Whyte 1980).

I was literate in the tools and language of built environment professionals to observe, decode, and express the way public space is used. I was abreast of design and planning characteristics supporting, and hindering, healthy behaviours related to outdoor activity. My landscape architecture fieldwork skills were instinctive and honed, including observing, mapping and analysing the use of public spaces and general microclimatic conditions.

At the commencement of the program, however, I had limited experience of formal research methods in the field, particularly use of meteorological measuring equipment. The fieldwork program developed through a series of stages, marked by increasing proficiency in skills and familiarity with the case study sites.

Stages are outlined, followed by the development of session formats. Sample fieldwork data sheets are provided to illustrate working fieldwork sessions. Methods for recording behaviour are then set out in Section 5.7. Methods for recording weather are described in Section 5.8.

Stages For the purpose of reporting, the stages here are distinctly defined. However, in reality, stages transitioned through reflection and testing, and often without clear delineation.

Stage 1: Trials Stage 1 involved trial sessions in Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza, conducted in the autumn and spring of 2006 (Table 5.3). I defined observation fields in each site, practised using meteorological and infrared thermometry equipment, and trialled observation methods. I designed, tested and modified data sheets (Figure 5.7), and determined the walking travel time between the case study sites.

The most challenging part of Stage 1 was coordinating multiple methods in the field, and determining a length of time for fieldwork sessions which captured trends and changes in behaviour. On trialling various session lengths between 20 and 50 minutes, I deduced that 30 minutes was a workable and effective ‘time unit’ for capturing changes in general weather patterns in association with changes in behaviour. 144

Trial fieldwork reinforced that fieldwork approaches need to be site-specific and flexible. The different physical forms and uses of each case study site influenced observation fields and recording methods, demanding site-tailored approaches.

Table 5.3 Stage 1 trial fieldwork sessions. Date Cabravale Park Freedom Plaza March 2006 - May 2006 5 x ‘trial’ sessions 5 x ‘trial’ sessions 27 November 2006 5 x ‘trial’ sessions 4 x ‘trial’ sessions

Stage 2: Park and plaza - behaviour settings and recurrent behaviour patterns Stage 2 fieldwork focused on relations between the behaviour setting and recurrent daily behaviour patterns of each site. Fieldwork extended to assessing the physical contexts of the sites and the inter-connected public space network of which each site was a part.

The initial part of Stage 2 enabled an understanding of ‘both the study environment and typical behaviour patterns … prior to beginning data collection’, a requisite for researchers of real-life public spaces identified by Engelhard et al. (2001, p.151).

Stage 2 consolidated the ‘full’ session fieldwork format of 30 minutes at Cabravale Park. A ‘short’ ten minute format was devised to complement full sessions and better understand the case study sites within their neighbourhood context. The ten minute sessions, accompanied by an interval count more effectively recorded activity at the plaza.

Stage 2 established recurrent behaviour patterns in each case study site for ‘usual warm’ days.

Table 5.4 Stage 2 fieldwork sessions. Date Cabravale Park Freedom Plaza On-going contextual assessment of sites and neighbourhood December 2006 7 x ‘full’ sessions 6 x ‘full’ sessions January 2008 6 x ‘full’ sessions 1 x ‘full’ session December 2008 24 x ‘short’ sessions 25 x 'short' sessions

Stage 3: Park and neighbourhood - a shift in focus Stage 3 involved a substantial shift in research focus to Cabravale Park within its neighbourhood context. The rationale for this shift was that use patterns in the park, compared to those in the plaza, were not as predictable and repetitious. Observations in the park prompted deeper exploration into the influence of heat on behaviour and thermal comfort, critical to my first research question.

Stage 3 fieldwork was undertaken in the summer of 2008-2009, which included a significant heatwave period (Table 5.5). The results from the 57 fieldwork observation sessions conducted at Cabravale Park identified recurrent behaviour patterns on ‘usual warm’ days and shifts in 145 response to heat during hot conditions when environmental quality was ‘poor’ – that is, prior to the park being upgraded (Section 7.4).

Familiarity with use of the park led to changes in methods. Sequential recordings replaced counts with mapping. Descriptive notes, ethnographic narrative and heuristic inquiry were adopted. These transitions are explained below in 5.7.

Neighbourhood fieldwork sessions included short observation sessions at Freedom Plaza. The results of fieldwork conducted at Freedom Plaza, drawing on 35 observation sessions from Stages 2-4, are presented at Section 7.5.

Table 5.5 Stage 3 fieldwork sessions. Date Cabravale Park Neighbourhood On-going contextual assessment of park and neighbourhood 38 x ‘full’ sessions 0 January - February 2009 19 x ‘short’ sessions 20 x ‘short’ sessions

Stage 4: Environmental quality Stage 4 fieldwork involved the summer of 2009-2010, which also included a significant heatwave period (Table 5.6). The results from the 72 fieldwork observation sessions conducted at Cabravale Park was used to identify shifts in behaviour in response to heat from the recurrent behaviour pattern of ‘usual warm’ days (Section 7.3)

In addition, the results were compared with those of Stage 2 to identify the consequences of improved environmental quality at Cabravale Park (that is, after the upgrade) on behaviour across all heat conditions (Section 7.4).

Due to the substantial increase in park users after the upgrade, sequential behaviour recordings proved unworkable on some evenings of ‘extreme heat’ days and were replaced by interval recordings (described in 5.7) for three fieldwork sessions. Interestingly, Stage 4 denoted when Cabravale Park became ‘my’ park - when I succumbed to the ‘occupational hazard’ described by Whyte (1980, p.110): When you study a place and chart it and map it, you begin to acquire a proprietary right in it. You do not reason this. Obviously, you have no such right. But you feel it. It is your place. Table 5.6 Stage 4 fieldwork sessions. Date Cabravale Park Neighbourhood On-going contextual assessment of park and neighbourhood 40 x ‘full’ sessions 0 December 2009 - February 2010 32 x ‘short’ sessions 31 x ‘short’ sessions

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Stage 5: International contexts Stage 5 fieldwork involved collecting data for international contexts, during warm seasons in Spain in 2011 (Table 5.7). Data related to the context of public spaces and observed uses, and my personal experience of heat and adaptive responses. Design and planning responses to hot conditions were documented.

Table 5.7 Stage 5 fieldwork sessions. Date Spain March 2011 - July 2011 City and town public spaces

Stage 6: Radiant heat Over three years passed between Stages 4 and 6 for observations of the case study sites and neighbourhood. This provided an important opportunity to monitor the quality and use of the sites, particularly the growth and health of shade trees.

In addition, infrared images were taken of Cabravale Park to document radiant temperatures over a 12 hour period.

Table 5.8 Stage 6 fieldwork sessions. Date Cabravale Park Neighbourhood 15 September 2013 1 x ‘full session 1 x tree growth assessment 9 February 2014 4 x infrared photography sessions 0 5 x ‘full’ sessions 0 5 November 2014 1 x ‘full session 1 x tree growth assessment

Session formats As shown in the Tables above, staged fieldwork comprised ‘full’ and ‘short’ fieldwork sessions. An initial fieldwork challenge was to determine an appropriate format for sessions, including ways to coordinate multiple methods and a useful length of time for each session. An integral part of staging was testing and modifying fieldwork sessions. The challenge was to determine an effective way to record behaviour and weather in the field using simultaneous methods. Two formats were devised - ‘full’ and ‘short’ sessions - for both case study sites.

‘Full’ sessions During Stage 1, a session duration of 30 minutes was identified as a suitable unit of time to record park and plaza users and activities, aligned with general weather conditions and changes in weather that may influence behaviour.

Full session formats involved a general description of the weather (e.g. clear sky, bright light, still), measuring meteorological parameters (air temperature and humidity in sun and shade, wind speed and estimated cloud cover), and taking radiant heat measurements. This was 147 followed by 30 minutes observing, counting, mapping and photographing activities. The session finished with a repeat set of meteorological measurements.

In later stages, full session formats incorporated the additional methods of heuristic inquiry, descriptive notes, ethnographic narrative, and session summaries.

‘Short’ sessions During Stage 2, fieldwork focus shifted to Cabravale Park within its neighbourhood context and ‘short’ ten minute fieldwork sessions were introduced. The aim of short sessions was to better understand behaviours in the park as part of an inter-connected public space network.

Short session formats in Cabravale Park involved measuring meteorological parameters (as for full sessions), and sequentially counting people, and noting activity types and locations. In Freedom Plaza, the short sessions included an interval count of people and activities. Throughout the public space network, these sessions provided ‘snapshot’ views of community life and activity flows within the local public space network. For example, in the evening, many people were observed using the park, while there was moderate pedestrian activity in connecting streets, and the plaza was deserted.

Sample data sheets Sample data sheets for Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza illustrate the working format of ‘full’ fieldwork sessions. They detail how methods for recording data for weather and behaviour were tested and modified throughout the fieldwork stages.

Cabravale Park Stage 1 Trials

Stage 1 trials in Cabravale Park involved designing, testing and modifying data sheets that accommodated recording behaviour and weather over the same session period, albeit not simultaneously. Early trial sheets indicated that my assumptions about logical ways to record data did not ‘flow’ when used in the field. For example, early trials involved two data sheets: one for recording meteorological and radiant heat measurements, general weather descriptions, activity type and location, and personal comfort (Figure 5.7). Another sheet was used for aggregate counts and mapping behaviour (Figure 5.8). Mapping captured the location of activities and main transit routes, and utilised main entry/ exit points to understand inter- connectivity with the local street network.

An early lesson in designing data sheets was that my defaults for recording provided useful guidance for facilitating flow and efficiency when collecting data. Constant flipping between two 148 sheets was cumbersome and worked against the logical sequence of recording data. As shown in Figure 5.8, I was able to record more finely-tuned temporal observations. I also noted experiential data related to weather (e.g. glare) and sound (e.g. trains and birds).

Figure 5.7 Stage 1: Trial - Data sheet (no. 1 of 2 sheet set) - for recording weather and activity in Cabravale Park.

Figure 5.8 Stage 1: Trial - Data sheet (no. 2 of 2 sheet set) - for recording aggregate counts and mapping in Cabravale Park. Source: FCC 2000.

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Stages 2 to 4 - Sequential recordings

Sequential recordings captured observations, weather measurements, experience of weather and sensory details over the course of ‘full’ field sessions. Recordings were made over 30 minute field sessions, and annotated with five minute marks, as illustrated in Figure 5.9. ‘Sequential counts’ involved recording people, in succession, as they entered, stayed and exited the park (see Section 5.7 for definition of ‘sequential’ count).

Consistent with Engelhard et al. (2001), sequential recordings enabled documentation of activity flow important to analysis, e.g. lengths of time when the park was deserted, and non-peak periods when people had the choice of sitting in the sun or shade (implying thermal preference). They enabled behaviour changes to be more finely correlated with the rate at which meteorological parameters changed e.g. the sudden evacuation of people on the arrival of a sudden summer storm. They also facilitated monitoring personal responses to hot conditions and symptoms of heat stress over shorter time intervals than 30 minutes, significant to researcher exposure limits in the field. Familiarity with the park’s use enabled the development of a personal shorthand for sequential recordings, demonstrated in Figure 5.9.

Figure 5.9 Sequential recording in Cabravale Park.

Stages 4 and 6 - Sequential and Interval recordings

Sequential counts continued to be used throughout Stage 4 of the fieldwork, except for a small number of sessions when high numbers and concentration of activity in the park precluded accurate recording. On these occasions (three sessions on ‘extreme heat’ evenings), sequential 150 counts were unfeasible and interval counts were adopted (see Section 5.7 for definition of ‘interval’ counts).

As shown in Figure 5.10, a total population count was performed, followed by sub-counts of people in particular locations e.g. basketball court, circuit path and seats. Groupsings at seats were also noted.

Figure 5.10 Interval recording in Cabravale Park. Freedom Plaza All fieldwork sessions in Freedom Plaza involved interval recordings using a single data sheet. The sheet accommodated interval counts with mapping and weather measurements. Colour coding was used to record Interval counts and mapping at the beginning and end of each 30 session. Mapping indicated the sitting and standing locations and groupings of users, shopfront activity, shadow lines from buildings, and estimated transit activity within central and side aisles.

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Figure 5.11 Interval recording in Freedom Plaza - single data sheet.

5.7 Recording behaviour in the field

Recording behaviour in the field involved several methods: population counts, behaviour mapping, digital photography, narrative and heuristic inquiry. Each stage of the fieldwork involved different combinations of these methods.

The combination of methods for each fieldwork stage (Table 5.9) and descriptions of methods are outlined below.

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Table 5.9 Method combination for each fieldwork stage. FIELDWORK STAGE METHOD COMBINATION Stage 1: Trials 1. aggregate counts 2. behaviour mapping using site maps 3. photography 4. infrared thermometry Stage 2: Park and plaza 1. neighbourhood and site context assessments - behaviour settings and recurrent behaviour 2. sequential counts (at park), interval counts (at patterns for 'usual warm' days plaza), and recordings of behaviour 3. photography Stage 3: Park and neighbourhood 1. neighbourhood and site contextual assessments - 'before' upgrade 2. sequential counts (at park), interval counts (at - shift in focus to park in neighbourhood context plaza), and recordings of behaviour 3. photography 4. narrative and heuristic inquiry Stage 4: Environmental quality 1. neighbourhood and site context assessments - 'after' park upgrade 2. sequential counts (at park), neighbourhood observations (including small number of interval counts at plaza), and recordings of behaviour 3. small number of interval counts at park when high levels of activity ('extreme heat' evenings only) 4. photography 5. narrative and heuristic inquiry Stage 5: International contexts 1. neighbourhood and site context assessments 2. photography 3. narrative and heuristic inquiry Stage 6: Radiant heat 1. interval counts and activity mapping 2. infrared and digital photography 3. narrative and heuristic inquiry

Direct observation A significant component of direct observation was required to explore thermal behaviour, an intrinsic part of everyday life in outdoor public spaces. This section outlines the scope of methods applied in the field and rationale for selected variables.

Direct observation ‘records what people actually do in a place’ and is a ‘rich source of objective data’ (Lynch and Hack 1984, p.83). Astute observers are like ’trackers’ who read the ‘spoor of forest animals’ (Lynch and Hack 1984, p.82). They notice ‘traces’ left by inhabitants who ‘make, use and work-over’ urban environments, such as worn paths and discarded rubbish (Emmel and Clark 2009, p.9). Thorsson et al. (2004, p.151) view unobtrusive and direct observations of naturally occurring behaviour as preferable to field questionnaires, as interviewees may give ‘reactive and unrealistic’ responses.

However, observation may be limited as researchers come to see what they expect to see, such as crowded spaces, so that ‘it is often difficult to see empty ones’ (Whyte 1980, p.12). It also presents challenges for researchers. McKenzie et al. (2006) note that observing and measuring 153 activity in open environments, such as parks, is complicated due to the number of users and the frequency with which they change activities. Lynch and Hack (1984, p.84) state that real-life situations may present a ‘bewildering mass of observations, and recording is tedious’. This is demonstrated by Richardson’s (2003, pp.76-77) experience in a marketplace and plaza where the researcher became: fascinated with the act of watching … But what to watch? What to note down? What to ignore? Recording the material manifestation of the market and plaza was easy enough ... Recording interaction was much more difficult. Usefully, Lynch and Hack (1984, p.87) advise that ‘observation becomes more efficient when we focus on particular behaviours that interest us’. In my study, the theoretical review and ongoing reflections on observations largely addressed the challenges of ‘what to watch’ and ‘what to write down’, ensuring collected data were relevant to my research questions. Data aligned with variables for observation (defined below) within a delineated visual field in each case study site.

In addition, observation techniques vary according to multiple factors related to data collection, including the number of observation variables, the type of environment, timing, training and resources (Brownson et al. 2009). The influence of timing, training and resources on my fieldwork design are addressed above (Section 5.5). Variables and environmental factors are covered to follow.

Defining the observation field The observation field - that is, the physical area under observation - was defined to ensure data were collected for the same area during each session. The extent of the field is different for different sites, and influenced by size, geographical layout and visibility (Engelhard et al. 2001). In Cabravale Park, the observation field included the western section of the park and footpath running along the Park Road frontage (Figure 5.4). In Freedom Plaza, the field encompassed the entire plaza (Figure 5.5).

Engelhard et al. (2001) advise that visibility may change between data collection periods due to changes in the physical environment, e.g. foliage growth. During the course of my study, areas of understorey vegetation in the park were removed due to upgrade works. Improved visibility facilitated easier observations of activity; however, it did not significantly alter the visual field for observations. In the plaza, no changes to the physical environment impacted on the visual field.

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Variables Variables observed in the field were informed by the theoretical review and cross-disciplinary framework outlined above (Section 5.2). The RUROS Project fieldwork questionnaire was particularly useful in regard to variables relevant to thermal comfort (Figure 4.6). Variables included sex and age; activities and locations; adaptive behaviours; and social arrangements.

Sex and age Initially, I planned to record the sex and age group of park and plaza users due to heat- vulnerability associations. The elderly were a particular target as my research questions focus on older people, a major heat-vulnerable group.

During Stage 1 trials, however, it was immediately apparent that determining sex and age with surety was near impossible in the park. In the plaza, it was marginally easier due to the smaller scale and closer proximity of users.

In addition, personal characteristics were often hindered by the angle and movement of the observed person’s body, and personal accessories, such as glasses, hats and umbrellas. Infrequently, high volumes of park users obscured visibility. Nonetheless, visual cues (e.g. primary and high school uniforms) in combination with physical agility (e.g. playing basketball) enabled identification of general age groups.

Weather and microclimatic conditions also impacted on visibility, such as sun, glare, and shadowing (Figure 5.12). During very hot and/or very windy weather, visibility was hampered by dry, irritated eyes. During inclement weather, heavy rain hampered visibility.

As a consequence, I was unable to record data for sex, and adopted broad age group categories - ‘children’, ‘young people’ and ‘adults’. Visual limitations for sex and age were consistent with the findings of another public space study (Engelhard et al. 2001). However, they contrasted guidance that sex and age can generally be identified at somewhere between 50 and 70 metres (Gehl 2010).

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Figure 5.12 Factors obscuring personal characteristics. Photos: McKenzie 2009 and 2012.

Activities, locations and microclimatic conditions In the park and plaza, I recorded two main types of activities - ‘staying’ and ‘transit’ activities. As highlighted in Section 5.2, these activities are commonly noted in environment-behaviour and thermal comfort studies due to their importance to life in city spaces and associations with thermal comfort.

Staying activities involved people who remained in the sites. They were categorised as: sitting, standing, socialising, exercising and playing. Types (e.g. tai chi and badminton) and locations (e.g. basketball court and circuit path) were noted. ‘Occupational’ activities (e.g. maintenance work and delivering goods) were recorded as ‘exercising’ and moderate-intensity activities.

As important indicators of thermal comfort and preference, I recorded whether staying activities were undertaken in the sun, partial shade or shade. I also noted whether people had a choice of sitting in the sun or shade, and the length of their stay.

The location of staying activities was recorded. In the park, locations included the open central area, treed perimeter, circuit path, badminton and basketball courts, picnic shelter, primary (formal) seats, and secondary (informal) sitting places, for example, garden bed edges and rocks. In the plaza, locations included the seating platforms, under trees and shop awnings, and nearby shops.

Transit activities involved people walking or cycling through the sites. I noted users’ entry and exit points, and the general routes taken through the sites.

I documented whether staying and transit activities were undertaken by people on their own or with others. I noted scenarios that suggested whether the activities were ‘necessary’ or ‘optional’ (Section 5.2). For example, the observed scenario of adults waiting in the park close

156 to the school who were later joined by students suggested a ‘necessary’ activity - that is, picking up children from school.

Challenges for recording staying and transit activities in public spaces related to the activities being complementary and inter-connected, characterised by flow and self-congestion (Whyte 1980). They also involve transitions between metabolic heat expenditure - that is, transitions between sedentary and moderate-intensity metabolic activities.

Adaptive behaviours I recorded reactive and interactive adaptive behaviours. Reactive behaviours included changing posture or position and modifying metabolic expenditure activity. Interactive behaviours were limited to use of a sun umbrella or newspaper for shade.

Counts Counts are used to monitor the use of outdoor spaces. Formats are influenced by the focus of the study and vary in relation to temporal, physical, use and resource factors.

Regarding temporal factors, two types of counts were undertaken in the field for this research. The first, ‘interval’ counts, was based on research methods used in thermal comfort studies. For example, Thorsson et al. (2004) counted people sitting in the sun and shade at hourly intervals. Lin et al. (2013) counted total populations at 20 minute intervals. The second, ‘sequential’ counts, were utilised in health promotion physical activity studies to capture the flow of people entering and exiting a site (Engelhard et al. 2001).

Specific time intervals were used in thermal comfort studies. For example, Thorsson et al. (2004) counted people sitting in the sun and shade at hourly intervals. Lin et al. (2013) counted total populations at 20 minute intervals. Counts in health promotion physical activity studies were conducted sequentially to capture the flow of people entering and exiting a site (Engelhard et al. 2001). For the purpose of my study, this method is a ‘sequential’ count.

Regarding physical factors, Low (2003) divided her case study plaza into sectors. ‘Time/space sampling’ was used to record ‘everything that occurred in that sector … for a designated period of time’ (p.39). McKenzie et al. (2006, p.S213) advises abundant evidence demonstrates that ‘momentary time sampling techniques yield valid behavioral samples’.

Large numbers of people using public spaces simultaneously may render counts unfeasible. For example, Engelhard et al. (2001, p.151) note that counting was ‘straightforward when there were only a few people in the park’, but that high-use times made it ‘difficult to record all the necessary information’ for park users. Lin et al. (2013, p.602) excluded data for ‘large social 157 events’ and holidays to ‘avoid interference from abnormal increases or decreases’ in count numbers.

Regarding resources, Low (2003), Thorsson et al. (2004) and Whyte (1980) manually counted plaza and park users. Wolff and Fitzhugh (2011) used infra-red trail counters to monitor daily use along a greenway. McKenzie et al. (2006) used an electronic scanning system that codes the metabolic activity type (e.g. sedentary) of each individual.

Population counts, however, provide limited insight into the quality of public spaces without accompanying ‘length of stay’ data. As Gehl (2010, p.85) explains, ‘high counts’ of pedestrians do not necessarily indicate good city quality: it is the number of minutes spent outside per day rather than the number of people outside that determines whether a street is lively or lifeless. In this study, different count types were employed in different fieldwork stages, influenced by the flow and volume of park users and nature of activity.

In Cabravale Park, three types of counts were employed: aggregate; sequential; and interval counts. The rationale for applying a type of count in each fieldwork stage was explained in Section 5.6.

Lessons in the field reinforced the necessity of flexible fieldwork designs to meet fluctuations in use patterns. The nature of the activity was found to be the influencing factor, rather than a particular threshold of users. For example, on occasions, it was immediately apparent that a sequential approach was impossible, when the activity in progress was in constant movement with many actors, and when the location of activity obscured an overall view of the visual field.

In Freedom Plaza, only one count type was applied: interval counts with activity maps. This approach enabled the flow, volume and nature of activity to be recorded, as shown in the sample data sheet (Figure 5.11).

Behaviour mapping Behaviour mapping combined with counts was undertaken in both case study sites (Figures 5.8 and 5.11).

Behavioural mapping is ‘concerned with various categories of behaviour, physical locations, and a technique for relating the one to the other’ (Saarinen 1976, p.56). Mapping monitors shifts ‘between purposeful walking, stopping, resting, staying and conversing’ (Gehl 2010, p.20).

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Generally, mapping sedentary activities (e.g. sitting) is relatively easy compared with mapping movement. Whyte’s ‘typical siting map’ (Figure 5.13) uses symbols to indicate the number, gender and arrangement of people sitting in a New York plaza. Similarly, Zacharias et al. (2001) mapped the location of people standing and sitting in public spaces in Montreal (Figure 5.14).

Figure 5.13 Typical sighting map. Source: Whyte (1980, p.23).

Figure 5.14 Maps showing people standing and sitting in plazas. Source: Zacharias et al. (2001, p.302). Low (2003) prepared ‘behaviour’ and ‘movement’ maps of her study plazas. ‘Movement maps’ recorded a people’s pathways. Behaviour maps documented observed activities (e.g. a group of girls talking) and their locations. Low found mapping - supported by notes and photographs - provides a rich data source for people travelling through the space, those who have taken up residence to sit or stand, and people moving between these activities.

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Methods in reviewed studies inform the way sitting, staying and transit activities were mapped and recorded in this research. Consistent with Whyte’s approach (Figure 5.14), symbols were used to indicate the apparent gender, group arrangements and location of sitters and stayers. Routes and directions of pedestrians were mapped, using a combination of arrows, dotted lines and dominated entry points. Notes and photography were taken. Sample fieldwork data sheets (Figures 5.8 and 5.11) demonstrate mapping methods applied in the park and plaza respectively.

Digital photography Photography is commonly undertaken in public space fieldwork to monitor behaviour (Oliveira and Andrade 2007) and substantiate observations (Lin et al. 2013).

For longitudinal studies, photography provides ‘irreplaceable’ data on the changes in physical form and use of the public spaces (Low 2003, p.42). It also provides important ‘partial accounts’ of a place, such as representative panoramas and ‘particular social problems like rubbish or traffic’ (Emmel and Clark 2009, p.9).

Hall (2003, p.56) views photography as ‘a supplement to other forms of observation’, ‘an extension of the visual memory’, and ‘an absolutely indispensable aid in recording proxemics behaviour’. This is because it ‘freezes actions and allows the investigator to examine sequences over and over again’. On the other hand, limitations relate to photographs capturing ‘only a glimpse of the space’ (Emmel and Clark 2009, p.90).

Over the course of this study, several thousand digital photographs were taken, with decision and attention to details. Repeated particular views over the course of a day and over the course of years enabled comparisons. Of note are photographs of Cabravale Park ‘before’ and ‘after’ the upgrade and the progressive reduction of natural shade in Freedom Plaza. Photographs also facilitated close examination of details overlooked during fieldwork. Photographs are important tools for illustrating and discussing results in Part III.

Responding to the limitations of photography, Emmel and Clark (2009, p.9) combined photography with detailed descriptive notes of what they had ‘noticed, seen, remembered, been reminded of, talked about, and felt’ during ‘walk arounds’ - the foundation of narrative and heuristic inquiry.

Narrative and heuristic inquiry Narrative and heuristic inquiry are methods commonly employed in reviewed public space studies, albeit with varying emphasis (Emmel and Clark 2009; Gehl 2010; Low 2003; Richardson 2003; Whyte 1980). They are important to ethnography, which seeks to ‘study and understand

160 the cultural and symbolic aspects of behaviour and the context of that behaviour’ (Punch 2005, p.152). Narrative and heuristic inquiry enabled deep insights into the use of public spaces in reviewed studies and established that weather is an inextricable part of the context of behaviours.

In the early stages of my study, narrative and heuristic inquiry were ‘put aside’ while I gained proficiency in recording behaviour variables (outlined above) and meteorological parameters (outlined below). However, counts, mapping and measured parameters failed to capture the richness of human activity and interaction, and the wonders of the natural world, characterising my case study sites.

‘On the Plaza’ (Low 2003) had a significant impact on my fieldwork design, highlighting narrative and heuristic inquiry methods. This led to documenting factors related to mood, social interaction, and personal experience of weather.

Narrative Narrative involves organising stories in ways that make them ‘meaningful or coherent in a form appropriate to a particular context’ (Silverman 2001, p.470). Narrative in reviewed ethnographic studies effectively captured the way hot climates and weather permeate everyday life in public spaces.

Similarly, narrative was employed by the participants in my focus group to explain heat’s impact on older people when using public space.

Heuristic inquiry Heuristic inquiry is ‘a form of phenomenological inquiry that brings to the fore the personal experience and insights of the researcher’ (Patton 1990, p.71). It involves a ‘subjective process of reflecting, exploring, sifting, and elucidating the nature of the phenomenon under investigation … the “data” that emerge are autobiographical, original, and accurately descriptive of the textures and structures of lived experience’ (Douglass and Moustakas 1985, p.40). When used as a ‘framework for research, it offers a disciplined pursuit of essential meanings connected with everyday human experiences’ (p.39)

The rationale for incorporating heuristic inquiry into this project was three-fold. Firstly, and most importantly, my experience of extreme heat in the field provided data relevant to designing fieldwork for hot conditions which considers researcher exposure and health. Secondly, my experience of extreme heat in the field could be reported with accuracy in relation to my proximity to the meteorological measuring equipment (less than three metres) and recent

161 thermal history (30 minutes prior to reporting) (Section 5.8). Thirdly, examining my experience of hot conditions in different environmental contexts provided data for contextual influences, sensorial experience and transferred adaptive behaviours.

Combining narrative and heuristic inquiry Low (2003) portrays life in Costa Rican plazas through narrative, drawing together many of the heat-related factors significant to my study: the metabolic intensity of activities, thermal choices and length of stay for activities, influence of sunlight, tempo and mood, and social interactions. In addition, the researcher’s thermal comfort and experiences are validated through heuristic inquiry.

The finely-detailed and nuanced relations between a particular plaza and the behaviour of people inhabiting the plaza is clearly demonstrated by the following excerpt describing a hot afternoon in Parque Central: Most people are sitting in the shade because the sunlight is so intense, except for one gringo … who is reading in the sun … I think the weather slows the movement and increases the sense of well-being for both me and other park users.… The tempo of the traffic has increased on the edges of the park, but inside the pace has slowed to a standstill … The strollers are languid in their movements, and the girls smile on the arms of their boyfriends. People talk, look around, and then go back to reading. Children play everywhere, and only mothers and children walk through; everyone else is staying. There is a warm breeze that cools the hot sun (Low 2003, pp.11-12) 5.8 Recording weather in the field

Recording weather in the field involved two approaches, drawn from either end of the technological spectrum. The first comprised detailed descriptive recordings, capturing my experience and perception of thermal conditions through narrative and heuristic inquiry (described above). This approach was commonly adopted in reviewed environment-behaviour studies. The second involved methods employed in thermal comfort studies, which focus on measuring meteorological parameters with specialised equipment and tools to rank thermal comfort e.g. seven-scale psychometric tool (Figure 4.5).

The aim in taking up both approaches was to capitalise on the insights each offered regarding the experience of outdoor thermal conditions and influences of heat on behaviour and comfort, the focus of my first research question.

Importantly, weather and behavioural data were recorded together over the course of fieldwork sessions (albeit not simultaneously) to enable general correlations between thermal conditions and activity.

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Thermal perception and experience I recorded my perception and experience of usual warm and unusual hot weather conditions in the field by describing in detail personal physical, psychological and adaptive responses to heat. Personal thermal comfort was ranked according to the seven-scale psychometric tool - that is, ‘preference’ through to ‘hazardous’. In this way, heuristic inquiry - my experience of thermal phenomena - was used to assess my comfort using a comfort tool, a method combining both approaches.

Weather descriptions addressed, in a general sense, the four meteorological parameters for thermal comfort - temperature, humidity, wind and radiant temperature - as well as light and mood. Descriptions were used to capture important dimensions of parameters that express nature’s diversity and are central to behaviour and comfort, beyond technical measurements. Wind and rain, in particular, present in multi-facetted ways that affect experience and mood in outdoor settings.

Wind, for an example, was described as ‘drying and irritating’, ‘too strong to hold up an umbrella’, ‘heard rustling the trees above my head, but not felt’, and ‘swirling, making the leaves dance’. Rain was qualified as ‘intermittent raindrops falling from a clear sky’ and ‘sun shower with bright light’, through to ‘cracking thunderstorm with ominous dark clouds’. The length of rain periods were also noted.

As Nikolopoulou and Steemers (2003) note, people perceive and experience weather in different ways. Critical to this study’s results, my descriptive notes were infused with personal interpretations of weather conditions, influenced by physiological (Section 2.3) and psychological factors e.g. past experience and memories (Knez 2003).

Meteorological parameters Parameters relevant to heat-health impacts and thermal comfort were measured in the field. These included air temperature, humidity, air velocity and radiant temperature. In addition, sunlight and rain (precipitation) were described. Importantly, measurements need to consider human scale and thermal experience.

Human scale Human and micro-scale environmental factors were considered in methods for recording meteorological parameters. The assessment of instruments and methods in outdoor thermal comfort studies by Johansson et al. (2014) provided practical guidance:

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• Mobile weather station sensors should be 0.6 and 1.1 metres above ground for sitting and standing subjects respectively, corresponding to the average height of the centre of gravity of the human body; • Adequate time should be allowed to enable sensors to response, accounting for instrument inertia. Reporting the type, accuracy, measuring range and response times of instruments is good practice; and • Parameters should be measured near the study subjects when conducting simultaneous questionnaires for thermal sensation and perception. Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a), for example, surveyed subjects within three metres of their instruments. This close proximity contrasts reviewed studies exploring weather’s impact on physical activity and mood, which principally sourced data from weather stations located away from subjects (de Montigny et al. 2012; Howarth and Hoffman 1984; Keller et al. 2005; Sumukadas et al. 2009).

Parameter measuring equipment is set out in Table 5.10 and displayed in Figure 5.15. Specific methods for measuring and estimating parameters are outlined below.

Table 5.10 Fieldwork equipment for measuring meteorological parameters. METEOROLOGICAL EQUIPMENT PARAMETER Air temperature Digitor thermo-hygrometer with a temperature accuracy range of +/- 10C and relative humidity humidity range of 5-95%. Air velocity La Crosse Professional Hand-held Anemometer with a measurement unit of kilometres per hour (km/hr), wind speed measuring range of 0.2 to 30 metres per second (m/s), and wind-speed time interval of 2-10 seconds. Infrared thermometry Personal non-contact QM7222 Infrared Thermometer with a temperature range of -50 to 5000C, accuracy of ±20C, and pre-set emissivity of 0.95. Infrared photography FLIR B-Series 335 portable thermal imaging camera, measuring long-wave radiation in the 7.5-13 microns range at a resolution of 320x240 pixels.

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Figure 5.15 Meteorological equipment. Left: Infrared thermometer, anemometer and thermo-hygrometer. Right: infrared camera and sun-protective measures. Photos: McKenzie 2015. Air temperature and humidity Air temperature and humidity were measured using a mobile thermo-hygrometer with a three metre weather-proof sensor wire. The sensor was mounted at 1.1 metres above ground level, applicable for standing subjects (Johansson et al. 2014).

Sensors were exposed to direct sunlight for measurements in the sun, and protected from direct sunlight for measurements in the shade. Sensors used in studies exploring extreme heat conditions may be exposed to the sun (Givoni et al. 2003).

Accounting for instrument inertia, five minutes was allowed for the thermo-hygrometer sensor to recalibrate when moved from one location to another. In light of parameter fluctuations (Section 8.3), I recorded the highest readings.

Air velocity Air velocity - or wind speed - was measured using a hand-held anemometer. The anemometer also measured temperature (in the range of -29.9°C to 59.9°C at 10 second intervals). This enabled temperature to be cross-checked with thermo-hygrometer measurements.

Air velocity was measured at a height of 1.1 metres above ground. In the park, measurements were taken within the central open area, a minimum of 8 metres from tree driplines and, therefore, unlikely to be affected by nearby obstructions. Measurements were also made at seat locations under trees (within dripline areas) for microclimatic conditions for ‘staying’ activities.

Consistent with Zacharias et al. (2001), air velocity was measured subjectively and compared with the anemometer readings. This accounted for significant fluctuations, which made

165 monitoring difficult. To capture fluctuations, I also recorded the air speed range over approximately 30 seconds e.g. 3.5-8.0km/hr.

Subjective measurements employed in this study are based on the ‘wind force comfort criteria’ determined by Soligo et al. (1998, p.757). Measurements are set out in Table 5.11.

Table 5.11 Four-level wind speed ranking based on Soligo et al. (1998, p.757). SUBJECTIVE MEASUREMENT WIND SPEED KM/HR COMFORT RANKING still 0 Comfortable for sitting and walking light 0.1-9 Comfortable for sitting and walking breezy 9.1-18 Comfortable for walking strong >18 Uncomfortable Radiant temperature The radiant temperatures of materials (organic and non-organic) in Cabravale Park were measured using infrared thermometry and imagery. Like Samuels et al. (2010), infrared measurements were used to explore the micro-scale environments.

Infrared thermometry

During Stage 1, I trialled the use of the infrared thermometer on various materials. Then, in Stage 2, I measured the radiant temperature of common land surface covers, grass and concrete, at different times of day over the course of a ‘usual warm’ day and ‘unusually hot’ day in summer.

Infrared photography

During Stage 6, infrared and digital photography was undertaken over a 12 hour period on an ‘unusual hot’ day in Cabravale Park. I was instructed on the use of the faculty’s thermal camera and associated FLIR QuickReport 1.2 SP2 software. I then I undertook a series of practice sessions in a local park before conducting the fieldwork.

Consistent with the field investigation by Samuels et al. 2010 (p.16), the aim is ‘not to measure absolute temperatures but to be able to distinguish between relative emissivity contributions from different elements in the designed environment.’

Sunlight and rain Sunlight was assessed by estimating cloud cover and categorised as ‘full’, ‘partial’ and ‘clear sky’. In addition, shadows were documented as ‘well-defined’, ‘faint’ or ‘absent’. Similarly, Zacharias et al. (2001) noted the presence or absence of sunlight and traced shaded and sunny areas on site maps. de Montigny et al. (2012) used visual inspection to assess and record the proportion of the ground in sunlight. 166

Rain was categorised as ‘heavy’, ‘light’ and ‘dry’ (no rain). Likewise, de Montigny et al. (2012, p.821) described rather than measured rain, and used ‘drizzling rain, rain and falling snow’.

5.9 Seniors focus group

A focus group explored the influence of heat on older people’s everyday activity, particularly their use of public space. Older people are a significant and growing heat-vulnerable group. Their heat-vulnerability is compounded by physiological changes and chronic disease, in tandem with environmental factors, as outlined in detail in Chapter 2. My two research questions include subsidiary questions focused on older people.

WHO (2007, p.1) advocates that going to ‘the source - older city dwellers’ is essential to understanding the characteristics of age-friendly cities. Similarly, Bowling and Dieppe (2005, p.1550) stress the importance of lay views on successful ageing, for there is ‘little point in developing policy goals if elderly people do not regard them as relevant’. Consequently, I went to the source to understand what makes an age-friendly city during hot conditions.

Aims The aims of the focus group comprised: • exploring the way hot weather and extreme heat impact on the everyday lives and activities of older people, and implications for age-friendly city design and planning; and • gaining an understanding of older people’s use of public space, particularly in Western Sydney and the case study neighbourhood.

Participant criteria and accessing participants Participant criteria included being a: • local resident of Cabramatta or the adjacent suburb, Canley Vale; and/ or • user of the case study sites. Participants were accessed through the ‘Fairfield Seniors Network’, a forum for seniors and organisations involved in aged services in Fairfield City.

I clarified my purpose as a PhD candidate with the Fairfield City Council officer who coordinated the network. I then addressed the network, outlined my project, and extended an invitation to participants who met the above criteria.

Ethics approval Professional codes of ethics emphasise the importance of complying with ethical responsibilities towards humans.

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Prior to collecting data, I submitted an application to conduct the focus group to the Human Research Ethics Advisory Panel (HREAP) of the Faculty of the Built Environment, The University of New South Wales. As defined by UNSW Research (2015), the application met the criteria for ‘low risk research’ where ‘the only foreseeable risk is one of discomfort’.

The application was subsequently ‘Approved with conditions’ (subject to my study conforming to the specified conditions) in accordance with the UNSW Human Research Ethics policy, as presented in Appendix B. Conditions were executed thoroughly.

Employer approval To ensure no conflict of interest in my workplace, I consulted with the Fairfield City Council’s Human Resources Department. The Department advised that no formal process or paperwork was required. However, I was to arrange and conduct the focus group in my capacity as a university student and not as a Council representative. Accordingly, this advice was followed.

Execution The group was held on 13 December 2010 between 10am-12md in the Fairfield City Council administration building, Wakeley (approximately 3.5km from the case study area).

In accordance with the ‘Human Research Ethics’ process of The University of New South Wales, I first welcomed and briefed the participants about my project, then provided each participant with a ‘Project Information Statement’. I invited each participant to sign the Project Consent Form: participants consented to being quoted; two participants did not consent to being identified. Accordingly, pseudonyms are used for all participants and organisation details are not given. With permission from the participants, the focus group was recorded with a digital voice recorder.

Seven participants attended. During introductions, it became evident that five of the seven participants met the criteria; nonetheless, all were residents of Western Sydney. For those not familiar with the case study, I used open questions that explored general responses to heat and use of public space in Western Sydney.

This completes the presentation of the multiple methods employed in this study, and data collected in the field and from the focus group. Analytical themes are now outlined, followed by methods for collating and analysing data.

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5.10 Analytical approach

Thermal conditions are one of many components that comprise behaviour settings and influence behaviour and comfort, as established in Part I. The main challenge of this analytical approach was to draw out heat’s specific influence on everyday activity in public spaces, with implications for physical and mental health. This addressed my first research question. Shifts in recurrent behaviour patterns in response to heat were a focus. Attention was concentrated on the ability of older people to be active and socially engaged during hot weather.

A further challenge of this analytical approach was to understand ways environmental factors affect thermal conditions and contribute to urban heat, tackling my second research question. This challenge required analysis of ways to design public spaces that support healthy behaviours, specifically physical activity, social engagement, and experience of nature. Urban heat and chronic disease reduction through design and planning were particular foci, together with priorities for reducing urban population heat-vulnerability.

Collation and analysis of data focused on thermal behaviour in outdoor behaviour settings. Thermal behaviour implies thermal preference and adaptive behaviours (e.g. metabolic heat intensity activity and acclimatisation) - all of which are not observable and not elicited here. Rather thermal preference and adaptive behaviours are understood to underlie the observed activity responses.

Data were collated, custom sorted, compared and correlated using Microsoft Excel spreadsheet software. All data were contextualised according to date, time and location. A sample of collated data is shown in Table 5.12.

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Table 5.12 Samples of collated fieldwork data for thermal conditions and activity.

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Fieldwork - data and analysis Fieldwork data were collated and analysed for the following themes, which are the foundation of the results as presented in Part III: • Thermal context - usual warm, unusually hot and extreme heat days; • Behaviour settings, behaviour patterns and shifts in response to heat; • Thermal comfort and preference; • Environmental attributes, quality and heat; • Microclimatic conditions, thermal comfort and thermal preference; • Thermal comfort and heat stress (researcher); and • Weather and thermal environments.

Thermal context - usual warm, unusually hot and extreme heat days The ‘thermal context’ of data from each fieldwork session established whether the data were collected on a usual warm or hot day. This enabled data to be sorted and compared for warm and hot days, thereby identifying shifts in behaviour in response to heat. Thermal contexts were also important to analysing behavioural and comfort responses, essential to understanding thermal behaviour.

Thermal contexts were assigned to the day on which fieldwork data were collected. I also established the thermal context of the three days preceding the fieldwork day to determine whether the data fell within the heat-health lag period following heatwaves.

Three categories for thermal context were used: ’usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ day. Categories were based on daily maximum temperatures in relation to the monthly mean temperature, as recorded at the ABOM weather station closest to Cabramatta (Bankstown Airport No.066137, 5.5km away). Thermal context categories are described in Table 5.13.

Table 5.13 Thermal context categories for fieldwork data. THERMAL CONTEXT DESCRIPTION ‘Usual warm’ day a day on which the daily maximum temperature is equal to or less than the monthly maximum mean temperature. ‘Unusual hot’ day a day on which the daily maximum temperature is above the monthly maximum mean temperature and equal to or less than 350C. ‘Extreme heat’ day 0 a day on which the daily maximum temperature is greater than 35 C.

The temperature range for an ‘extreme heat’ day correlates with temperature ranges for projected increases in ‘hot days’ for my case study. For example, the NSW Government employs a maximum temperature of greater than 35oC to categorise and project ‘hot days’ for Sydney (NSWOEH 2015b). Similarly, Kjellstrom et al. (2009) identify the range for ‘hot days’ used by 171 models projecting temperature increases and heat impacts for Australia as >35°C to 40°C. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change describes a ‘hot day’ for Australia as ≥ 35 0C (Hennessy et al. 2007, p.510).

For the purpose of discussion, a ‘heatwave’ is defined as ‘three days or more of high maximum and minimum temperatures that is unusual for that location’ (ABOM 2015b).

Temporal factors and heat-health correlations

Thermal context enabled the analysis of three temporal factors related to physiological adaption and heat-illness. Firstly, thermal context considered seasonal factors relevant to acclimatisation (physiological adaptation). Data obtained during the early summer were likely prior to the general population’s acclimatisation to heat. Data from late summer probably related to the population being better acclimatised.

Secondly, thermal context indicated whether the fieldwork data were collected before, during or after a period of hot weather or heatwave. In a general sense, it considers the potential accumulated heat stress of public space users over the 1-3 day ‘heat-illness lag period’ following a heatwave (Section 2.5). Necessarily, the thermal context of the three days preceding fieldwork were also determined - to establish whether the fieldwork session data fell within a heatwave or 3 day heat-illness lag period.

Analytical application

Table 5.14 illustrates how thermal context was used to analyse data for the sample period of 28 January-10 February 2009.

As shown, the ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ thermal contexts of 29 January - 6 February indicate a heatwave period. Therefore, all data collected during this period relate to a heatwave, with accumulating effects over time.

Data were not collected on 7 and 8 February. However, their ‘extreme heat’ thermal contexts - together with the preceding ‘extreme’ and ‘unusual hot’ days - indicate that 9 and 10 February fell within the 3-day heat-lag period. While 9 and 10 February were ‘usual warm’ days, people may have been felt lethargic or unwell, providing a possible rationale for low use levels in the park on these days.

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Table 5.14 Thermal context used in analysis and heat-lag effects.

Thirdly, thermal context provided a daily (quotidian) scale that indicates whether data were collected on a usual warm, unusual hot or extreme heat day. Analysis of quotidian scale data provided important insights into thermal behaviour and implications for the role of public greenspace in a disadvantaged area during hot weather.

For example, thermal context on a quotidian scale signalled whether data were collected in the evening of an extreme heat day. In this case, the preceding heat may underlie an increase in people spending time in the evening in Cabravale Park. It implies reactive adaptive behaviour - that people changed their location to improve the fit between their environment and their needs. That is, they sought a cool place outside their thermally inefficient housing and streets. It also implies that parks may offer important ‘cooling places’, providing a publicly accessible (and free) space where people can reduce the accumulated heat stress from a hot day. Critically, they may address the major heat-risk factor of social isolation, especially for older people.

Thermal comfort indice The thermal comfort indice, apparent temperature (Section 4.5), was determined from field data using the ‘PLANET CALC online calculator’. The calculator computes apparent temperature by applying the Australian Bureau of Meteorology formula and taking into consideration wind speed and relative air humidity (PLANET CALC 2017).

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Behaviour settings, behaviour patterns and shifts in response to heat Shifts in behaviour in response to heat are central to my first research question. My analytical process to identify shifts involved two steps.

Firstly, I examined the behaviour settings of the neighbourhood public space network and each case study site. Setting data included micro-scale contextual factors (Sections 5.4 and 5.5), including microclimatic conditions. Data also relate to health-supportive and age-friendly attributes. Examination established the inter-connected flow of activity between the sites, and the degree to which neighbourhood attributes supported outdoor activity.

Secondly, I analysed data for everyday behaviour patterns during different thermal conditions. Data for behaviour were sorted according to thermal context and the recurrent patterns of behaviours for each site on ‘usual warm’ days were determined. I then compared data for patterns of behaviour on ‘usual warm’ days with patterns on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days.

Recurrent behaviour patterns

Periods of day were used to describe behaviour patterns in each site, with a focus on the hottest part of the day. This approach was commonly adopted by reviewed environment-behaviour and thermal comfort studies to portray recurrent behaviour patterns (Low 2003; Nikolopoulou and Lykoudis 2006).

Periods were assigned once general patterns for a typical day were understood in each case study site. Data were collated for four periods of day: mornings (7.30am-9.00am), mid-days (9.00am-1.00pm), afternoons (1.00pm-5.00pm and hottest part of the day); and evenings (5.00pm-9.00pm).

Thermal comfort and preference Activities in public spaces are influenced by thermal conditions. During hot weather, people may undertake a range of adaptive behaviours to decrease heat stress. A person may, for example, reduce their metabolic heat production, or relocate to a shaded, naturally ventilated location (reactive behaviour). They may use a sun umbrella (interactive behaviour).

The influence of thermal conditions on people’s activities varies in accordance with metabolic heat production. For sedentary activities, such as sitting, microclimate is particularly important and importance increases with the length of stay. Microclimate is not so important to walking and selecting a transit route (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003). Microclimatic importance also depends on the ‘degree of necessity’ of the activity (Gehl 2010). 174

To capture these thermal associations of behaviour, data for activities were collated for: • metabolic heat production (METs) (Table 5.15); • ‘in-transit’ and ‘staying’ activities in sun and shade (Table 5.16); • ‘degree of necessity’ (Table 5.17); and • heat-adaptive behaviours (Table 5.18). Table 5.15 MET categories for activities observed during fieldwork. Source: Compiled from the Compendium of Physical Activities (2015) MET CATEGORY ACTIVITIES sedentary lying quietly; sitting; watching TV; reclining, reading; sleeping; and standing 1.0 - 1.5 METs quietly. light-intensity standing/ playing with children (light effort); and watering plants. 1.6 - 2.9 METs moderate- walking; running/ playing with children (moderate and vigorous effort); intensity children’s games e.g. hopscotch, playground apparatus (moderate effort); 3 - 5.9 METs playing with animals (moderate and vigorous effort); tai chi; badminton (general); cycling for pleasure; shooting baskets (basketball); mowing the lawn; and planting seedlings. vigorous-intensity soccer (casual); playing basketball (non-game); jogging; and cycling (self- ≥6 METs selected pace/ moderate effort).

Table 5.16 ‘In-transit’ and ‘staying’ activities observed during fieldwork. ACTIVITY TYPE SUB-TYPE EXAMPLES IN SUN IN SHADE In-transit walking; cycling. √ √ Staying Sitting and standing socialising and chatting; people- (sedentary MET) watching; reading; picnicking. √ √ Exercise and playing stretching; tai chi; badminton; walking; (light- to vigorous- jogging; cycling; kicking balls; shooting intensity MET activities) hoops; playing half-court basketball. √ √

Table 5.17 ‘Degree of necessity’ and activities observed during fieldwork. DEGREE OF ACTIVITIES NECESSITY Necessary going to/ from work; dropping off/ picking up children from school; grocery shopping; accessing services; and looking after grandchildren. Optional relaxing; recreating; exercising; shopping; walking the dog; and taking grandchildren on outings. Social meeting friends/acquaintances; picnicking; attending community meetings and events; walking with others; and sitting and watching others.

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Table 5.18 Adaptive behaviours observed during fieldwork. Source: Knez and Thorsson (2006); Nikolopoulou and Steemers (2003). ADAPTIVE SUB-TYPE HEAT-ADAPTATION FACTOR EXAMPLES OF HEAT- BEHAVIOUR TYPE ADAPTIVE BEHAVIOUR Physiological Length of time exposed to thermal conditions (acclimatisation) Behavioural Reactive varying posture changing position modifying MET activity adjusting clothing Interactive using accessories to create shade e.g. sun umbrella Psychological naturalness expectations and experience length of exposure perceived control and personal choice environmental stimulation memory socio-cultural factors

Thermal preference

Thermal preferences for sitting in the park were determined through examining data for activity counts, mapping and sequential recordings to identify non-peak periods. At non-peak times, people had the choice of sitting in the sun or shade. People’s choices - together with type of seating and views - implied thermal preference.

Temperature thresholds

Temperature thresholds were explored for in-transit, staying and sitting activities. This involved analysis of data for activity counts, mapping and sequential recordings, correlated with meteorological data.

Environmental attributes, quality and heat The extent to which the design of the case study neighbourhood and sites supported outdoor physical activity during hot conditions is central to my second research question. My analytical process was two-fold.

Firstly, data from walkarounds and general audits were assessed for health-supportive attributes, particularly walkability and for older people. Data for ‘usual warm’ days were compared to data for ‘unusually hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days. Shading and natural ventilation, opportunities to adjust to heat stress, and thermal diversity and choice were given particular attention.

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Secondly, data for Cabravale Park’s upgrade were examined for the impacts of improved environmental quality. The park was upgraded between April 2009 and October 2009. Behavioural data were sorted by date to create ‘before’ and ‘after’ data sets, and associated with ‘poor’ and ‘improved’ environmental attributes. The sets were compared to ascertain whether and how the improved quality influenced park use.

To determine hot weather effects, before and after data were collated and compared for ‘usual warm’ and ‘unusual hot’ and ‘unusual very hot’ days.

Thermal comfort and heat stress of researcher My thermal comfort was ranked for two periods of extreme heat in Cabravale Park. These periods included the hottest temperatures I experienced in the field.

My activity was sedentary and I mostly stayed in the shade. Rankings were in accordance with the categories of the seven-point psychometric tool (Figure 4.5): thermal preference, acceptable, uncomfortable, moderately stressful, stressful and hazardous thermal conditions (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a).

My comfort rankings and heuristic notes were correlated with subjective and measured weather data. This provided insights into how different combinations of weather parameters during extreme heat conditions affect comfort. Importantly, it suggested heat stress thresholds for researchers conducting fieldwork in hot conditions.

As stated by Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a, p.722), the performance of the psychometric tool ‘under core extreme outdoor climatic environments remains largely untested’. This suggests my application of the tool during extreme heat and resulting data is mostly unprecedented.

Weather and thermal environments Data was collated and analysed in order to understand the dynamics of heat exchange within thermal environments, and implications for creating and maintaining thermal diversity and choice.

Firstly, data for meteorological parameters and subjective weather measurements were assessed to understand the finely-tuned temporal nature of microclimatic conditions. Subjective data were associated with meteorological parameters to gain deeper insights into how thermal environments are perceived and experienced.

Secondly, data for weather and the radiant temperature of materials in the park were examined to understand ‘thermal transience’ - the heat exchanges of ‘radiators’ and ‘coolers’. Analysis

177 concentrated on common land surface covers, a water-sensitive urban design feature (rain garden), and the preferred environments in which people chose to sit in the park.

Thirdly, data for natural shade were analysed in relation to time and growth and maintaining healthy trees. Attention was focused on the trees in Freedom Plaza and along Park Road promenade (western boundary of the park). Complex thinking explored scenarios in relation to community heat-vulnerability and decision-making processes.

Special note - Cabravale Park data and analysis Data were collected in the summers before and after the upgrade of Cabravale Park, undertaken over the winter of 2009. Major components of the upgrade included a promenade, circuit path and number of primary and secondary seating options. This substantially changed the behaviour setting of the park and recurrent behaviour patterns. As a result, two sets of data were generated - ‘before’ and ‘after’ the upgrade.

The analysis of behaviour settings, recurrent behaviour patterns and shifts in response to heat was based on the data collected ‘after’ the park upgrade, that is, over the summer of 2009-2010 (Section 7.3). Separately, to investigate the impact of environmental quality on the park’s use, results from ‘before’ (summer of 2008-2009) and ‘after’ (summer of 2009-2010) the upgrade were compared (Section 7.4).

Focus group - data and analysis The focus group provided further data on the case study neighbourhood and sites, as well as broader contexts.

A substantial body of literature discusses quantitative content analysis and qualitative thematic analysis of focus group data. My review was limited to identifying that the aims of my analysis were consistent with qualitative thematic analysis (Silverman 2011, p.214), including: • finding out about participants responses to heat through what they say within the focus group; and • grounding interpretation in the particularities of the situation under study, that is, older people’s perspectives on heat, everyday activity and use of public space. I transcribed the focus group and looked for themes in the data. I grouped and summarised the responses according to the foci of my guiding questions and themes relevant to my research questions. I noted direct quotations, as I felt it was important to record the participants’ own words - so they ‘speak for themselves’ and so the depth of their responses was captured.

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Foci and themes included: • everyday activity and use of parks, and implications for age-friendly public spaces for hot conditions; • behavioural shifts of older people in response to heat; • heat-adaptive behaviours related to cultural background; and • social activities as heat-protective measures.

5.11 Conclusion

This research involved a comprehensive research design and methods that evolved from standard landscape architectural approaches, augmented by methods and variables from other disciplines. This cross-disciplinary approach brought together specialised knowledge and skills related to public space use, thermal conditions and comfort, and the impacts of heat on health. As a result, the research design evolved through experimentation to test and modify methods incorporating new knowledge over a longitudinal timeframe.

The chapter establishes that the research design met a central aim of this study: to develop a cross-disciplinary research design and methods for examining the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and comfort in real-life outdoor public spaces, particularly by older people, impacting on health and well-being.

Context and ecological understanding - two themes that emerged from the theoretical review in Part I - were important influences in the research design and methods. Their integration enabled deeper exploration of behaviour in the case study neighbourhood and sites and responses to heat, addressing my first research question. The focus on context meant that methods were tailored to the case study, highlighting possible application to other situations.

Fieldwork was a major component. Multiple methods for recording behaviour and weather in the field provided a rich data set for analysis and from several disciplinary perspectives in relation to thermal behaviour and heat. Analysis of thermal environments through infrared imagery was particularly significant for identifying implications for designing and planning health-supportive public spaces for hot conditions, highlighted by my second research question.

The focus group with seniors proved an effective way to give voice to a significant and increasing heat-vulnerable group. The group provided valuable insights into creating heat-sensitive, health- supportive public spaces for ageing urban populations. Feedback also reemphasised the importance of socio cultural contexts.

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This chapter has laid the foundation for presenting the regional context of the case study in Chapter 6. It also sets out the analytical themes for discussion of results in Part III (Chapters 7 and 8).

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6 Urban heat and heat-vulnerability contexts of the case study

6.1 Introduction

This chapter establishes the broad urban heat and heat-vulnerability contexts of the case study neighbourhood. It explores the characteristics of the Western Sydney region, Fairfield City LGA and the suburb of Cabramatta. The importance of socio-physical contexts to urban heat and heat-vulnerability is highlighted throughout Part I. The aim of this chapter is to present an assessment of macro-scale physical environmental attributes, that are essential to understanding the case study neighbourhood and sites at a micro-scale. Urbanisation patterns and social histories enable insights into the renewal (and decay) of public space, with implications for a community’s heat exposure, sensitivity and adaptive capacity.

The Western Sydney region is the western part of the urban area that is described as Metropolitan Sydney or Greater Sydney (COS 2015b). To avoid confusion, I refer to this area simply as Sydney, although some references may retain the other nomenclature.

The urban heat characteristics presented here are informed by the discussion in Chapter 3. There, I established that the urban heat context of a place requires consideration of regional physical characteristics, including the geographical location, climate, topography and urbanization patterns. At a local level, characteristics include landform, land use and built form, and land surface cover, particularly greening.

The heat-vulnerability characteristics presented here are informed by the discussion in Chapter 2. These include sensitivity (age and incidence of chronic disease and obesity), exposure (thermal efficiency of housing and neighbourhoods, and access to air-conditioned environments) and adaptive capacity (socio-economic status, ethnicity and community cohesion).

I begin this chapter with an overview of Cabramatta’s settlement and social history as they are relevant to understanding the contemporary levels of heat-vulnerability. Discussion then turns to the characteristics of Western Sydney that influence urban heat, with a focus on summer conditions. Projections for climate change and urban growth are summarized and the heat- vulnerability of the population assessed. Discussion then turns to urban heat and heat- vulnerability on the local level. The chapter concludes with an appraisal of the case study area’s urban heat and heat-vulnerability.

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A wealth of data is available to examine the environmental context. For this research, data were mainly sourced from the Australian Bureau of Meteorology (ABOM); Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS); Fairfield City Council (FCC); NSW Office of Environment and Heritage (NSWOEH); South Western Sydney Local Health District (SWSLHD); and Western Sydney Regional Organisation of Councils (WSROC).

6.2 Cabramatta - settlement history

The suburb of Cabramatta is located in the Fairfield City LGA, approximately 30 kilometres from the Sydney Central Business District and coast (Figure 5.1). Cabramatta has a population of 20,639 and covers an area of 504 hectares (FCC 2015b). The Traditional Aboriginal Owners of the area are the Cabrogal band of the Dharug people, from whom the name ‘Cabramatta’ is derived: the cobra or cabra grub is an edible freshwater worm (FCC n.d.a).

Immigration history Cabramatta’s immigration history is pertinent to contemporary social environments and heat- vulnerability. Early European settlement in Cabramatta was supported by timber-getting and farming. The most significant settlement, however, occurred post-war. This was driven by the establishment of a local migrant hostel, leading to rapid population growth between the 1950s and early 1970s (FCC 2015b). High numbers of migrants from Italy, Russia and the former Yugoslavia settled in Cabramatta and Fairfield (Jakubowicz 2004).

From 1975 to 1996, the number of Vietnamese refugees resettled in Australia grew significantly (Steel et al. 2002). Most settlement occurred in localities with existing large migration centres, including Cabramatta (Jakubowicz 2004). New arrivals then moved from migrant hostels to local low-rent residential properties (Collins and Kunz 2009). In the period 1986 to 1991, the number of Vietnamese settling in the Fairfield City LGA more than doubled (Viviani 1997).

This concentration of Vietnamese immigrants underlies the development of Cabramatta into an ‘ethnic precinct’, a place where immigrant minorities reshape the built environment of urban neighborhoods and streetscapes in their host society (Collins and Kunz 2009, p.39). Reshaping is evident in the way businesses, signage and religious buildings, such as churches, temples and monasteries, imprint ‘ethnic diversity on the public spaces’ (p.59).

In fact, Cabramatta is described as a ‘suburban “Asia town” in Sydney’s western suburbs’ (p.55). The makeover - or reshaping - of main shopping strips to ‘display ethnic iconography and symbolism’ (p.39) is epitomised by the Palau Gate and statuary in Freedom Plaza (Figure 7.28).

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A visit to the plaza is fundamental to the ‘Day Trip’ tourism market, supported by Fairfield City Council and local businesses (Figure 6.1).

Figure 6.1 Cabramatta – exotic or ghetto? Left. Cabramatta ‘Day trip tour’ brochure. Right. ‘We’re no ghetto’ community response to 2008 report on Sydney suburbs. Source: Plambeck (2008). Social history and disadvantage Vietnamese-born residents in Cabramatta, however, became a low income group, isolated from the wider community, lacking the skills to compete in the labour market and consolidating poverty (Jakubowicz 2004). This polarisation demonstrates the ‘inherent fault lines of status, income and household structure’ characterising Australian cities, and Sydney in particular (Randolph 2006, p.6).

In 2008, a report on socio-economic deprivation suggested that ‘[S]patially Sydney is a tale of two cities that starts in the deprived western suburbs and ends on the storied north shore’ on the coast (Baum 2008, p.16). Four suburbs in Western Sydney were identified as scoring highly on a General Deprivation Index. Cabramatta was one of the suburbs. This report incited local community leaders to reject claims ‘that Fairfield suburbs are ghettos and socio-economic scars on the landscape’ (Plambeck 2008). In their counter argument, the leaders emphasised the ‘vibrancy’ of the area, despite low employment rates (Figure 6.1).

Cabramatta’s high level of disadvantage, discussed below (Section 6.5), is a significant contributor to heat-vulnerability. In addition, Steel et al. (2002) found a ‘significant association persisted between trauma exposure and risk of mental illness’ for Vietnamese refugees in Australia, another factor impacting on heat-vulnerability.

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Social change and public space research Changes in social environments, such as in Cabramatta, may impact on the viability of conducting research in real-life public spaces. During the 1980s, Cabramatta developed a reputation as an unsafe crime and heroin centre. In 1988-89 there were 15 murders in the area, prompting a campaign by authorities to change unfavorable images. Jakubowicz (2004, n.p.) argues the Vietnamese ‘were implicated in the rising paranoia about unsafe cities in the late 1980s, where Vietnamese became a popular indicator for the presence of violent and drug- related crime’.

In 1991, the NSW government increased policing in Cabramatta. Police foot-patrols made the rounds of public spaces, including Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza (my case study areas); and closed circuit television cameras monitored activity in the main shopping precinct (Collins and Kunz 2009). This surveillance continued throughout the course of my research.

Implications for researcher safety Safety for a lone female researcher was a criterion for my case study selection. Based on my experience working in Cabramatta, I determined in 2006 that my safety was not threatened during daylight hours. However, I reflected on social changes since commencing employment at Fairfield City Council in 1997, when illegal drug activity remained visible in the town centre. Social circumstances in the late 1990s would not only have precluded my conducting research in Cabramatta due to feelings of ill-ease observing and photographing activity in public spaces. Cabravale Park would not have met the selection criteria for everyday use as the park was infrequently used by the general public and perceived as unsafe. Low quality facilities, discarded hypodermic syringes and dense peripheral vegetation inhibiting passive surveillance contributed to perceptions.

6.3 Regional ‘urban heat’ context

Regional characteristics influencing urban heat are discussed from the perspectives of Sydney, Western Sydney and Fairfield City LGA.

Location Sydney, Australia’s largest city, is located on the east coast of the continent at latitude 33.8 degrees south (Figure 5.1). The case study sites - Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza - are located in the suburb of Cabramatta in the Fairfield City LGA, within Western Sydney.

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Figure 6.2 shows the LGAs comprising Sydney. Within this area lies Western Sydney, defined here as the ten LGAs comprising the Western Sydney Regional Organization of Councils (WSROC) (Figure 6.3). The location of Fairfield City LGA is highlighted.

Sydney covers a total site area of 12,367.7 km2 and has a population of 4,605,992 (COS 2015b). Western Sydney spans 5,470 km2 and is home to approximately 1.66 million people (WSROC 2015a). Fairfield City LGA encompasses an area of 102 km2 and has a population of approximately 203,000 (FCC 2015a).

Figure 6.2 Local government areas in Sydney, Newcastle and Wollongong. Source: DOIAT (n.d., p.2).

Figure 6.3 WSROC region and Fairfield City LGA. Source: WSROC (2015a). 185

Climate Sydney ‘currently has a temperate climate with warm summers and mild winters’, moderated by proximity to the ocean (NSWOEH n.d., p.6). Sydney’s climate is described as ‘relatively mild “humid subtropical”’ at most times, but prone to extreme heat–humidity combinations for a few weeks in a typical year’ (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003b, p.1384).

The Fairfield Local Government Area is classified as Climate Zone 6 ‘Mild Temperate’ by the Australian Building Codes Board (Australian Building Codes Board, 2015).

Importantly, Sydney’s weather patterns are significantly influenced by the El Niño Southern Oscillation. Opposite phases of the oscillation bring ’drought and bushfire on the one hand, and storms and flooding on the other’ (NSWOEH n.d., p.6).

Topography Sydney lies within the Sydney Basin, a major geomorphic unit formed by areas of high relief to the north, south, and west, and bounded by the Pacific Ocean to the east. Climatic conditions vary across Sydney according to topography and distance from the ocean.

Near the coast, the prevailing strong wind is southerly. Moving inland, the frequency of strong wind decreases and the predominant wind direction is westerly. From the coast to the Cumberland Plain, a relatively flat, undulating land area, ‘rainfall follows a decreasing gradient’ and ‘temperature extremes become more pronounced’ (Benson and Howell 1995, p.11).

Cabramatta lies approximately 35 kilometres from the coast on the Cumberland Plain, within the floodplain of the Georges River catchment (Figure 6.4). It experiences the inland climatic conditions described above - that is, prevailing westerly winds, and less rainfall and more pronounced temperature extremes than areas closer to the coast.

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Figure 6.4 Location of Cabramatta on the Cumberland Plain. Source: Benson and Howell (1995, p.8).

Land cover changes Chapter 3 emphasised that land surface cover is the foremost contributor to urban heat, with deforestation and urbanisation significantly influencing climate at regional and local levels (Stone 2012).

Prior to European settlement in 1788, the native vegetation of the Cumberland Plain covered approximately 30 percent of the Sydney Basin (DOEnv n.d.; RBGADT 2015). The Dharug people, the Traditional Aboriginal Owners of a large part of Western Sydney, sourced plant foods from the Plain’s fertile alluvial flats and used fire to maintain a locally diverse environment. They did not, however, farm in the sense of clearing land and planting crops (Benson and Howell 1995; University of Western Sydney 2015). Now, less than six percent of the original bushland remains, with small fragments in Western Sydney (DOEnv n.d.).

Figure 6.5 shows the extent of deforestation and urbanisation in the south-eastern part of Western Sydney, including Fairfield City LGA. In fact, Fairfield’s tree canopy cover of around 10.0-19.9 percent (Figure 6.6) forms part of a low canopy band extending westward from the coast (HIA 202020 Vision 2015). This low cover highlights that Fairfield City LGA is characterized by the two major drivers of the temperature response to urbanization: decreased surface evapotranspiration and the high thermal storage properties of urban structures (Argüeso et al. 2014). As emphasised in Chapter 3, the removal of vegetation and use of impermeable materials mitigates the cooling effect of evaporation in cities (Stone 2012).

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Figure 6.5 Deforestation and urbanisation in the WSROC region and Fairfield City LGA. Source: WSROC (2015a).

Figure 6.6 Tree canopy cover LGAs in Sydney. Source: HIA 202020 Vision (2014, p.28). Demands for greening to ameliorate urban heat and cool Western Sydney were raised as key issues in the 2015 NSW Election by the WSROC executive (2015b, p.29):

Some areas of Western Sydney such as St Marys routinely achieve temperatures over 40 degrees Celsius, even on days when the regional average is around 35 degrees … The maintenance of green corridors, parks and green-cover in metropolitan areas has been shown to have significant cooling effects for urban areas – securing a much more comfortable and aesthetically pleasing environment for future generations.

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Summer in Western Sydney As detailed in Chapters 2 and 4, meteorological variables impact on human health and outdoor physical activity, including temperature, wind, rain and storms. Local Aboriginal knowledge of hot season ecologies in Western Sydney also provides insights into effective protective measures.

Temperature Maximum and minimum temperatures and sequences of hot days are of particular relevance to my study due to their impacts on heat-related illness, as well as people’s general ability to be physically active (Section 2.3). Heatwaves typically occur in mid-summer, and less frequently during spring and early autumn.

In Western Sydney, summers are hotter and drier than other areas of Sydney. Average summer maximum temperatures in Western Sydney range from 28-300C (NSWOEH 2015b) and are around 3-40C above Sydney’s coastal areas (NSWOEH n.d.). The average number of hot days (maximum temperature > 350C) in Western Sydney is also higher, with 10-20 hot days a year compared to less than ten for Sydney as a whole (NSWOEH 2015b). In addition, dry heatwaves ‘bring hot and arid searing winds that make the temperatures soar to above 400 Celsius’ across the whole of Sydney (NSWOEH n.d.).

It is important to note, however, that Western Sydney experiences cooler average minimum temperatures, that is, cooler nights, than coastal parts of Sydney during summer. Cooler minimum temperatures are associated with dissipating accumulated heat and reducing thermal stress (Nairn and Fawcett 2015).

Nevertheless, my analysis of temperature data indicates that during periods of extreme heat over the course of this project, actual minimum temperatures at the Australian Bureau of Meteorology (ABOM) weather station closest to Cabramatta (Bankstown Airport) were often the same as, or higher than, those at the weather station closest to Sydney Central Business District on the coast (Observatory Hill). These results are presented in Chapter 7.

Wind Chapter 2 established wind is important to my study due to its cooling effect on the human body. Wind also influences the dispersal of air pollution and aeroallergens impacting on health. Chapter 3 showed prevailing wind strength and direction impact on street-level microclimatic conditions. Urban heat islanding is diminished in windy, cloudy weather. Chapter 4 established that wind strongly influences thermal comfort and negatively impacts on outdoor exercise.

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Wind patterns vary seasonally within the Sydney airshed. Easterly surface winds dominate in the warmer months (October to March), while in cooler months (April to September), westerly surface winds dominate (NSWOEH 2015c).

Wind roses, based on ABOM data from Bankstown Airport (the closest ABOM weather station to the case study area), indicate that prevailing morning winds in summer in the case study area are from the south and south-east. Prevailing afternoon winds in summer are from the east and south-east (Figure 6.7).

Figure 6.7 Rose of Wind direction versus Wind speed in km per hour (01 July 1968 to 30 September 2010). Image: Bankstown Airport weather station (ABOM 2017). In Western Sydney, wind patterns contribute to high levels of air pollution, impacting on human health and outdoor activity. Ozone concentrations, for example, often exceed Australian air quality goals during summer. High levels are commonly associated with frequent sea breezes, carrying emissions across the Sydney Basin to Western Sydney (Hart et al. 2006).

Particle pollution episodes may be associated with periods of uncontrolled bushfires during warm months. The air quality alert for Sydney South-West (including Fairfield City) in Figure 6.8 was issued during an intense bushfire episode lasting over a week. These mid-spring bushfires followed, and unusually hot temperatures continued. Unsafe levels of ozone and particles

190 underpin the alert advice for everyone, especially people with heart and lung disease, to avoid outdoor exertion and stay inside as much as possible (NSWOEH 2013).

Extreme episodes of particle pollution (PM10) are generally, however, associated with large-scale hazard reduction burning outside warm months (NSWOEH 2015c).

Figure 6.8 Excerpts from air quality alert 1pm 21 October 2013 for Sydney South-West during early season bushfires. Source: NSWOEH (2013). Rain Rain influences humidity and the amount of water available for evaporative cooling. Chapter 2 outlined how humidity affects the ability of the human body to cool through evaporative heat loss. Chapter 3 showed that evaporative cooling from natural and built elements significantly mitigates urban heat. Chapter 4 established that rain poses a significant barrier to outdoor physical activity.

Sydney’s rainfall varies seasonally. In summer-autumn, more rainfall is experienced than winter- spring. The wettest month is June and driest months are July through to September. In most parts of Western Sydney, the wettest month is February (NSWOEH n.d.).

The nature of rainfall also varies seasonally. Summer rainfall is generally characterised by short, intense bursts. An examination of rainfall trends in Sydney indicates summer extremes exhibit

191 increasing numbers of these rainfall bursts, particularly for durations of 15 minutes or less and six hours or greater, while intense rainfall in other seasons has changed little (Zheng et al. 2015).

Rainfall differences are associated with proximity to the coast. On the coast, rainfall varies between 300-400mm during summer-autumn and 200-300mm in winter-spring. In Western Sydney, rainfall is less, but more uniform with totals ranging from 200-300mm in summer, autumn, and spring (NSWOEH 2015b).

Storms In Chapter 4, sudden summer rainstorms were noted as temporarily stopping all activity in an urban plaza.

Sydney is frequently affected by thunderstorms, predominantly in summer during the afternoon and evening. A significant percentage of these storms are associated with hail, strong winds, and flash flooding (Potts et al. 2000). Low pressure depressions associated with storms ‘can bring significant damage by heavy rain, cyclonic winds and huge [ocean] swells’ (NSWOEH n.d.). Rainfall extremes and thunderstorms are pertinent to outdoor behaviour in summer. Presumably as urban and global temperatures continue to increase, more extreme weather systems can be expected.

Low vegetation cover in Western Sydney contributes to summer storm effects. A study on the impact of urbanization in the Sydney Basin on prevailing summer storms suggests that storms travelling over the smoother agricultural land in the basin’s south-west experience increased velocity, increasing storm activity (Gero et al. 2006). Recommendations to planners include providing ‘sufficient green space and vegetation to minimize the potential negative implications associated with large expanses of vegetation-free urban areas’ (p.75).

Aboriginal knowledge In Chapter 2, Aboriginal meteorological knowledge is recognised as an important climate change adaptation resource. The ecological understanding of hot seasons and health-protective adaptation measures by the D’harawal people - the original peoples of the southern and south western Sydney area extending from Botany Bay and the Georges River is one of these resources (Bursill et al. n.d.).

D’harawal meteorological cycles involve several temporal cycles including, amongst others, the times of day, the annual cycle and the ‘Mudong’ (eleven-twelve years) cycles. These cycles are responsive to environmental triggers and not set rigidly in time. Two seasons are characterised by heat: ‘Time of Parra'dowee - Goray’murrai’ (warm and wet) in November-December and

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‘Time of Burran - Gadalung Marool’ (hot and dry) in January-March (Bodkin 2008). These are illustrated in Figure 6.9.

Figure 6.9 Traditional weather cycles for around Sydney. Source: ABC (2003). Ecological knowledge for ‘Time of Burran’ (hot and dry) guards against heat-related food- poisoning and bushfire and storm damage. Specifically, changes in animal behaviour and flowering plants trigger adaptation measures related to diet, lighting fires and camping: The behaviour of the male kangaroos becomes quite aggressive in this season, and it is a sign that the eating of meat is forbidden … This is a health factor; because of the heat of the day meat does not keep, and the likelihood of food poisoning is apparent. The blooming of the Weetjellan (Acacia implexa) is an important sign that fires must not be lit unless they are well away from bushland and on sand only, and that there will be violent storms and heavy rain, so camping near creeks and rivers is not recommended (ABOM 2015c, n.p.). This knowledge suggests that, in urban settings, native plant communities including Acacia implexa could be used to reinforce fire ban periods and warn of potential heavy rain. Essential to this application are public education programs informed by local Aboriginal peoples.

Interestingly, olfactory characteristics are used to describe wind direction. In the late 1700s, an early colonist in Sydney noted that: [Aboriginal] names for the winds do not necessarily represent direction so much as the characteristics of the direction from which they blew. For example, go-niey-mah translated as “south-west wind” is translated in several other places, and in other sources, as ‘stinky’ (Troy 1992, p.156).

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Heat projections Sydney Official projections of climate change for Sydney consider two future 20-year time periods: 2020–2039 and 2060–2079. On average, Sydney is projected to experience ‘an additional four hot days [maximum temperature > 350C] in the near future and 11 more hot days in the far future’ (NSWOEH 2015b, p.10). Maximum and minimum temperatures are projected to increase. The number of cold nights will decrease.

In the near future, rainfall is projected to decrease in spring and winter; however, in the far future rainfall is projected to increase in summer and autumn. Sydney is expected to experience increases in bushfire weather in both near and far futures (NSWOEH 2015b).

Western Sydney Western Sydney is projected to experience greater increases in hot weather, with ‘an additional 5-10 hot days in the near future, increasing to over 10-20 additional hot days per year by 2070’. Increases in hot days are projected to ‘occur mainly in the spring and summer although in the far future hot days are also extending into autumn’ (NSWOEH 2015b, p.10).

Projected increases in hot days for Western Sydney reinforce the importance of understanding heat’s impact on public space use and implications for health-supportive design approaches.

Data for decision-makers To support local decision makers in south-eastern Australia, the NSW and ACT Regional Climate Modelling Project (NARCliM) provides high resolution climate projections using a 10 kilometre grid domain (NSWOEH 2015d). Projections indicate changes in the number of hot days [maximum temperature > 350C] and average temperature. To illustrate, NARCLiM indicates Fairfield City LGA will experience 1-5 additional hot days and an increase of 0.650C for 2020-2039 (Figure 6.10).

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Figure 6.10 NARCLiM projections for Sydney 2020-2039. Source: NSWOEH (2015d). 6.4 Regional ‘heat-vulnerability’ context

Chapter 2 established that the elderly and very young, people with chronic disease and obesity, and people of low socio-economic status (SES) are major heat-vulnerable groups. Demographics for Western Sydney and Fairfield City LGA indicate the current level of heat-vulnerable groups is high. Projections suggest heat-vulnerable groups will increase.

Elderly and very young Western Sydney has growing numbers of elderly people. In 2011, 1.4 percent of residents were aged over 85 years (FCC 2015a). WSROC (2015a) reports that, from 2001 to 2016, residents aged 70 years and over are projected to increase by 35 percent.

Fairfield City’s population, however, is ‘weighted heavily towards younger groups’ and is ‘reflective of the large number of young families currently present in Fairfield City’ (FCC 2010, p.25). However, with a projected low influx of younger people and maturing of the current population, the City expects significant increases in people aged 70+ by 2031. To a lesser degree, 0-4 year olds are also projected to increase (SWSLHD 2014).

Chronic disease Chapter 2 notes that until mid-century, global warming is projected to act mainly by exacerbating existing health problems (Campbell-Lendrum et al. 2007; Smith et al. 2014). This includes chronic illnesses associated with increased heat risk, including mental illness, cardiovascular and cerebrovascular conditions, neurological disorders, respiratory and renal disease, cancer, obesity and diabetes (Banwell et al. 2012; Bi et al. 2011; Hajat et al. 2010).

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Western Sydney is considered a ‘hot-spot’ for a range of chronic diseases including lung cancer, cardiovascular disease and type two diabetes (WSROC 2015a). In 2011, most LGAs in the South Western Sydney Local Health District (SWSLHD 2013) had a higher reported prevalence of diabetes than the NSW average. Fairfield City LGA, located in the SWSLHD, recorded the highest prevalence at 6.6 percent of the population. Cardiovascular diseases were the single greatest cause of death in Fairfield City over 2003 – 2007 (SWSLHD 2014). The rates of psychological distress and mental disorders in Fairfield City are also high (FCC n.d.b).

Western Sydney also has a higher incidence of obesity than the Australian average (WSROC 2015a). In 2010, 27.3 percent of adults in Fairfield City were overweight and 16.8 percent were obese (SWSLHD 2014). During 2008 - 2010, the percentage for adults undertaking sufficient exercise was just 42.8% in SWSLHD (2014).

Socio economic disadvantage Chapter 2 also highlights that climate change is projected to exacerbate health disparities, including those for vulnerable groups in developed countries (Haines et al. 2006; IPCC 2014). In addition, Chapter 3 makes the link between disadvantage, poor environmental quality and lower rates of daily exercise - that ‘people with low socioeconomic status are less likely to exercise than are those with high socioeconomic status, partly because the environments in which they live are less conducive to it’ (Mitchell and Popham 2008, p.1655).

Western Sydney and Fairfield City LGA have high levels of socio-economic disadvantage, contributing to heat-vulnerability. Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas (SEIFA) rankings are a ‘product developed by the ABS that ranks areas in Australia according to relative socio-economic advantage and disadvantage’ (ABS 2015). In 2010, the SEIFA Index ranking identified that five of Sydney’s seven most socio-economically disadvantaged LGAs were located in Western Sydney (ABS 2015). Fairfield City LGA scored the highest level of disadvantage within Sydney, and was ranked third highest in NSW, behind two LGAs in the State’s remote areas.

Ethnicity As outlined in Chapter 2, the literature correlates high levels of ethnicity (that is, high numbers of migrants) with low levels of income, high unemployment, and low levels of English language proficiency. This compounds heat-vulnerability by limiting the capacity to live in thermally comfortable ‘leafy’ suburbs, afford air-cooling costs, access heat-protective information, and be socially connected facilitating participation in adaptive planning on a community level.

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One particular aspect of disadvantage experienced in Western Sydney arises from the high number of new migrants that settle in the region. In 2011, 37.7 percent of Western Sydney’s population was born overseas (WSROC 2015a) with 33 percent of migrants from non-English speaking countries. In Fairfield, this disadvantage is magnified, with 50 percent of migrants coming from non-English speaking countries (ABS 2015). In addition, Fairfield LGA accepted the highest number of humanitarian settlers (refugees) in NSW for the period 2008 – 2012 (SWSLHD 2014).

Health inequalities and urban expansion Chapter 2 raised heat-related health inequalities involving low socio-economic (SES) groups who live in hotter, less green parts of cities. Chapter 3 determined that the rate of increases in heatwaves is higher in sprawling than in more compact metropolitan areas (Stone et al. 2010). Chapter 3 also outlined principal urban heat mitigation and adaptation strategies.

Western Sydney’s population is projected to increase by one million by 2036 (WSROC 2012). This population is to be accommodated, in part, by urban development corridors extending north- and south-west (NSWPAE 2014).

A simulation study examined the combined effect of expected urban expansion and global warming on local climate in Sydney (Argüeso et al. 2014). Results indicate that future urbanization will strongly increase minimum temperatures, with greater increases in newly urbanized areas. In contrast, an insignificant impact was detected for maximum temperatures. No relationship was determined between urban expansion and changes in the consecutive number of warm days.

Projected increases in minimum temperatures, together with expected increases in heat- vulnerable groups, emphasise the need to prioritise urban heat mitigation and adaptation strategies into future expansion programs.

6.5 Local ‘urban heat’ context

Land surface cover, specifically urban form and greening, is the major influence on urban heat (Stone 2012). Therefore, it is important to examine the urban form and greening in Cabramatta to identify their impact on the microclimatic conditions within the case study sites and surrounding neighbourhood.

Urban form The impact of land surface cover on urban heat is not a simple relationship. Urban heat islands (UHI) are influenced by complex relationships between the underlying climate and other factors, 197 such as the spatial contiguity of urban development; building form and configurations; roughness; height- to-width ratios for buildings and streets; street layouts; and land surface materials. Relationships are ‘independent of climate zone, metropolitan population size, or the rate of metropolitan population growth’ (Stone et al. 2010, p.1427). The urban form of the case study neighbourhood is detailed in Chapter 7.

The urban form and associated generic climate zones of Cabramatta are mixed, yet largely comprise low to medium-rise suburban sprawl (Figure 6.11). The town centre comprises closely spaced three to four storey buildings. Housing types range from single bungalows to semi- detached villas and three storey gun-barrel apartments. Private and public greenery is limited. The consideration of density, land surface cover and urban heat in Section 3.3 suggests that Cabramatta’s sprawling urban form may increase the rate of heatwaves, while exacerbating urban heat islanding.

Figure 6.11 Urban form and generic climate zones within the case study neighbourhood. Greening Low greenspace, tree canopy cover and permeable land cover surfaces exacerbate urban heat and heat exposure for people living in and visiting Cabramatta.

Public greenspace Cabramatta is located on a floodplain and has gently undulating topography. It lies between two local waterways, Orphan School and Cabramatta Creeks, and in close proximity to a lake system, 198

Chipping Norton Lake (Figure 6.12). Wetlands and bushland remnants feature along this waterway network. Outside this network, there is little greenspace provision in Cabramatta. Cabravale Park is the major public greenspace.

Figure 6.12 Local waterway networks and greenspace. Map: Google Maps (2014b, viewed 5 May 2014). Chapter 3 identified that greenspaces ‘can potentially provide “islands” of cool in hot urban areas’ (Norton et al. 2015, pp.131). This ‘park cool effect’ is most pronounced during clear and calm weather (Oliveira et al. 2011). Importantly, greenspaces can cool urban areas downwind, depending on their size and wind direction (Norton et al. 2015).

Private greenspace Private greenspace in Cabramatta is also limited. In the 1960s and 1970s densification saw individual dwellings on large lots with back and front yards replaced with walk-up, gun-barrel apartment blocks (Pinnegar and Randolph 2012). These blocks continue to dominate housing types in the case study neighbourhood. The ground floor open spaces generally comprise large expanses of concrete or asphalt to accommodate garaging and minimal garden areas. These outdoor areas not only negatively impact on local ecology, domestic amenity, and opportunities to play and experience nature (Hall 2010; Randolph 2006). Their impermeability also inhibits sustainable drainage and evaporative cooling. Pending solar radiation exposure, surface materials absorb heat and contribute to local urban heat islanding.

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6.6 Local ‘heat-vulnerability’ context

The preceding discussion established that Western Sydney is hotter and has socio-economic levels lower than other parts of Sydney. However, there are pockets of Western Sydney that experience even greater disadvantage. The suburb of Cabramatta is one of these pockets, partly generated through its social history (Section 6.2). Nevertheless, age and household demographics indicate diverse levels of heat risk.

A very young and old community Age-related heat-vulnerable groups include the very young and the elderly. Here, elderly are divided into ‘early elderly’ (65-74 years) and ‘late elderly’ (75+ years) (Orimo et al. 2006). In 2011, the population of Cabramatta was characterised by greater proportions of children (0-4 years) and ‘late elderly’ than Sydney (FCC 2015b). The proportion of children was seven percent in Cabramatta compared with 6.8 percent in Sydney; for late elderly 6.4 percent compared with six percent. This suggests possible higher heat-sensitivity in Cabramatta’s population due to age.

However, in 2011 less people in the ‘early elderly’ lived in Cabramatta (5.2 percent of population) compared with Sydney (6.7 percent). This suggests that projected heat-sensitivity may be less in Cabramatta due to a lower rate of ‘late elderly’ in the future.

A disadvantaged community While Fairfield City’s SEIFA disadvantage ranking is the highest for all LGAs in Sydney, Cabramatta’s ranking is the highest for all suburbs within Fairfield.

In 2011, high unemployment, low household incomes, and a population where nearly 37 percent of people did not speak English well or at all distinguished Cabramatta’s disadvantage (FCC 2015b). These factors increase the vulnerability of the community and significantly impact on its capacity to adapt to heat, as established in Chapter 2.

Housing types and households Pinpointing housing types and households, heat-adaptive capacity is reduced by the majority tenure of apartments being private low rental tenants (Pinnegar and Randolph 2009). As Hansen et al. (2013a, pp.2-3) explain, ‘poor quality rental housing can result in limited access to air conditioning, and an inability to afford the associated high running costs’. Many rental households have, as a result, only a limited ability to improve the thermal efficiency of their domestic environments.

According to Randolph (2006, p.6), ‘the bottom of the Sydney housing market’ is essentially ‘low income private housing, dominated by private rental and characterised by high proportions of 200 flats in concentrations around town centres and transport corridors’. This market typifies housing in Cabramatta, particularly in the area surrounding the town centre and Cabravale Park.

Social isolation is a major heat-risk factor (McInnes et al. 2008), and living alone was identified as contributing to mortality rates of the elderly in heatwaves in France in 2003 (Vandentorren et al. 2006) and Adelaide in 2009 (Hansen et al. 2011). Some 19 percent of Cabramatta’s households contain one person, a little less than the 23 percent for Sydney (FCC 2015b). This suggests that heat-vulnerability related to social isolation is likely to be less in Cabramatta than for Sydney as a whole.

Vulnerability mapping The Heat-related Vulnerability Index spatially maps population vulnerability to extreme heat events in Australian capital cities (Loughnan et al. 2013a). Development of the index considered regional and local factors, reflecting discussion throughout this chapter for the case study. Factors include ‘the local environment, the health status of a population and the demographic structure of a population’. Specifically, land cover, the UHI intensity, population density, age and chronic disease, dwelling type, and temperature thresholds for heat-related illnesses and death were evaluated. Population projections were used to ‘identify areas where urban density was predicted to increase and areas where the proportion of older residents was predicted to increase’ (p.2). The key risk factors related to adverse health outcomes were identified as ‘areas with intense urban heat islands, areas with higher proportions of older people, and areas with ethnic communities’ (p.1).

In their discussion of research methods, Loughnan et al. (2013a, p.45) determine that ‘advancing age’ is the most significant factor: The changes in overall risk are complex, as are the complex interactions among risk factors. Therefore not all risk factors included in vulnerability indices can be successfully modelled. Given that advancing age has been identified as a primary risk factor around the world, it was selected to represent the changes in risk in each [Australian capital] city into the future. Applying the Vulnerability Index, Cabramatta’s ranking is approximately six, slightly above the midpoint between high (ten) and low (one) (Figure 6.13). This ranking seemingly does not reflect Cabramatta’s current high levels of disadvantage, ethnicity, and very young and elderly age groups. However, as ‘advancing age’ is used as the primary risk factor, this ranking is possibly influenced by population age projections.

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Figure 6.13 Heat-related Vulnerability Index showing Cabramatta’s ranking. Source: Loughnan et al. (2013b). 6.7 Conclusion

Broad socio-physical contexts are important to understanding the urban heat context of a specific place and factors influencing the heat-vulnerability of the residing community. Regarding urban heat, this chapter established that urban heat is unequal across Sydney. Western Sydney is hotter and drier in summer than Sydney’s coastal areas: maximum daily temperatures are significantly higher, however minimum temperatures are lower. Lower levels of greening limit evaporative cooling benefits. Climate change projections indicate hot days will increase in the spring and summer and possibly autumn.

At the local level, urban form and low greenspace provision in Cabramatta likely exacerbate urban heat islanding and the rate of frequency of heatwaves.

Against this background, the heat-sensitivity of populations in Western Sydney and Fairfield City is generally higher than other parts of Sydney. This is due to the higher incidence of chronic disease and obesity, and greater percentage of people who may be poorly acclimatised, including newly arrived migrants. However, age-related sensitivity varies: while Western Sydney has growing numbers of elderly people, residents of Fairfield City and Cabramatta are relatively young.

Communities in Fairfield City and Cabramatta also have reduced heat-adaptive capacity due to significantly high levels of disadvantage including a high proportion of migrants from non-English speaking backgrounds. Poor quality housing and private greenspace reinforce the importance of public greenspace provision and maintenance to heat-adaptive planning.

Finally, this chapter illustrated how changing social contexts may impact on conducting research in real-life settings. The next chapter details behavioural and comfort findings from fieldwork in

202 the case study sites. This is the beginning of Part III, where the research results and discussion are presented.

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Part III Results and Discussion

Part III presents, analyses and discusses the results of the research undertaken for this study. The results are derived from a comprehensive fieldwork program, heuristic enquiry, and a focus group with older people living in the case study locality. The details of the research program were set out in Chapter 5.

Five key approaches were used to analyse the results of this research. The approaches emerged from the literature review and are described in Chapter 5. They are: • Dealing with real-life outdoor complexity; • Thermal context and metrics for heat; • Recurrent behaviour patterns; • Activity types and thermal comfort; and • Adaptive behaviours. The results presented in Part III focus on the research questions that guide this study. The nature of the results dictates that elements of both questions are dealt with in each of the chapters.

My first research question, which focuses on the how heat influences behaviour in public space, is addressed in Chapter 7 through the presentation of my results on observed shifts in behaviour in response to heat at Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza. These analyses are based on the establishment of a recurrent behaviour pattern during ‘usual warm’ summer conditions, and identifying changes during ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ conditions. In addition, the presentation of my results for heuristic enquiry and my focus group with older people contributes to understanding the complexity of heat-behaviour relations, particularly for the elderly.

In Chapter 8, the focus on my first research question is maintained by an examination of the impact of the ‘non-steady’ outdoor thermal environment, and ‘radiators’ and ‘coolers’ on behaviour.

My second research question, which focusses on design and planning interventions that respond to hot weather, is attended to in Chapter 7 through the presentation of my results on heat and the local neighbourhood. I analyse the walkability of the case study neighbourhood in relation to heat and pedestrian thermal comfort. In addition, my results on the impact of environmental quality on behaviour, analysed through fieldwork observations conducted before and after the upgrade of Cabravale Park, focusses on the influence of design on the scope and level of activities.

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In Chapter 8, I present further results on design and planning interventions for public space that support physical activity and enhance healthy city objectives in response to heat. These include the roles that traditional and new practices, natural processes, and materials can play. Finally, drawing on my literature review and research results, I present heat-sensitive, health-supportive principles for design and planning interventions for warming urban climates.

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7 Behaviour settings and patterns - shifts in response to heat

7.1 Introduction

The research in this chapter focuses on thermal behaviour in outdoor behaviour settings. Thermal behaviour is empirically observable and measurable. It implies thermal comfort, thermal preferences, and prior thermal experience (e.g. acclimatisation) - all of which are not observable, and are not elicited here. However, they are understood to underlie the outward activity responses, to the usual and unusually warm days, used here as the comparative conditions.

The results are derived from fieldwork undertaken at the two case study sites - Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza - and their neighbourhood setting. In addition, results were obtained from a focus group with older people residing in Western Sydney and heuristic inquiry. A key theme that guides the presentation of results is the importance of place-specific and micro-scale contextual assessments to understanding how heat influences the everyday use of public space.

The results build on the macro context of urban heat and heat-vulnerability presented earlier. In particular, Chapter 6 established that Western Sydney and Fairfield City are hotter than other parts of Metropolitan Sydney, with higher maximum temperatures. Chapter 6 also confirmed that the population of Cabramatta generally has higher heat-sensitivity and significantly lower heat-adaptive capacity. However, heat-vulnerability appears to be less pronounced in relation to ageing than anticipated.

The structure of the current chapter involves two parts. The first part presents findings for general behaviour patterns in public spaces, based on data obtained in the field. At Section 7.2, I present results for the neighbourhood setting of the two case study sites, focusing on the attributes of the connected local public space network of which they are part. Section 7.3 focuses on Cabravale Park. I present the results of detailed fieldwork to identify the behaviour settings of the Park; the behaviour patterns for ‘usual warm’ days and shifts in response to heat; thermal preferences and the influence of physical activity; and thermal thresholds. This is followed, in Section 7.4, by results on how behaviour changes in response to environmental quality, focusing on the upgrade of Cabravale Park in mid-2009. At Section 7.5, I present results for the second case study site, Freedom Plaza.

The second part of this chapter focuses on results obtained from heuristic inquiry and the seniors’ focus group. At Section 7.6, my personal experience of two extreme heat events in Cabravale Park is presented. This is followed, in Section 7.7, by results for changes in older 206 peoples’ everyday behaviours during hot weather and their insights into age-friendly city design. The chapter concludes with findings related to cultural norms and transferred adaptive behaviours.

7.2 Heat and the neighbourhood

The neighbourhood context, particularly walkability attributes, influences the way public spaces are used (Sections 3.8 and 3.9). In this section, I present results of my fieldwork on the broader pedestrian environment of the case studies and the degree to which outdoor physical activity is supported. The thermal comfort of pedestrians during hot weather is also assessed.

Health-supportive attributes and walkability During ‘walkarounds’ (Section 4.2), I assessed the health-supportive attributes of the neighbourhood within the walking catchment of the case study sites (Figure 7.1). I focussed on those attributes that encourage and support active transport, particularly walking (Section 3.8).

Figure 7.1 Walking catchment and street patterns of the case study neighbourhood. Map: Google Maps (2015b, viewed 20 June 2015). Diagram: McKenzie 2016. Everyday destinations and services Observations indicated that the town centre and surrounds broadly supported active transport and the structure of a liveable neighbourhood (WAPC 2009). The centre is close to a major public transport node and comprises a wide range of services and facilities necessary to everyday life, including supermarkets, shops, health and financial services.

Connectivity of public space network Fieldwork established that Park Road - a major pedestrian thoroughfare - linked the two case study sites by a ‘walkable’ distance of approximately 300 metres, based on the 400m walkability

207 benchmark (O’Hare 2006) (Figure 5.6). Other roads within the network fed pedestrian traffic onto Park Road.

My observations indicated that pedestrians used Park Road and adjoining public spaces at varying intensities between 7.00am and 8.30pm during usual warm weather. It was evident that the individual public spaces comprising the local network, including the case study sites, were not isolated spaces but parts of a connected system. Figure 7.2 shows pedestrian activity along the network for typical evenings.

Figure 7.2 Local public space network and typical evening pedestrian activity. Left. Aerial map. Right. Typical evening activity. Map: Google Maps (2016c, viewed 16 February 2016). Diagram: McKenzie 2016. Street patterns broadly conformed to a desirable grid. Desirable grids enable pedestrians to move from one point to another by a broadly direct route. However, the case study included some adverse characteristics, such as long blocks and cul-de-sacs, which decrease pedestrian permeability and increase walking distances to destinations (Figure 7.1).

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Generally, accessibility of footpath networks was found to be supported by various pedestrian safety features, including pram ramps, pedestrian refuges and traffic lights. However, pedestrian passage was often hindered by shop goods on footpaths in the town centre and parked cars and garbage bins in residential streets.

Footpaths varied in quality and width. In the town centre, paths are up to three-metres wide, concrete and paved, and free of trip-hazards. In residential areas, paths were 1.2-metres wide, concrete, and lifted and cracked in sections.

Rest points with primary (formal) seating were scarce along streets; however, low masonry walls along residential boundaries provided secondary (informal) seating. Pedestrian activity along footpaths was regularly intercepted by vehicular use of driveways into residential and commercial facilities and car parks.

Parts of the town centre were formally designated as ‘high pedestrian activity’ zones with a 40km/hr vehicle speed limit. At school zones, 40km/hr limits were also enforced on school days between 8.00am-9.30am and 2.30pm-4.00pm. Fieldwork showed vehicular traffic was often gridlocked at peak times, reducing pedestrian amenity, increasing air pollution and concentrating exhaust waste heat.

Social capital factors, such as neighbourly interactions, and perceptions of safety affect walkability (Foster et al. 2013). In Fairfield City, trust in people and feeling safe walking in local streets after dark have been evaluated as lower than the NSW average; however, rates are slightly higher for running into friends and acquaintances when shopping in the local area (SWSLHD 2014) (Table 7.1). My observations in both the park and plaza indicated a high degree of social activity, indicative of social capital related to exchanges in public spaces.

Table 7.1 Fairfield City LGA social capital indicators. Source: SWSLHD (2014, p.11)

Discussion Spatial ecological relationships

Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza were found to be parts of an inter-connected public space network and urban ecological system. The park and plaza illustrate Saarinen’s (1976, p.241)

209 observation that varying spaces are ‘parts of a single system’, subject to spatial interrelationships. The inter-connectedness of the case study sites also accords with Emmel and Clark’s (2009) assertion that neighbourhoods have porous activity boundaries, expressive of the ebb and flow of community life.

Walkability

The neighbourhood exhibits a mix of characteristics that both support, and largely hinder, walkability. Connectivity and accessibility of streets are generally satisfactory. However, pedestrian environments are impacted by street patterns affording low permeability, footpath obstructions, variable footpath quality, and a lack of rest points. During high vehicular traffic periods and gridlock, air quality is compromised. Walkability during hot conditions is now assessed.

Walkability and heat My fieldwork focussed on the degree to which the local public space network provides thermally comfortable conditions and supports walking during hot weather - that is, on ‘unusually hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days (Section 7.3). Street characteristics, greening and ventilation were primary considerations.

Street microclimates During hot weather, pedestrians were observed traversing sequences of microclimates within the network, including spaces sheltered from or exposed to solar radiation, rain, wind and glare.

Microclimates are influenced by complex relationships between the underlying climate conditions and the physical characteristics of the street network. As explained in Chapter 3, characteristics include building form and configuration; height- to-width ratios for buildings and streets; street layouts; and land surface materials (particularly albedo and greening). Figure 7.3 illustrates the varied characteristics and microclimatic diversity of pedestrian environments in local streets - from open and exposed to sheltered from sun, wind and rain. Figure 7.4 shows the range of typical local housing types - ‘gun-barrel’ apartment blocks (Pinnegar and Randolph 2012, p.6), semi-detached villas and freestanding bungalows - and extent of private greening.

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Figure 7.3 Street characteristics and microclimates of the local public space network. Map: Google Maps (2016d, viewed 14 May 2016). Photos: McKenzie 2009.

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Figure 7.4 Typical housing types and extent of private greening. Photos: McKenzie 2009. Neighbourhood walkability was found to be reduced during heat conditions due to low greening and lack of shaded rest areas. Built forms and irregularly placed street trees provided microclimatic conditions along at least one side of the street that were relatively comfortable and cool for walking on hot days. However, between shaded stretches, significant sections were fully exposed to sun and glare.

In contrast, at the town centre, shop awnings provided largely shaded pedestrian routes throughout the day. Street trees and vegetated pergolas, located at infrequent intervals, augmented shade. Shaded informal seating was largely limited to Freedom Plaza (Figures 7.26 and 7.27).

Discussion My qualitative fieldwork indicates that low levels of tree canopy cover and greening and associated evapotranspiration cooling likely comprise thermal conditions for pedestrians during hot weather. Accordingly, Cabramatta does not benefit from tree canopy cover, viewed as the ‘optimal solution for shading and cooling both canyon surfaces and the pedestrian space’ (Norton et al. 2015, p.131). Urban heat is also likely enhanced by built forms and arrangements, such as the gun-barrel apartment blocks, which may potentially obstruct natural ventilation.

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The irregular stretches of shaded and exposed segments of footpath in Park Road and adjoining streets mean that pedestrians are not provided with a continuous, shaded route option. In order to stay on shaded footpaths during hot weather, pedestrians need to repeatedly cross over roads, which in itself increases exposure to solar radiation and thermal stress, requires pedestrians to cross at unsafe points, and extends the journey length.

Lack of shaded rest areas, which allow people to stop and adjust to hot conditions, suggests further reductions in walkability potential during hot conditions. This is of particular concern for heat-vulnerable groups, such as young children, the elderly and people with chronic illnesses. Ali-Toudert and Mayer (2006, p.101) suggest providing pedestrians with the ‘choice of moving to shaded subspaces’ to allow adjustment to stressful climatic conditions. The case study’s local public space network provides few such opportunities to adjust to heat stress.

While microclimate is not considered a prime consideration when selecting a transit route (Nikolpoulou and Steemers 2003), exposure to direct solar radiation during periods of unusual hot and extreme weather means pedestrians may be potentially subjected to higher thermal stress; the longer the distance the longer the exposure. Results for the impact of extreme heat on transit activity is taken up later for Cabravale Park.

The exacerbated urban heat of Cabramatta’s public space network has implications for health- supportive cities related to pedestrian comfort and walkability, particularly for heat-vulnerable groups. This addresses my second research question: To what extent do hot weather and extreme heat inform design and planning interventions for urban public space? In Cabramatta, the thermal comfort of pedestrians during hot weather is given scant attention. Infrared imagery is used to further analyse this issue in Chapter 8.

Having assessed the broader pedestrian environment of the case study area and determined that limited consideration has been given to comfort during hot weather, I now present detailed findings for each case study site.

7.3 Cabravale Park

In this section, I examine the behaviour setting of the park, and describe the fieldwork observations used in the analysis and the analytical approach taken. The analysis of my results is then used to establish behaviour patterns for ‘usual warm’ days, and the shifts in behaviour on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days. Subsequently, for staying activities, heat thresholds are analysed.

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It is important to note that the data were collected at Cabravale Park prior to, and after, an upgrade that was undertaken in the winter of 2009. The scope of the upgrade was significant (Section 7.4). It changed the behaviour setting of the park substantially and, consequently, everyday use patterns.

As a result, two distinct sets of data were generated - ‘before’ the upgrade and ‘after’. ‘Before’ data were collected in the summer of 2008-2009. ‘After’ data were collected during the summer of 2009-2010.

In this section, the observations and analysis of the behaviour setting, recurrent behaviour pattern and shifts in response to heat utilise the ‘after’ (2009-2010) results. Later, at Section 7.4, the impact of environmental quality is investigated by comparing ‘before’ and ‘after’ data sets.

Behaviour setting observations Immediate surrounds Establishing the behaviour setting of Cabravale Park is important to understanding the behaviours that occur within it. As described in Chapter 4, behaviour settings are the ‘contexts for behaviour that arise from social and environmental structures’. They evoke ‘certain types of behaviour’ (Ward Thompson 2013, p.81). The behaviour setting of the park is based on fieldwork conducted following a major upgrade of the park in mid-2009. The changes in environmental quality and impact on behaviour, as a result of the park upgrade, are dealt with separately, at Section 7.5.

Cabravale Park is the major park in the Cabramatta town centre precinct and the only greenspace within approximately 550 metres. The park lies immediately to the north of the centre and 400 metres from the main public transport node. It is separated from the regional cycleway by the railway line (Figure 7.1).

The park is bordered by a main pedestrian promenade along its Park Road (western) frontage, and by local streets to the north, south and west. A diversity of community and commercial facilities face onto the park, including the Cabramatta Police and Community Youth Club, Cabramatta Community Centre, Cabramatta Women’s Health Centre, Cabramatta Baptist Church, the Australian Chinese Teochew Association, and Cabra-Vale ‘Diggers’ Ex-Active Servicemen's (RSL) Club (Figure 7.5). Sacred Heart Catholic Church and Primary School front the park, while Canley Vale Public School is located approximately 600 metres from the park. Apartment blocks and villas are located along the park’s northern and southern boundaries.

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Figure 7.5 Cabravale Park and surrounding facilities. Map: Google Maps (2015a, viewed 2 March 2015). Photos: McKenzie 2009. Site characteristics The park comprises an area of 3.4 hectares and two distinct sections. The eastern section features a commemorative World War One bandstand and Vietnam War Memorial, set in a formal landscape of ornamental paths and plantings (Figure 7.6). A rain garden (bio-retention basin) with Aboriginal interpretative works lies in the north-east corner.

The western section is comparatively open and informal. It consists mainly of a large grassed area ringed by a circuit path, mature trees, garden beds and a rain garden (Figure 7.7). Facilities include badminton courts, a basketball court, a picnic shelter and toilets. Seating options include 215 formal (primary) seating and informal (secondary) seating e.g. concrete blocks and raised seating walls. The path system connects to street footpaths.

My observation area for fieldwork includes the western section and Park Road promenade, as shown in Figure 5.4.

Figure 7.6 Eastern heritage section of Cabravale Park. Photos: McKenzie 2006. Microclimatic spaces In the western section of the park, my study area, there are six broadly-defined spaces characterised by their microclimates. These are shown in Figure 7.7 and comprise two largely green natural spaces that are open and exposed: the large central grassed area (1), and the rain garden (2); and two largely shaded and wind-protected spaces: the treed perimeter and circuit path ringing the central area (3), and connecting paths (4). Two further spaces comprise built (concrete and masonry) components and are partially shaded: the basketball court (5), and the promenade along Park Road (6).

Thermal conditions within all identified spaces are subject to changing sun-shade patterns across a typical summer day. During morning and mid-day periods, for example, the western side of the treed perimeter is shaded, while the eastern side is in full sun. Conditions reverse during the afternoon period: the eastern side is shaded, while the western side is in full sun. The central grassed area is exposed to full sun during morning, and mid-day and afternoon periods. In the evening, long shadows stretch across its expanse. The basketball court is partially shaded during mornings, and evenings, and exposed to full sun during the mid-day and early part of the afternoon.

The location of staying and transit activities in relation to sun and shade recorded in the field are factored into my analysis.

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Figure 7.7 Microclimatic diversity within Cabravale Park. Map: Google Maps (2016a, viewed 3 January 2016). Photos: McKenzie 2009 and 2010.

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Fieldwork observations, data, and analytical framework The results presented and discussed in this section were derived from an extensive fieldwork program, detailed in Chapter 5. In summary, the fieldwork comprised a range of meteorological and behavioural observations.

The meteorological observations included the recording of temperature, humidity, cloud-cover, and wind speed and direction at Cabravale Park. A ‘thermal context’ for the fieldwork data - that is, whether the thermal conditions of the day on which fieldwork was undertaken were ‘normal for the season’ (Johansson et al. 2014, p.358) - was developed using Australian Bureau of Meteorology (ABOM) data from the closest weather station (Bankstown Airport No.066137 - 5.5km distant). Three categories of day were identified: • ‘usual warm’ - daily maximum temperature is equal to or less than the monthly maximum mean temperature; • ‘unusual hot’ - daily maximum temperature is above the monthly maximum mean temperature and equal to or less than 350C; and • ‘extreme heat’ - daily maximum temperature is greater than 35oC.

The behavioural observations involved the sequential counting of people engaged in ‘transit’ and ‘staying’ activities in the park. Transit activities refer to people using the park to get to another destination. These activities generally involved walking (light to moderate-intensity activities). Staying activities refer to people using the park as their destination, even for a short period. Staying activities were recorded as ‘sedentary’ (e.g. sitting, standing) or ‘exercising and play’ (light- to vigorous-intensity activities). Cabravale Park provides a range of opportunities for these activities, some of which are location specific (e.g. basketball). Behavioural observations also recorded whether the activity was being undertaken in the shade or sun.

The recurrent behaviour pattern at Cabravale Park was established by analysing the behavioural observations (activity types) for ‘usual warm’ days. The results are presented according to four periods - morning, mid-day, afternoon and evening - in a similar manner to studies of outdoor thermal comfort and public city spaces (Low 2003; Nikolopoulou and Lykoudis 2006; Whyte 1980). Behavioural shifts from the recurrent behaviour pattern in response to heat were then identified by analysing observations on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days.

The results are presented as the average number of people engaged in the specified activity observed by sequential counting during 30-minute periods. For transit activity, observations from 10 minute and 30 minute fieldwork sessions were aggregated and averaged on a 30 minute period basis. For staying activity, only observations from 30 minute sessions was used, except 218 for those in the mid-day periods, where data from 10 minute sessions was included to augment limited 30 minute fieldwork sessions. Fieldwork from other observations, such as walkarounds, confirmed the low levels of activity during this period of the day.

In addition, three of four observations taken in evening sessions of ‘extreme heat’ days used interval instead of sequential counts, but have been included in the analysis. These data may lead to an underestimation of the comparable sequential count, but nevertheless point to a behavioural trend. Data obtained during wet weather are excluded from the analysis. In total, the results for this section were drawn from observations recorded in 72 fieldwork sessions.

At the aggregated level, an analysis of change by percentage is presented. For detailed analyses of staying activities, however, actual numbers are used as they are often small. Other fieldwork observations, including walkarounds, behavioural mapping, descriptive notes, and photography enrich the analysis in the text.

Adaptive behaviours in response to heat (Section 4.8) are also identified. Adaptive behaviours are: ‘behavioural’ which includes ‘reactive’ (e.g. modifying activity intensity and changing posture/ location) and ‘interactive’ adaptations (e.g. using an umbrella to create shade); and ‘psychological’ which relates to stimulation from the environment, perceived personal choice, and social and cultural relations (Knez and Thorsson 2006; Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003). ‘Physiological’ adaptation, which refers to acclimatisation, is not relevant to these results. However, it is relevant to the heuristic inquiry and focus group. The type of activity - ‘necessary’ or ‘optional’ - has an important impact on adaptive behaviour.

More detail on the fieldwork observations is set out at Chapter 5.

It is also important to note that the results in this section are based on fieldwork observations recorded after the upgrade of Cabravale Park. As the behaviour settings of the park substantially changed with its upgrade, observations from before the upgrade identify a differing recurrent behaviour pattern to that which prevailed afterwards. As a consequence, I could not use observations from before and after the upgrade in a single analysis of behavioural shifts in response to heat. I chose to use fieldwork observations taken after the park upgrade to identify behavioural shifts in response to heat because the changed behaviour setting offered opportunities for a wider range of staying activities.

The results of fieldwork observations recorded before the upgrade of Cabravale Park are presented at Section 7.4 to identify the behavioural consequences of the change to the environmental quality of the park. I now present results for ‘usual warm’ days in Cabravale Park.

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Thermal conditions of ‘usual warm’ day Meteorological parameters affecting thermal comfort (air temperature, humidity, wind speed and solar radiation) were found to vary markedly on ‘usual warm’ days.

o o o o Air temperatures (Tair) in the shade ranged from 19.6 C-23.1 C (morning), 23.6 C-27.90 C (mid- day), 23.6oC-27.90oC (afternoon) and 20.8oC-22.6oC (evening). Humidity (in the shade) ranged from low (less than 5 percent) to 56 percent (morning), low to 51 percent (mid-day), low to 79 percent (afternoon), and low to 57 percent (evenings). Wind conditions varied from still to strong (0-22.5km/hr) and wind direction from the north to north-east, south and south-east. Cloud cover ranged from clear sky to full cloud cover. Over the study period, sunset occurred between 7.46pm and 8.11pm (Geoscience Australia n.d.), although the park was fully shaded beforehand.

Recurrent behaviour patterns for a ‘usual warm’ day My fieldwork revealed the rhythm and flow of recurrent behaviour patterns on ‘usual warm’ days. The results draw on observations from 33 fieldwork sessions conducted on ‘usual warm’ days. They are then discussed in relation to the literature.

Morning (7.30am-9am) In the morning period, the mean temperature I recorded at the park was 21.90C. On average, during a 30 minute period, 41 people were in transit and 18 people stayed in the park (Table 7.2).

Table 7.2 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - mornings. Average number of people in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - 'usual warm' morning Mean temp0C In-transit Sedentary activity Exercise and play activity (shade) In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total 21.9 41 1 6 7 0 11 11 By way of a note on this data, it is important to appreciate that, of the average of 41 people in transit, an average of 26 were transiting for school attendance (students or parents). This makes this morning data incomparable with the data presented later to identify the behaviour shifts in response to heat, because fieldwork observations in the morning were not undertaken on school days. As a result, when comparisons are required later in this section, this ‘school day effect’ is discounted.

The morning commenced tranquilly, marked by a small number of individuals sitting on seats in

0 0 the treed central perimeter, mainly in the shade (Tair 19.6 C-23.1.0 C) although a quarter sat in

0 0 the central perimeter or lounged on the central grassed areas in the sun (Tair 22.8 C-23.4 C).

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Close to the trees in shade, a group played badminton; another practised tai chi and played traditional Vietnamese music; and a small number of people exercised individually. Most stayed for long periods (greater than 15 minutes) and some over an hour, suggesting that shade offered ‘acceptable’ thermal comfort conditions for light-to moderate-intensity activity (Gehl 2010). Commuters traversed the park. My notes described mornings as ‘a calm and communal salutation to the new day’.

Around 8am, the tai chi and badminton groups departed; a few exercisers remained. The tempo changed. Transit activity intensified as parents dropped children at schools. On school days, roads surrounding the park often reached gridlock. Pedestrians streamed along the partially shaded Park Road promenade towards the town centre, many with shopping bags or trolleys, particularly older people. Sun umbrellas and hats were used by women and men, mostly women.

Mid-day (9am-1pm) During the mid-day period, the mean temperature recorded at the park was 260C. An average of 39 people during a 30 minute period were in-transit and 7 people stayed in the park (Table 7.3).

Table 7.3 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - mid-days. Average number of people in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - 'usual warm' mid-day Mean temp0C In-transit Sedentary activity Exercise and play activity (shade) In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total 26 39 2 2 4 2 1 3 In the mid-day, pedestrians flowed to and from the town centre, along the Park Road promenade and through the park, some stopping to rest or rearrange shopping bags. People entered and exited the Women’s Health Centre, RSL Club and various religious institutions via the park. They took direct rather than shaded routes to their destination.

Small numbers of people stayed in the park. Some sat, read newspapers or used phones, equally

0 0 0 0 in the shade (Tair 23.6 C-27.9 C) and in the sun (Tair 25.9 C-30.6 C). The choice of seating in sunny and shaded locations suggests thermal preferences spanned sun and shade conditions. Occasionally students from the adjacent school used the sun-exposed central area for physical education classes wearing broad-brimmed sun hats.

Maintenance crews mowed lawns and collected rubbish. Now and again, individuals exercised, in both shaded and sunny locations. From around noon, workers took lunch in the park, either

0 0 alone or with others, sitting on park benches in the shade (Tair 23.6 C-25.6 C) or on the grass in

0 the sun (Tair 27.1 C).

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Afternoon (1pm-5pm) During the afternoon period the mean temperature recorded at the park was 27.20C. On average, during a 30 minute period, 54 people were in-transit and 20 people stayed in the park (Table 7.4).

Table 7.4 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - afternoons. Average number of people in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - 'usual warm' afternoon Mean temp0C In-transit Sedentary activity Exercise and play activity (shade) In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total

27.2 54 3 6 9 4 7 11 Increased transit activity was associated with the RSL Club, with people walking to and from the club itself and the adjacent carpark.

0 0 From about 3pm, adults gathered under shade trees (Tair 24.2 C-27.0 C), chatting while waiting for their children. The students’ lively, noisy school departure contrasted strongly with their more subdued arrival. Small groups lingered in the park to play, mostly in the shade, although a

0 0 large minority stayed in the sun (Tair 24.42 C-30.6 C). From this time, basketball and other play activities increased. They were mostly in the shade, although a large minority stayed in the sun

0 0 (Tair 24.42 C-30.6 C).

Evening (5pm-9pm) In the evening period, the mean temperature recorded at the park was 23.70C. An average of 22 people during a 30 minute period were in-transit and 50 people stayed in the park (Table 7.5).

Table 7.5 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - evenings. Average number of people in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - 'usual warm' evening Mean temp0C In-transit Sedentary activity Exercise and play activity (shade) In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total 24.2 22 0 16 16 1 33 34 During the evening, commuters retraced their morning routes across the park and Park Road promenade. Walkers and joggers appeared in substantial numbers, using the circuit path. Adults walked in groups, sat, talked and people-watched. Children rode bikes and kicked balls. Boys, mainly in school uniform, gathered at the basketball court to watch and play. Satellite groups, mainly girls in school uniforms, congregated under trees near the court. Sometimes, social groups from adjacent buildings spilled into the park. In my field notes, I described the park as having ‘a fun, buoyant atmosphere’.

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All those engaged in sedentary activities, and nearly all those exercising, stayed in shade (Tair 20.80C-22.60C), although it must be noted that during some observations the park was largely in shade as the sun was going down and, during some others, conditions were overcast.

By 8pm, light levels started to fall and people began leaving the park. Nonetheless, many people remained, and some others continued to arrive. By around 8.30pm, low light levels rendered observations difficult, and I terminated sessions.

Adaptive behaviours Observed adaptive behaviours on ‘usual warm’ days were limited to adults and children tending to adopt interactive adaptive behaviours by wearing hats and/or using sun umbrellas for sun- protection. Young people out of school uniform tended not to adopt sun-protective measures. In addition, most people undertook light- to vigorous-intensity activities in the shade, a reactive adaptation to minimise heat stress.

Discussion The results raise three areas for discussion: place-specific activity generators; thermal preferences for transit; and staying activities.

Place-specific activity generators

My observations reinforce the relationship between behaviour settings and behaviour, as strongly argued in environment behaviour studies (Emmel and Clark 2009; Gehl 2010; Low 2003; Whyte 1980) and to a lesser degree in thermal comfort studies (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003; Thorsson et al. 2004).

The types and timing of activities were often apparently generated by and synchronised with the programs of surrounding community facilities (e.g. schools and recreation club patterns of behaviours) (Figure 7.8) Considerable transit activity along the Park Road promenade, and at times through the park, was evidently linked to town centre facilities, aligning with business hours. This emphasises the inter-connectivity of the public space network, and that commercial activities and community events may influence pedestrian activity in public spaces over 300 metres away.

Results reinforce that place-specific analysis is essential to understanding behaviour within a public space and its network.

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Figure 7.8 Place-specific activity generators. Photos: McKenzie 2010. Thermal preference - transit

No associations between transit activity and thermal preference were apparent. For many transit activities, a direct route (either on a formed path or across the park) was generally taken, suggesting that timeliness in reaching destinations was particularly influential.

This finding is consistent with studies that indicate microclimate is not a critical factor when choosing a transit route (Johansson et al. 2014; Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003).

Thermal preference - staying

For all periods of day - except mid-day - most people preferred to undertake staying activities (sedentary, light- and moderate-intensity) in shaded locations. Thermal choice indicated their preferences.

In the morning period, nearly all ‘sitters’ selected shaded seats. However, these were located near where people exercised. To some degree, the greater preference for shaded seats may have been associated with group activities, where some members took periodic breaks.

In the mid-day period, no thermal preference was demonstrated for those in sedentary activities, and the small number exercising preferred the sun. Those exercising included people undertaking ‘necessary’ occupational (moderate-intensity) activities e.g. maintenance (Section 5.7).

In the afternoon, shaded sitting areas were preferred by about two thirds of people staying in the park. Those exercising, mainly groups at the basketball court, were mainly in the shade, although 40 percent stayed in the sun.

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Sedentary activities during the mid-day and afternoon periods, included sitting, reading and sleeping, mainly by men, while women often chatted in pairs or small groups. No correlations between gender and thermal preference were evident. However, most occupied sitting places had views across the park, and ‘people-watching’ opportunities and ‘social comfort’ may also have influenced their selection, as explained by Whyte (1980). Overcast conditions during evenings meant that thermal preferences for sun and shade were not demonstrated.

0 0 As thermal preferences encompassed a wide range of thermal conditions (Tair 19.6 C-30.6 C), this suggests that providing thermal diversity for staying activities - together with social comfort - is important for supporting outdoor activity during ‘usual warm’ weather.

I now present results for behavioural responses to hot weather in Cabravale Park.

Behavioural shifts in response to heat Results for behavioural shifts in response to heat are based on 72 fieldwork observation sessions, comprising the 33 sessions that established the recurrent behaviour pattern for ‘usual warm’ days described above; 20 fieldwork sessions on ‘unusually hot’ days; and 19 fieldwork sessions on ‘extreme heat’ days.

The shift in behaviour is the difference between the recurrent behaviour pattern for ‘usual warm’ days established above, and the behaviour observed during ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days. The results are presented for transit and staying activities over the four periods of day on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days. Results for transit activities are presented first, followed by those for staying activities.

As I indicated in the summary of fieldwork in this section, the heat categories of ‘usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ are based on ABOM data. In addition, my meteorological observations revealed major variations in temperature at the park, across the differing categories of day (Figure 7.9). It is clear that the afternoon period was the hottest part of the day, with temperatures around 40 0C (shade) recorded both early and late in the period.

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Mean temperature °C (shade) at Cabravale Park 40.0 39.1 38.0

36.0 C ° 34.0 33.9 32.0 31.8 32.4 30.0 28.0 28.1 28.3 27.2 26.0 25.4 26.0 Temperature Temperature 24.0 24.2 23.3 22.0 21.9 20.0 Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening Time of day

Usual warm Unusual hot Extreme heat

Figure 7.9 Mean temperature recorded at Cabravale Park during fieldwork. An analysis is subsequently presented for the cooler part of an ‘extreme heat’ day based on thermal imagery.

Transit activity shifts in response to heat Shifts in transit activity in response to heat were particularly observed in the mid-day and afternoon periods. Average numbers of people engaged in transit activity during a 30 minute period were maintained in the morning and evening periods at the ‘usual warm’ levels, but changed noticeably in the mid-day and afternoon periods (Figure 7.10).

People in-transit in Cabravale Park 70 60 61 54 50

40 39 39 30 22 15 24 20 20 Average number 14 15 15 10 0 Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening Time of day

'Usual warm' day 'Unusual hot' day 'Extreme heat' day

Figure 7.10 Average number of people in-transit in Cabravale Park – ‘usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days.

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In the mid-day period, average levels of transit activity on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days reduced substantially from ‘usual warm’ levels. In the afternoon, despite substantially hotter temperatures, the trend reversed on ‘unusual hot’ days. On ‘extreme heat’ days, however, average activity decreased sharply from the ‘usual warm' level.

In the evening, average transit activity reduced by a small amount on ‘unusual hot’ days. Accurate counting for ‘extreme heat’ evenings was not possible, due to high levels of activity in the park and, in some sessions, fading light.

Adaptive behaviours

People in-transit were observed to adopt adaptive behaviours for heat and ultraviolet radiation protection. Behaviours included wearing sun hats/ caps and using sun umbrellas. However, during very high temperatures, I observed adaptive behaviours not previously noted.

In particular, I was able to scrutinise the finer details of transit behaviours and routes on two ‘extreme heat’ afternoons, around 4.00pm, that recorded the highest temperatures of all fieldwork. Meteorological conditions were relatively non-steady. In the shade, temperatures ranged from 36.90C-42.00C and in the sun 40.30C-45.90C. Humidity was low, skies were clear, and wind was light-breezy from the north, north-east and north-west. Apparent temperatures ranged from 32.00C-38.50C, suggesting breezy conditions increased thermal comfort. On these afternoons, no-one stayed in the park and few people were in-transit (Figure 7.11).

On these afternoons, all people in-transit were adults walking on their own. Men tended to cut through the central grassed area, taking the shortest, yet least shaded, route to their destination, often the RSL Club. They bowed their heads and walked quickly into the sun. Some wore caps and sunglasses, while others held hands or papers over their eyes. In contrast, women tended to ‘shade-hop’ slowly, taking longer, shaded routes to their destinations, wearing hats or using sun umbrellas.

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Figure 7.11 People in transit at 3pm on an ‘extreme heat’ day. Photos: McKenzie 2010. Discussion - transit activity The results suggest that hotter weather may have an impact on the level of transit activity and adaptive behaviours, as discussed below.

Heat impacts on transit activity

The average level of transit activity in the morning and evening periods was maintained at ‘usual warm’ levels on hotter days, suggesting that it was largely ‘necessary’ activity. This may have included commuting to and from work, for example. The results suggest that thermal comfort and microclimatic conditions are not so important to transit activity due to relatively short exposure periods (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003), and especially for necessary activities (Gehl 2010).

Lower average transit numbers in the mid-day period may be due to people electing to drive - or be driven - rather than walk, or to delaying optional transit activity until a cooler day. Reduced transit may also have been influenced by sequential days of hot weather that occurred during the fieldwork period and the related heat-health effects of accumulated heat stress (Hajat et al. 2010; Hanna et al. 2011).

The results suggest that ‘optional’ transit activity is affected by extreme heat. This varies from the understanding that microclimate has limited impact on transit activity in general (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003). The results further suggest that major pedestrian thoroughfares should be well-ventilated and shaded throughout summer mid-day/afternoon periods, particularly as thermal conditions increase in the coming years. This highlights that design interventions for improving pedestrian comfort are important to supporting everyday outdoor transit activity and associated health benefits.

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Adaptive behaviours in response to ‘extreme heat’

The two transit approaches, exhibited by men and women, involved combinations of reactive adaptive behaviours which either increased or reduced heat stress. The men’s approach increased heat stress by walking quickly (medium-intensity activity) through environments exposed to full sun. Nonetheless, shorter journeys reduced the lengths of exposure and metabolic heat production.

The women’s approach reduced heat stress by walking slowly (light-intensity activity) along more shaded routes, less exposed to solar radiation and warm winds. Brief stops in tree shade enabled some adjustment to the stressful climatic conditions, illustrative of the ‘shaded subspaces’ suggested by Ali-Toudert and Mayer (2006, p.101). Longer routes, however, extended the lengths of heat exposure and metabolic heat production.

Findings for thermal behavioural responses to ‘extreme heat’ (that is, temperatures greater than 350C) are indicative of what can be anticipated as conditions warm locally, regionally and nationally. For Cabramatta, the projections involve one to five additional hot days (greater than 350C) for 2020-2039 and five to ten additional hot days for 2060-2079 (NSWOEH 2015d).

Staying activity shifts in response to heat The results indicate that heat had major impacts on the average levels of staying activities in the park. Overall, the average number of people staying in the park decreased on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days from the ‘usual warm’ levels during the morning (except for ‘unusual hot’), mid-day and afternoon periods. However, numbers increased in the evening on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days (Table 7.6).

Higher temperatures had a greater impact on staying activity in the morning, mid-day and afternoon periods. Average levels of staying activity during these periods reduced sharply on ‘extreme heat’ days from the levels of ‘unusual hot’ or ‘usual warm’ days.

In the evening, the average number of people staying in the park increased substantially on ‘unusual hot’ days above ‘usual warm’ levels. On ‘extreme heat’ evenings, average staying activity continued to be well above ‘usual warm’ levels. In the early evening, people exercised and played mainly in the shade, although a small number exercised in the sun on the circuit path.

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Table 7.6 Average number of people staying in Cabravale Park - ‘usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days. 'Usual warm' day - average number of people staying in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period Activity type Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total Sedentary 1 6 7 2 2 4 3 6 9 0 16 16 Exercise & play 0 11 11 2 1 3 4 7 11 1 33 34 Total 1 17 18 4 3 7 7 13 20 1 49 50 'Unusual hot' day - average number of people staying in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period Activity type Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total

Sedentary 0 1 1 0 1 1 0 13 13 0 28 28 Exercise & play 0 21 21 0 1 1 0 3 3 0 48 48 Total 0 22 22 0 2 2 0 16 16 0 76 76 Change from Usual warm 22% -71% -20% 52% 'Extreme heat' day - average number of people staying in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period Activity type Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening (*) In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total

Sedentary 0 1 1 0 1 1 0 4 4 0 19 19 Exercise & play 0 8 8 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 37 37 Total 0 9 9 1 2 3 0 4 4 0 56 56 Change from Usual warm -50% -57% -80% 12% (*) Evening session includes interval counts that may underestimate activity over 30 minute period. This is represented graphically in Figure 7.12 below:

Average number of people staying in Cabravale Park

Number of people of Number 0 Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening Time of day

Usual Warm Unusual hot Extreme Heat

Figure 7.12 Number of people staying in Cabravale Park in differing heat conditions. In addition, at 10.30pm on an ‘unusual hot’ day, I conducted fieldwork using an infrared camera. Imagery revealed groups of women sitting and chatting. While dark, I determined that the groups comprised women based on the sound of their voices. Other people jogged and walked around the circuit path. I discuss this cooler part of the day activity later in this section.

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A further important behavioural shift revealed in this table is the response to shade and sun on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days. In contrast to ‘usual warm’ days, on average, only one person engaged in staying activities in the sun at any time on ‘unusual hot’ days or on ‘extreme heat’ days. Fieldwork notes show that the average of one recorded in the mid-day of ‘extreme heat’ days related to a park maintenance team.

Sedentary activity shifts in response to heat

Under all heat conditions, the highest average levels of sedentary activity were recorded in the evening period. On average, levels of sedentary activity fell in the morning and mid-day periods on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days from ‘usual warm’ levels. In the afternoon and evening periods, average levels of sedentary activity increased on ‘unusual hot’ days above ‘usual warm levels. On ‘extreme heat’ days, average staying activity reduced substantially from the ‘usual warm’ levels in the mid-day and afternoon, but increased in the evening (Figure 7.13).

Cabravale Park 30 minute period - sedentary activity 30

Average Average numberpeople of 5

0 Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening Usual warm Unusual hot Extreme heat

Figure 7.13 Heat impacts on average numbers undertaking sedentary activities at Cabravale Park. As shown in Table 7.6, the use of shade for sedentary activities was a stark behavioural shift in response to heat. People engaged in sedentary activities on ‘usual warm’ days were often in the sun – around one half in the mid-day and around a third in the afternoon periods. On ‘unusual hot’ days, on average no-one was engaged in sedentary activities in the sun. On ‘extreme heat’ days, on average just one person was undertaking sedentary activity in the sun in the mid-day period, and no-one in the afternoon.

In the morning, mid-day and afternoon periods of ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days, people generally sat in the shaded perimeter of the central area, undertaking activities described for 231

‘usual warm’ days. On days of ‘extreme heat’ average levels of sedentary activity were well below the ‘usual warm’ and ‘unusual hot’ levels for the mid-day and afternoon periods.

In the evening, average levels of sedentary activity swelled well above ‘usual warm’ levels on ‘unusual hot’ days and remained above ‘usual warm’ levels on evenings of ‘extreme heat’. In the evening people mainly sat or stood in groups in the shaded perimeter of the central area. They stayed for extended periods, often chatting and people-watching.

Exercise and play activity behaviour shifts in response to heat

Exercise and play activities were largely undertaken in the evening and morning periods, in all heat conditions. On ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days, average exercise and play activity levels were depressed below ‘usual warm’ levels, for mid-day and afternoon periods. However, in the evening, average activity increased sharply on ‘unusual hot’ days and more modestly on ‘extreme heat’ days above ‘usual warm’ levels (Figure 7.14).

It is important to note that the increase of average exercise and play activity on ‘unusual hot’ days in the morning period, reflected larger groups attending badminton and tai chi. Group numbers tended to vary in all heat conditions. In addition, as noted in Figure 7.9, the temperature during these mornings was just 1.4 oC higher than the ‘usual warm’ morning, at 23.3 oC. This is the smallest difference of any of the variations in heat conditions measured.

Cabravale Park 30 minute period - exercise and play 60

Average Average numberpeople of 20

0 Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening Usual warm Unusual hot Extreme heat

Figure 7.14 Heat impacts on average numbers undertaking exercise and play activities at Cabravale Park.

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In the mid-day period, on ‘unusual hot’ days a small number of people undertook individual exercise or play activities in the shaded perimeter, and the sole record for ‘extreme heat’ on a mid-day period related to a maintenance team. In the afternoon, on ‘unusual hot’ days, exercise activity was based around the basketball court.

In the evening the average numbers increased substantially on ‘unusual hot’ days and by a lesser amount on ‘extreme heat days. Less use was made of the central grass area while the basketball court become increasingly popular. Although numbers increased, the intensity of activity on the court reduced on ‘extreme heat’ days.

Consistent with behaviour shifts in relation to sedentary activities, exercise and play activities were undertaken in shade during ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ conditions.

Discussion - staying activity Clear trends for staying activity emerge from the results related to my first research question. Trends are: • shade is a ‘prized’ commodity when hot; • sedentary activity decreases markedly on hot mornings; • hotter temperatures increase the preference for sedentary activities during the mid-day and afternoon periods; • staying activity in the mid-day and afternoon periods collapses in ‘extreme heat’ conditions; and • staying activity increases substantially when hot in the evening. Shade is a prized commodity

Results showed a near absolute preference for shade for staying activities across all time periods on hot days, supporting Gehl’s (2010, p.169) assertion that ‘shade is a prized quality’ in warmer climates.

As noted, on ‘usual warm’ days a large minority chose to stay in the sun, especially during the

0 0 morning (average Tair 23.1 C) and mid-day periods (average Tair 27.8 C). However, as temperatures increased reactive adaptive behaviours were adopted. All staying activities on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days, when sun and shade options were available, were conducted in shaded areas of the park. The exception was people exercising on the circuit path in the early evening when sections of the path were unshaded.

The results suggest that decisions to undertake staying activities, particularly sedentary activities, are sensitive to thermal comfort and microclimatic conditions, and that sensitivity 233 increases for optional activities and with length of stay (Gehl 2010). This finding emphasises the importance of providing prized shade within public spaces to support staying activities during hot weather. This includes designing-in a range of shaded sub-spaces that offer thermal comfort choice (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003).

Sedentary activity in the morning

Even though sedentary activity is the least metabolic heat-producing activity type, it reduced noticeably on the mornings of ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days. There may be several possible contributing factors. These include the heat-illness lag effects associated with accumulated heat stress and resulting incapacity and lethargy. Anticipation - a conscious response to expected thermal excess - may also have been a factor (Knez and Thorsson 2006; Lin et al. 2011; Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003; Thorsson et al. 2004).

The preference for sedentary activity in the mid-day and afternoon periods

In the mid-day and afternoon periods exercise and play activity reduced markedly: to low levels when ‘unusually hot’ and to negligible levels on ‘extreme heat’ days. However, sedentary activities increased during ‘unusual hot’ conditions beyond the level of ‘usual warm’ days, and were observed at about half the ‘usual warm’ level on ‘extreme heat days’. During the afternoon period, in particular, temperatures were the highest recorded during the fieldwork, and often exceeded 400C.

The differing activity levels may have partly been the result of people who normally exercise at these times reactively adapting to the heat by engaging in sedentary activities instead. In this case, thermal stress is limited by reducing the metabolic intensity of activity. Psychological adaptation may have also influenced decisions to be outdoors, and in shade. In addition, it is likely that some people in-transit stopped mid-route and stayed in the shade to adjust to the stressful thermal conditions.

The impact of extreme heat

The impact of ‘extreme heat’ on staying activity in the mid-day and afternoon periods suggests a transition range at which activity levels plummet. I refer to this as a ‘temperature transition threshold’ and deal with it in more detail below.

The importance of evenings

During the evening, major increases in sedentary and exercise and play activity on both ‘unusual hot’ and extreme heat’ days occurred. The increase in sedentary activity, suggests that ‘sittable’ 234 places in parks provide evening ‘cool spots’, supporting reactive adaptations and reducing heat stress accumulated during a hot day. Gehl’s (2010) observation that older people prefer primary seating is important in the context of heat and design ‘invitations’ to heat-vulnerable groups. Primary seating may invite older people to use parks in the evening, potentially reducing their heat stress. Primary seating configured to support incidental social interaction may contribute to reducing social isolation, a major heat-risk factor for elderly people living alone (McInnes et al. 2008).

The number of people exercising and playing in the evening also increased with hotter conditions. This may be due to people undertaking their usual mid-day or afternoon activity during a cooler time, indicating an adaptive response to heat.

The poor thermal efficiency of local housing (Barnett et al. 2013) may also prompt residents to use Cabravale Park during the evening on hot days. In Marrakesh, for example, poor thermal conditions in houses, especially in the evening, triggered people to use ‘open spaces as somewhere to escape to, where they could find cooler conditions’ (Aljawabra and Nikolopoulou 2010, p.208). This is an important contextual parameter, particularly in lower socio-economic areas as the urban and global warming phenomenon accelerates. Accommodating outdoor areas to compensate for poor internal living conditions becomes even more vital.

Cooler part of a hot day Activity levels during the cooler part of an ‘unusually hot’ day were examined using thermal imagery taken at 10.30pm. The images revealed nine people in the park. Two groups (of two and three people) were sitting and chatting, while two people jogged and two people walked around the circuit path (Figure 7.15). On this occasion, the air temperature was 25.10C, humidity 43 percent, and apparent temperature was 25.60C; the sky was clear and wind was still.

Figure 7.15 Thermal imagery of late evening activities. Images: McKenzie 2014. 235

Discussion

The urban heat island (UHI) effect likely underpinned the high evening air (25.10C) and apparent (25.60C) temperatures and, perhaps in turn, influenced the observed late evening activity. The evening’s clear sky and still air satisfied the conditions at which the largest urban heat island intensities occur (Gartland 2011; Givoni 1998).

A combination of factors may have induced people to be outdoors late on this evening. Factors include the elevated apparent temperature, accumulated heat stress from three successive hot days, and potential indoor thermal discomfort related to low-income housing (Section 6.6).

Results from thermal imagery and evening observations emphasise the importance of public space to support people exercising and playing during the cooler parts of hot days. The vital role of greenspaces in providing cool places for people to rest and adequately relieve accumulated heat stress is also brought into sharp relief, especially when indoor residential conditions are thermally ‘unacceptable’ and physiologically stressful.

Accordingly, an important adaptive priority for Cabramatta is to ensure ‘cool’ public spaces support evening activity. In disadvantaged neighbourhoods, where residential air-conditioning costs may be prohibitive, this priority is elevated.

Staying activities and temperature transition thresholds Morning, afternoon and evening periods of day were found to have varying temperature transition thresholds for staying activities.

The term ‘transition temperature threshold’ is used to indicate a general temperature range for behaviour shifts - that is, when ‘acceptable’ thermal comfort for optional staying activities transitions to ‘uncomfortable’, prompting the adaptive response to leave the park. Insufficient data were collected in the mid-day to identify the transition threshold for this period because of the difficulties of conducting fieldwork on specific categories of days.

During the morning and afternoon periods, temperature transition thresholds aligned with major reductions in staying activities. In the evening, no transition temperature threshold was evident.

Heat thresholds In the morning period, a temperature threshold of 22.50C separated generally higher levels of staying activities at lower temperatures from much lower levels of activities at higher temperatures. In the afternoon period, a temperature threshold of 32.60C applied (Figure 7.16).

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In the evening, it was not possible to determine the temperature transition threshold at which average numbers reduced due to fading light, preventing people counts from being undertaken (Figure 7.17).

Activity transition threshold 50 Activity transition threshold Morning 40 Afternoon 35 30 30 25 20 20 15 10 10 5

Average Average people of number staying 0

0 Average number of people staying people of number Average

19.6 22.0 22.3 22.5 23.1 24.3 26.5

31.9 36.9 41.9 23.6 25.4 25.4 27.0 31.1 32.6 32.6 32.6 33.8 33.9 36.9 40.3 42.0 42.1 Temperature in shade (oC) o Temperature in shade ( C) Figure 7.16 Transition temperature thresholds for staying activities in Cabravale Park - mornings and afternoons.

Activity transition threshold Evening 100

22.1 24.3 28.6 34.9 20.8 22.6 23.6 24.0 24.4 27.9 27.9 31.9 33.9 34.4 Average number ofpeople staying Temperature in shade (oC)

Figure 7.17 Transition temperature threshold for staying activities in Cabravale Park - evenings. Discussion For the morning period, temperatures greater than the 22.50C threshold generally correlated with mornings on ‘extreme heat’ days. However, the significance of this finding is limited by the size of the sample. For the afternoon period, temperatures greater than the 32.60C threshold correlated with the afternoon period on ‘unusually hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days.

For the evening period, the average number of people staying in the park remained high even as the temperature increased. High numbers may be influenced by indoor discomfort in residences, as mentioned previously, and the considerably wider range of outdoor conditions

237 that are regarded as ‘acceptable’ compared with indoor contexts, related to people’s expectations (Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a, p.722).

Few studies explore outdoor thermal comfort thresholds in the Sydney context. For Sydney, Spagnolo and de Dear (2003b) identify an ‘outdoor comfort zone’ of 23.80C-28.50C. The mid- summer period is assessed as ‘most suitable for sedentary outdoor activities’, whereas the mid- winter period is ‘more suitable for light activities such as walking’ (p.1383). In my study, the temperature transition threshold of 32.60C is specific to staying activities for the mid-day period of ‘unusually hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days during summer in Western Sydney. This tolerance suggests that park users may have been acclimatised to Western Sydney heat conditions.

My observations also show that substantial numbers of people undertook light- to moderate- intensity activities, such as exercise and play, during temperatures up to 34.90C, but only during the evening (thus shaded) periods of ‘unusually hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days.

The value of the park observations and measurements can be considered relative to the anticipated extreme temperature conditions in the coming years and decades due to local, urban, regional and global warming. The observable changes in thermal and comfort behaviours evident in this admittedly small sample – as intuitively expected, but here empirically evident - could be projected to situations beyond the case study. Here, people of all ages undertaking varied outdoor activities respond noticeably to warmer conditions. This specific contribution to knowledge is open to elaboration to inform urban and landscape design, and healthy city policy- making.

7.4 Environmental quality and behaviour: the upgrade of Cabravale Park

Midway through my research, Fairfield City Council undertook a major physical upgrade of the western section of Cabravale Park. This presented a significant research opportunity to examine how environmental quality influences behaviour, especially under hot conditions. As a result, I conducted observations prior to, and following, the upgrade to assess the impact on behaviour on ‘usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’, and ‘extreme heat’ days.

It is important to note that the results of fieldwork observation sessions conducted after the upgrade of the park (the summer of 2009-2010) were presented at Section 7.3. These results are now compared to those based on fieldwork observations taken before the park upgrade (the summer of 2008-2009).

Firstly, the scope of improvements is outlined to identify the changes in the environmental quality. The recurrent behaviour pattern for ‘usual warm’ days and behavioural shifts in 238 response to heat for the period before the upgrade are identified. The two sets of data are then compared - ‘before’ results based on observations made in the summer of 2008-2009 (prior to the park upgrade); and ‘after’ results collected following the upgrade over the summer of 2009- 2010 (that is, the results presented in Section 7.3).

The same analytical approach taken in Section 7.3, based on fieldwork sessions encompassing meteorological and behavioural observations, is adopted. Average numbers of people engaged in transit and staying activities during a 30 minute period in the park continues to be the key parameter used in the analyses of behaviour shifts.

Scope of improvements Prior to the upgrade, Cabravale Park provided an important green space. Yet, as a community facility, the park was poorly appointed. As shown in Figure 7.18, the park had limited constructed paths, few sitting options, and a small playground. Dense boundary planting inhibited passive surveillance and reduced safety perceptions. Nevertheless, people used the park for exercise in the mornings and evenings and for general transit purposes. Figure 7.19 indicates the poor quality of seating options.

Figure 7.18 Cabravale Park before upgrade - paths for transit activity. Photos: McKenzie 2007. The design brief for improvement works prioritised health-supportive attributes to support physical activity (Section 3.8). Bioclimatic design features to reduce urban heat were also integrated (Section 3.5).

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Between the summers of 2008-2009 and 2009-2010, the improvement works were undertaken. The scope of works included an integrated path system connected to the street network; circuit path; seats; picnic shelter and furniture; resurfaced badminton courts; and new playground. Natural improvements to reduce urban heat included reducing shrubbery to facilitate natural ventilation for cooling (Yang et al. 2011) as well as passive surveillance, planting shade trees along paths, and creating bio-retention basins (rain gardens).

Figure 7.19 Cabravale Park before upgrade - sitting options. Photos: McKenzie 2008. A community cultural development program was central to the design and construction stages, promoting community engagement and ownership. The program was developed through a partnership between Council and the Arts for Health Program of Fairfield Health Services. In my Council role, I coordinated the program. Local students learnt about designing parks and followed construction stages on site. Two schools and several community groups created art features and planted garden beds (Figure 7.20).

Important ‘invitations’ to stop and stay in the upgraded park included a range of ‘sittable’ and ‘social comfort’ options (Gehl 2010; Whyte 1980). Formal (primary) seats and informal (secondary) seating elements (concrete blocks, seating walls and rocks) were configured in various ways, offering different social arrangements for sitting and standing and microclimatic choice throughout the day. Seating accommodated a range of body shapes and physical abilities. Improvements are demonstrated in Figures 7.21 and 7.22.

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In addition, two pedestrian refuges were constructed to increase road/ pedestrian safety and connectivity between the proposed Park Road promenade and adjoining streets. It is important

to note that the new playground was not installed until after the conclusion of the fieldwork.

Figure 7.20 Community participation - Cabravale Park upgrade. Photos: McKenzie 2010.

Figure 7.21 Cabravale Park after upgrade - sitting options. Photos: McKenzie 2010.

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Figure 7.22 Cabravale Park after upgrade - transit and staying activities. Photos: McKenzie 2010. Behaviour shifts in response to the upgrade To demonstrate the impact of improved environmental quality, results for ‘before’ and ‘after’ the park upgrade are compared. To identify the behaviour shifts, it was firstly necessary to establish the behaviour patterns on ‘usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days before the park upgrade. The recurrent behaviour pattern and shifts in response to heat were identified

242 from the results of 57 fieldwork observation sessions conducted prior to the upgrade of the park, comprising 24 on ‘usual warm’ days, 22 on ‘unusual hot’ days, and 11 on ‘extreme heat’ days.

These results from before the park upgrade (the summer of 2008-2009) are then compared with the behaviour patterns observed after the upgrade (the summer of 2009-2010) - the results presented in Section 7.3.

Behaviour patterns before the upgrade of the park On ‘usual warm’ days people transited the park throughout the day, with the highest numbers in the mid-day and afternoon periods. People staying in the park were generally engaged in exercise and play activities (e.g. badminton and basketball) except during the mid-day and afternoon periods when the small numbers engaged in sedentary activities were greater than those exercising (Table 7.7).

Table 7.7 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - on ‘usual warm’ days before upgrade. Average number of people in Cabravale Park before upgrade 30 minute period - 'usual warm' Period of day In-transit Sedentary activity Exercise and play activity In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total Morning 15 0 0 0 0 9 9 Mid-day 34 2 2 4 0 2 2 Afternoon 34 1 2 3 0 2 2 Evening 28 0 4 4 0 34 34

On ‘unusual hot’ days, transit activities reduced by a small number in the morning and evening, but increased in the mid-day and afternoon (Table 7.8). Staying activities increased in the morning (exercise and play activity). They continued at similar levels in the mid-day and afternoon, but with more exercise and play activity. Staying activity fell in the evening, although an increased number of people used the park for sedentary purposes.

Table 7.8 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - on ‘unusual hot’ day before upgrade. Average number of people in Cabravale Park before upgrade 30 minute period - 'unusual hot' Period of day In-transit Sedentary activity Exercise and play activity In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total Morning 14 0 1 1 0 15 15 Mid-day 47 0 2 2 0 3 3 Afternoon 47 0 3 3 0 3 3 Evening 27 1 6 7 1 21 22

On ‘extreme heat’ days, transit activities continued at the same level as ‘usual warm’ days, but reduced in the mid-day, fell by a substantial number in the afternoon, and by a lesser amount in

243 the evening (Table 7.9). Staying activities continued at a higher level in the morning, reduced slightly in the mid-day and afternoon, and reduced more substantially in the evening.

Table 7.9 Average number of people in Cabravale Park - on ‘extreme heat’ day before upgrade. Average number of people in Cabravale Park before upgrade 30 minute period - 'extreme heat' Period of day In-transit Sedentary activity Exercise and play activity In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total Morning 17 0 0 0 0 15 15 Mid-day 51 0 2 2 0 0 0 Afternoon 19 0 2 2 0 0 0 Evening 31 1 3 4 0 27 27

Behaviour shifts in response to the upgrade of the park The behaviour shifts in response to the change in environmental quality (the park upgrade) are identified by comparing the results of fieldwork conducted before the upgrade (presented above) with the results taken after the upgrade (presented in Section 7.3). Behavioural shifts in transit activity are considered first, followed by shifts in staying activity.

Transit activity

During the morning period, taking account of the ‘school-day’ effect, average transit activity was maintained at similar levels following the upgrade during all heat conditions (Figure 7.23).

Transit activity in Cabravale Park: before and after upgrade 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Averge Averge numberpeople of Before After Before After Before After Before After MORNING MID-DAY AFTERNOON EVENING

'Usual warm' day 'Unusual hot' day 'Extreme heat' day

Figure 7.23 Average transit activity in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - before and after upgrade. In the mid-day period, average transit activity increased following the upgrade on ‘usual warm’ days, but decreased for both other categories of day. In the afternoon, average transit activity it increased for all categories following the upgrade. However, in the evening, average activity

244 fell after the upgrade on ‘usual warm’ and ‘unusual hot’ days. As noted at Section 7.3, transit data were not able to be accurately recorded for ‘extreme heat’ evenings.

Staying activities

Considerable increases were generally recorded for the average number of people staying in the park after the upgrade, as shown in Table 7.10. The key exception was in the mid-day period, when numbers remained similar or reduced from the ‘usual warm’ levels. On ‘usual warm’ days, average levels of staying activity more than doubled in the morning, and afternoon periods; and in the evening increased by about one third. On ‘unusual hot’ days a similar pattern emerged, with a very high average number of people staying in the evening. On ‘extreme heat’ days, a reduced average number of people used the park in the morning period, but minor increases were observed in the mid-day and afternoons and a larger increase in the evening.

Table 7.10 Average numbers staying in Cabravale Park - before and after the upgrade. Average number staying in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - before and after upgrade Category of day Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening Before After Before After Before After Before After 'Usual warm' day 9 18 6 7 5 20 38 50 'Unusual hot' day 16 22 5 2 6 16 29 76 'Extreme heat' day 15 9 2 3 2 4 31 56

This is represented graphically in Figure 7.24 below:

Change in average number staying in Cabravale Park after upgrade

10 Change in average Changenumberaverage in 0 Morning Mid-day Afternoon Evening

-10 Time of day 'Usual warm' day 'Unusual hot' day 'Extreme heat' day

Figure 7.24 Change in average number of people staying in Cabravale Park following its upgrade.

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In addition to the substantial increases in staying activities, the nature of these activities changed. As shown in Figure 7.25, average levels of sedentary activity increased after the upgrade for all time periods during all categories of day. Particularly large increases were observed in the evening period for all categories of day, albeit from small numbers prior to the upgrade. At times, the primary seating was completely filled.

Average numbers engaged in exercise and play activity were generally greater in the morning, mid-day, and afternoon and maintained in the evening (Figure 7.26). The new circuit path particularly attracted a range of exercising and cycling activities. The badminton and basketball courts remained popular.

Sedentary activity in Cabravale Park: before and after upgrade 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Average Average numberpeople of Before After Before After Before After Before After MORNING MID-DAY AFTERNOON EVENING usual warm unusual hot extreme heat

Figure 7.25 Average sedentary activity in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - before and after upgrade.

Exercise and play activity in Cabravale Park: before and after upgrade 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Average Average numberpeople of Before After Before After Before After Before After MORNING MID-DAY AFTERNOON EVENING usual warm unusual hot extreme heat

Figure 7.26 Average exercise and play activity in Cabravale Park in 30 minute period - before and after upgrade. 246

Discussion Following the upgrade, the average number of people transiting and staying in the park generally increased. Improved environmental quality had positive impacts on both transit and staying activities during all heat conditions. This suggests the intrinsic importance of outdoor design in promoting healthy, outdoor behaviour patterns. The level and rapidity of the increases in the use of the park after the upgrade illustrate Whyte’s (1980, p.16) observation that ‘good new spaces’ build ‘new constituencies’, stimulate new ‘habits’, and all ‘very quickly’.

The results also highlight the importance of quality environments with regard to equity and health in hotter parts of cities, and the way cool environments support staying and transit activities, as discussed below.

Equity and health in hotter parts of cities

For Cabramatta, a significantly disadvantaged suburb in a hotter part of Sydney, improved environmental quality had a positive impact on people’s ‘staying’ use of the park across all weather conditions and for all periods of day. Results suggest that ‘good quality’ public space may be important for communities (especially those disadvantaged and thus more likely to live in less thermally comfortable homes) living in hot parts of cities.

Equity - together with accessibility, safety and social cohesion - are key principles of healthy city strategies (Section 3.7) and important social determinants of health (Section 2.6). They are intrinsic to quality public spaces that support increased daily physical activity and extend to environmental quality.

As outlined in Chapter 3, people of low socioeconomic status (SES) are less likely to exercise than those of high SES, ‘partly because the environments in which they live are less conducive to it’ (Mitchell and Popham 2008, p.1655). Conduciveness is further impacted upon during hot weather conditions, as lower SES communities are often located in the hotter parts of cities with less greening (Kirkpatrick et al. 2011). As emphasised by Ward Thompson (2013), public spaces that are comfortable for walking, and in all weather conditions as examined in this research, are especially important in low SES communities as no specialist facilities or user fees are required.

Cool environments for sitting and exercising

The increase in sedentary activity is likely to be due to the upgrade’s focus on providing substantial ‘sittable options’ (formal and informal seating), accommodating diverse social arrangements in a range of microclimates across the day. The additional seating provides opportunities for reactive adaptation to hot weather – that is, the ability to relocate to a 247 comfortable place. The increase in evening sedentary activity observed during hot weather also suggests that night lighting may enhance evening activity.

These results highlight that ‘good quality’ design attributes in hot urban areas reduce heat by taking advantage of the cool island effect (Norton et al. 2015). Quality involves important ‘invitations’, such as a range of accessible, sittable places, offering social comfort and thermal diversity and choice. Good design attributes support exercise and playing activities, especially during the cooler parts of the day and invite people to rest to reduce their accumulated heat load, particularly in the evening.

Cool routes for transit

Transit shifts at the park following the upgrade cannot be considered in isolation from the local public space network. As shown earlier, general walkability in the neighbourhood is poorly supported during hot conditions, suggesting urban heat reduction and shade across the neighbourhood is important.

The fact that transit for all heat conditions decreased during the mid-day and increased in the afternoon indicates that people undertook light- to moderate-intensity activity during the hotter part of the day (1pm-5pm) compared to the earlier, cooler mid-day. This may have been the result of people choosing alternate routes and times to transit, because of the new, shaded paths through the park to their destinations.

The reduction in transit activity in the evening may have been due to people electing to stay in the park. In other words, those who may have walked through the park for ‘optional’ rather than ‘necessary’ purposes may have chosen to use the upgraded facilities that better supported staying activities.

These results reinforce the important role of public space for reducing urban population heat- vulnerability, particularly in hotter parts of cities and in low socio-economic areas.

7.5 Freedom Plaza

I now present the results of my observations at the secondary, minor, case study site, Freedom Plaza. I follow the same approach as Cabravale Park, by establishing the behaviour setting of the plaza, identifying the recurrent behaviour pattern on ‘usual warm’ days, and then examining behaviour shifts in response to heat.

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Behaviour setting Freedom Plaza is the main public space in the Cabramatta town centre. The plaza was formed by closing one block of Park Road to through vehicular traffic.

The plaza is a paved rectangular space at the grade of connecting streets. Mature deciduous trees and seating platforms (informal seating without backs and armrests) are arranged in two lines, framing a central aisle and two side aisles for pedestrians. The plaza’s northern and southern ends connect directly to the Park Road and John Street shopping strips. Two to three storey buildings border its eastern and western sides. Street level businesses offer a wide range of everyday services and goods including fast food outlets, restaurants, Asian sweet and grocery store, video shop, chemists, medical and dental services, butcher, and fashion shops (Figure 7.27).

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Figure 7.27 Freedom Plaza and surrounding facilities. Map: Google Maps (2015c, viewed 30 June 2015). Photos: McKenzie 2009. The plaza showcases aspects of Cabramatta’s social and cultural heritage (Section 6.2). These include the ‘Pailau Chinese gateway’ and sculptures erected in 1991 (Burnley as cited in Collins and Kunz 2009) (Figure 7.28).

Figure 7.28 Cultural heritage features in Freedom Plaza. Photos: McKenzie 2010. Microclimatic spaces The plaza comprises three broadly-defined spaces characterised by varying microclimates. Located within a street canyon, the spaces were largely shaped by building facades, awnings and paved surfaces as well as natural canopies. Spaces include the open and paved central aisle (1), sheltered side aisles under shop awnings (2), and seating areas that were variously exposed and shaded by trees or buildings across the day (3) (Figure 7.29).

Sun and shade patterns in the plaza are demonstrated at Figure 7.30. 250

Several air-conditioned premises line the plaza. Cooled indoor air was noted to reduce outdoor air temperature in the immediate vicinity of open doorways on the ground floor. In contrast, air- conditioning units, visible on the façade of ground floor and above premises, suggested waste heat potentially increased external ambient temperatures in the plaza. Distinguishing its effect amongst all other urban thermal emissions is not feasible. However, at micro-climatic scale, one representative air-conditioner was found to thermally transfer 470C of radiant heat into a 350C summer afternoon, as measured in a thermal emissivity study in a medium-density residential precinct in Sydney (Samuels et al. 2010).

Figure 7.29 Microclimatic diversity within Freedom Plaza. Map: Google Maps (2016b, viewed 28 January 2016). Photos: McKenzie 2009.

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Figure 7.30 Sun-shade patterns for Freedom Plaza. Photos: McKenzie 2010.

Fieldwork observations, data, and analytical framework The results presented in this section were derived from the fieldwork program conducted in Freedom Plaza, over the summers of 2006-2007 to 2009-2010, as detailed in Chapter 5. In total, this analysis draws on 35 fieldwork observation sessions.

Like the analysis of the Cabravale Park fieldwork, the observations of Freedom Plaza identify the recurrent behaviour pattern for ‘usual warm’ days, and behavioural shifts on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days. The results and analysis of behaviour presented are drawn from interval counts of people staying and estimates of transit activity taken during fieldwork sessions.

Transit activity is assessed as ‘low’, ‘medium’ or ‘high’ for central and side aisles, as counting actual numbers (as interval counts) concurrently with mapping other characteristics in Freedom Plaza was not possible for a solo researcher, particularly during busy periods. This was due in part to the plaza’s relatively small scale and concentration of activity: user activity often occurred in close proximity to the observer, reducing or obstructing the observation field. The plaza’s physical characteristics did not afford less obstructed viewing points. In addition, transit counts proved unfeasible when observing at relatively close range pedestrians moving within three separate aisles and in all directions.

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Staying activity was almost completely sedentary. Average numbers, rather than percentages, are used in the analysis as the numbers engaged in staying activities were often small.

These behavioural observations were analysed across the three categories of day (usual warm, unusual hot and extreme heat) and three time periods (mid-day, afternoon and evening).

Other fieldwork observations, including behavioural mapping, descriptive notes, and photography are used to enrich the analysis in the text. Observations and data recorded when raining are excluded.

Thermal conditions of ‘usual warm’ day Meteorological parameters affecting thermal comfort (air temperature, humidity, wind speed and solar radiation) were found to vary on ‘usual warm’ days. Air temperatures (in the shade) ranged from 22.3oC-28.0oC (mid-day), 21.9oC-30.9oC (afternoon) and 21.0oC-28.5oC (evening). Humidity (in the shade) ranged from low to 60 percent (mid-day), low to 71 percent (afternoon) and 41-60 percent (evenings). Wind conditions varied from still to strong (0-22km/hr). Solar radiation, assessed according to cloud cover, varied from clear skies to full cloud cover.

Adjacent buildings cast shade over the eastern aisle during the mid-day period, the eastern seating during the early mid-day period (until around 10am), and the western side during the afternoon and evening periods. Throughout the middle of the day, the central aisle and inner parts of seating platforms were exposed to full sun, while the outer parts of platforms lay in dappled tree or full building shade. Towards the end of the fieldwork program, tree shade reduced due to the poor health of the trees (Section 8.4).

Recurrent behaviour patterns for ‘usual warm’ days Recurrent behaviour patterns in Freedom Plaza on ‘usual warm’ days were mainly tied to the business hours of shops and services in the town centre. The average number of people observed in the plaza and mean temperatures are shown in Table 7.11.

Table 7.11 Mean temperatures and average number of people in Freedom Plaza - ‘usual warm’ days. Average number of people in Freedom Plaza on 'usual warm' day Staying Period of day Mean temp (0C) In-transit In sun In shade Total Mid-day 25.3 medium 6 32 38 Afternoon 26.1 medium 0 11 11 Evening 24.9 low 0 4 4

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Morning (7.30am-9am) The ‘morning’ period was generally quiet. Goods were delivered to shops from loading vans. Shops opened around 9am and goods were setup. Occasional commuters walked through the plaza. Very few people stayed.

Mid-day (9am-1pm) In the mid-day period, the mean temperature was 25.30C. Transit activity started ‘high’ but eased to ‘medium’ around 10.30am. Transit activity involved shoppers, business people and day trippers walking up, down and across the plaza in all directions. Police officers regularly passed through on foot or bicycles, and greeted shop-keepers. Mail was delivered. Butchery deliveries provided the spectacle of animal carcases walked through the plaza.

Around 9am, many older people gathered, sitting on and standing around the seating platforms,

0 mostly on the shaded eastern side (Tair 22.3 C). Children played on the statues and chased pigeons. By around 10.30am, the groups of older people had largely dispersed. I described typical early mid-day periods as ‘bustling, noisy, fun and very social’ (Figure 7.31).

Figure 7.31 Typical ‘staying’ activity on and around seating platforms on in the early mid- day period in Freedom Plaza. Photos: McKenzie 2006.

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The fewer people tended to sit in small groups or alone, some with children, mostly in dappled

0 0 tree shade (Tair 24.5 C) and a few in the sun (Tair 26.4 C). They ate, drank and used phones to a backdrop of music from the video shop and the aroma of hot sweets. Shop-keepers continued to receive goods and swept forecourts.

Afternoon (1pm-5pm) In the afternoon period, the mean temperature was 26.10C. A ‘medium’ level of transit activity was observed. The nature of activity was similar to the mid-day period.

A smaller number of people stayed, and in the shade. Around 3.30pm, small groups of high school students began arriving. The take-away food and sweet shops were the lures. Students lingered in the plaza, eating, drinking and socialising, sitting and standing around the seating platforms near the food shops, now in dappled shade.

Evening (5pm-8pm) In the evening period, the mean temperature was 24.90C and transit activity reduced to ‘low’. On average, just 4 people stayed in the plaza, sitting and standing alone or in groups.

The evening period was quiet. By 5.30pm, shops were either closed or packing up. Transit activity was sporadic and only occasional people stayed. Around shop closing time, the plaza was often littered with discarded food and drink containers. My notes described this period like ‘after the party, when everyone had gone home, the spoils remaining’. From 6pm-8pm, occasional loading vans were observed.

Discussion The results underscore the importance of contextual analysis to identifying place-specific factors that generate activity in public space, and afford insights into thermal and social comfort.

Place-specific activity generators

Similar to Cabravale Park, findings for Freedom Plaza emphasised that the unique characteristics of behaviour settings are inherent to behaviour patterns and place-specific analysis is essential to understanding behaviour.

In contrast to the park, daily activity in the plaza was mostly predictable and synchronised with commercial services and trading hours. After business hours, the plaza was mostly empty of people, reinforcing that shops and services generated activity. Results illustrate habitual patterns of use that are ritualised, readily recognised and relatively fixed. This is consistent with the assertion by de Montigny et al. (2012, p.831) that certain cultural norms are:

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manifested in habitual urban public behaviors … Shop opening hours, market days, regulated deliveries, and other formal interventions may form part of these ritualized aspects of urban life. Whether transit activity patterns might alter if climatic conditions alter is relatively unlikely, given the purposeful behaviour associated with the plaza, and the shade presently provided by awnings.

Thermal and social comfort

Thermal preferences were not apparent for those in transit. In contrast, when sun and shade options were available, people staying demonstrated a strong preference for shade throughout ’usual warm’ days.

In the early mid-day, older people clustered in the shade. For the older men who faced the central aisle and ‘people-watched’, looking away from the direction of the sun and avoiding glare may also have influenced their choice of seats. In addition, the social exchanges between the groups of men and women using the eastern seating platforms suggest that the proximity of the platforms was important and may have influenced their selection. This reflects Whyte’s (1980) assertion that social comfort overrides the importance of microclimate.

Interestingly, the outward orientation of older men, often towards the plaza’s central aisle, is broadly expressive of another of Whyte’s (1980, p.18) observations that men in city plazas ‘show a tendency to take the front-row seats’. In contrast, women ‘tend to favour places slightly secluded’ (p.18). While not necessarily ‘secluded’, women often congregated in huddled groups, orientated inwards and communicating face-to-face (Figure 7.31).

During the afternoon, shade remained the thermal preference for people staying. Additionally, the dispersed locations of people staying in shade indicated that ‘proxemics’ (Section 4.2) - ‘informal’ and ‘personal’ distance settings (Hall 2003) - may also have played a role in seat selections.

Behavioural shifts in response to heat Transit activities As shown in Table 7.12, the level of transit activity was maintained at ‘usual warm’ levels on ‘unusual hot’, but lower activity in the afternoon was observed on ‘extreme heat’ days.

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Table 7.12 Transit activity in Freedom Plaza - ‘usual warm’ and hot days. Average level of transit activity in Freedom Plaza Category of day Period of day Mid-day Afternoon Evening 'Usual warm' medium medium low 'Unusual hot' high/medium medium low 'Extreme heat' medium low low

Discussion

The level of transit activity was not substantially affected by hot weather conditions. This suggests that transit activity was mostly ‘necessary’. The largely shaded route throughout the town centre likely supported hot weather transit.

Observed behavioural adaptations for heat included people wearing sunhats. While activity was concentrated under shaded shop awnings for all weather conditions, this is likely related to accessing commercial facilities, and possibly direct routes to destinations, rather than thermal comfort. The distance across the central aisle is short, meaning those traversing were briefly exposed to full sun. I observed people walking at a pace and strolling (light- to moderate- intensity activity) through the plaza.

People were also observed entering the plaza from connecting streets and adjacent air- conditioned and non-airconditioned buildings. A limitation of this study is the lack of data for the likely temperature people using the plaza will have been encountering in other streets or buildings, and their exposure time, prior to arriving in the plaza. As explained in Section 7.6, the recent thermal exposure of subjects – that is, the thermal environment in which they had spent the preceding 30-minutes prior to entering the plaza - is important to note. This is due to the human body requiring time to adapt to thermal change (Johansson et al. 2014) and the opportunities to adjust to heat stress.

Staying activities The level of staying activity is shown in Table 7.13.

Table 7.13 Average number of people staying in Freedom Plaza - ‘usual warm, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days’. Average number of people staying in Freedom Plaza Mid-day Afternoon Evening Category of day In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total In sun In shade Total 'Usual warm' 6 32 38 0 11 11 0 4 4 'Unusual hot' 10 20 30 2 14 16 0 4 4 'Extreme heat' 0 2 2 0 1 1 0 9 9

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This is represented graphically in Figure 7.32 below:

Freedom Plaza: Average number of people staying 40

15 Average number Average 10

0 Mid-day Afternoon Evening Time of day

Usual warm Unusual hot Extreme heat

Figure 7.32 Freedom Plaza – Average number of people staying during differing heat conditions. For the mid-day period, the mean temperatures on ‘unusual hot’ days were 26.10C (shade) and 30.50C (sun). For ‘extreme heat’ days, mean temperatures were 29.90C (shade) and 34.90C (sun). On average the number of people staying in the plaza on ‘unusual hot’ reduced from the level of ‘usual warm’ days, although more stayed in the sun. On ‘extreme heat’ days, however, the average number markedly reduced from ‘usual warm’ and ‘unusual hot’ days. Just two people stayed in the plaza.

In the afternoon, the mean temperatures on ‘unusual hot’ days were 27.10C (shade) and 30.30C (sun). For ‘extreme heat’ days, mean temperatures were 34.60C (shade) and 36.80C (sun). On average, the number of people staying in the plaza on ‘unusual hot’ increased and more stayed in the sun. On ‘extreme heat’ days, however, the average number substantially reduced from ‘usual warm’ and ‘unusual hot’ days.

In the evening, the mean temperature on ‘unusual hot’ days was 29.50C (shade). For ‘extreme heat’ days, mean temperature was 34.20C (shade). Activity remained at similar levels across all heat conditions (if one observation during a special event on an ‘extreme heat’ day is not counted).

Discussion

Preference for shade for staying activities was demonstrated during all heat conditions. Nevertheless, a larger number chose to sit in the sun on ‘unusual hot’ days in mean

258 temperatures of up to 30.50C. On ‘extreme heat’ days, few people stayed and only in the shade

0 (mean Tair 35.3 C). On these days, winds were light to strong and northerly; evaporative cooling and comfort were likely moderated by their warmth and drying effects. Low numbers suggest that thermal conditions were largely ‘uncomfortable’ for staying.

This finding reinforces that reducing urban heat and providing naturally ventilated and shaded spaces are essential to supporting outdoor staying activities in public spaces. In built environments with scant greening, interactive technological adaptations, such as water misters may reduce temperatures and increase comfort (Nikolopoulou 2011), while decreasing people’s heat stress.

The closing of shops at around 5pm had a major impact on the numbers staying in the plaza. More generally, the fact of the stores closing and the people dispersing, does suggest that a more mixed-use activity pattern might well alter the behavioural patterns evident there. This might include more evening and night-time activities, and residential opportunity, to enliven the plaza. As previously suggested in relation to the park, on the evenings of hot days, when the outdoors may be more thermally comfort than indoors, ‘cool rest spots’ supported by night- time activities provide important opportunities for people to relieve their heat load.

An ‘irregular’ evening occurrence on an ‘extreme heat’ day demonstrates this point. Breaking the desolation of usual evenings, I observed how young people rap-dancing to music drew an audience of children and adults at 7pm (Figure 7.33).

Figure 7.33 Rap-dancing and audience - 7pm on an ‘extreme heat’ day. Photos: McKenzie 2009. This concludes the first half of the chapter focused on general behaviour patterns in the case study sites. I now present results of my heuristic inquiry related to fieldwork heat stress,

259 followed by my focus group which examined older people’s responses to heat in Cabramatta and Western Sydney.

7.6 Heat stress and thermal comfort of the researcher

In the field, I recorded my personal responses to hot weather and extreme heat. Given that the research did not involve interviews of park users, this subjective experience provides at least one, knowledgeable, evaluation of thermal comfort and behaviour in real conditions. This was an important part of monitoring for heat stress symptoms, and here, documenting the extent to which hot conditions limit fieldwork. I was also interested in applying the psychometric tool for thermal sensation (Figure 4.5). The tool involves a seven-point scale: from ‘thermal preference’ through to ‘acceptable’, ‘uncomfortable’, ‘moderately stressful’, ‘stressful’ and ‘hazardous’. Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a, p.722) note, however, that the tool is largely untested ‘under core extreme outdoor climatic environments’.

Results are presented for two scenarios in Cabravale Park during the 2009 and 2010 heatwaves.

The first scenario involves an unusual hot day with relatively high wind speeds. The second involves an extremely hot day with relatively low wind speeds. Scenario 2 comprised the highest temperatures and the longest, consecutive periods of extreme heat to which I was exposed during this study.

My personal heat-sensitivity characteristics, past experience of hot weather, heat-protective measures, recent thermal history, and my proximity to meteorological measuring equipment all contribute to these results.

Personal characteristics Heat-sensitivity and past experience My personal characteristics relevant to heat-sensitivity are that I am a female of healthy body- mass index. My attitude towards the sun largely aligns with the Australian cultural norms discussed in Section 3.3 - that is, the sun is a symbol of the great Australian outdoors, yet poses a challenge to our health. My past experience of heat is shaped by an Australian childhood of long summer holidays spent at the beach, sunburnt and blistered. I am fully acclimatised to regional climatic conditions.

Heat-protective measures I am aware of heat stress symptoms and appropriate heat- and ultraviolet radiation-protection measures for outdoor activity. During fieldwork, I wore loose, heat-protective clothing and ensured I was well-hydrated before and during fieldwork. To minimise heat load, I conducted 260 most activities in the shade, and by sitting and walking slowly. I monitored myself for heat stress symptoms.

Recent thermal history and proximity to equipment My recent thermal history (30-minutes) prior to fieldwork was an air-conditioned car or office. This is important to note ‘as it takes time for the human body to adapt’ to a thermal change (Johnasson et al. 2014, p.358). Consistent with fieldwork methods adopted by Spagnolo and de Dear (2003a), I was located within a three metre radius of meteorological measuring equipment when assessing my thermal comfort.

Scenario 1 - Heatwave 2009 The case study area experienced heatwave conditions from 20-24 January 2009 (Table 7.14). Daily maximum temperatures were 2.60C-10.50C above the monthly mean; except for 20 January, daily minimum temperatures were 3.40C-5.30C above the monthly mean according to the closest ABOM weather station.

On 22 and 23 January 2009, I conducted multiple, non-consecutive fieldwork sessions. These two ‘unusual hot’ days followed two days of ‘extreme heat’. This means my fieldwork was conducted on days when accumulated heat load from preceding hot days may have contributed to heat stress (Section 2.5).

On 22 January, conditions were mostly overcast. Air temperatures (in shade), ranged from 27.40C-35.60C. Humidity (in shade) ranged from 40-53 percent. Winds were north-easterly, hot, and ranged from still to strong.

On 23 January, skies were mainly clear. Air temperatures were lower, ranging from 25.20C- 33.10C (in shade) and 27.00C- 37.90C (in sun). Humidity was higher, ranging from 28-68 percent (in shade) and 38-66 percent (in sun). Winds were south-easterly, cool, and still to breezy. The meteorological measurements are shown in Table 7.14.

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Table 7.14 Thermal context and fieldwork meteorological measurements for Cabravale Park - 19-25 January 2009. Thermal context Fieldwork Meteorological measurements * Source: ABOM weather session station - Bankstown Airport

No.066137

C C

air

C C

in sun in shade

km/hr

air air

Date daily T Maximum *Source: ABOM T Monthly mean *Source: ABOM context Thermal 24hr Time mins Length T in RH sun %: < low 5% T %: < low in RH shade 5% AT v Wind direction Wind strength Cloud cover Rain 19/1/09 29.6 30.7 Warm 20/1/09 35.8 30.7 Extr. 21/1/09 37.1 30.7 Extr. 22/1/09 33.3 30.7 Hot 8.00 10 n/a n/a 27.4 53 30 0 Still Full Dry 22/1/09 Hot 12.00 30 n/a n/a 31.0 44 34 5-22.4 NE Strong Full Dry 22/1/09 Hot 15.05 30 n/a n/a 35.6 40 40 5-19.2 NE Strong Full Dry 22/1/09 Hot 18.35 30 31.9 50 31.6 50 36 10-25.8 NE Strong Part Dry 23/1/09 33.9 30.7 Hot 8.00 10 27.0 66 25.2 68 28 0 Still Clear Dry 23/1/09 Hot 11.15 30 37.9 38 33.1 28 34 0-3.2 SE Light Clear Dry 23/1/09 Hot 17.45 30 34.6 43 32.3 41 34 3.6-10.7 SE Breezy Part Dry 24/1/09 41.2 30.7 Extr. 25/1/09 26.2 30.7 Warm

Key: Tair Air temperature RH Relative humidity AT Apparent temperature - after Steadman 1994. Source: ABOM 2010 v Wind speed Warm Usual warm day: air temperature ≤ monthly mean Hot Unusual hot day: air temperature > monthly mean and ≤ 350C Extr. Extreme heat day: air temperature > 350C n/a Not applicable - full cloud cover/ overcast conditions Discussion Thermal context and heat stress

As noted, the thermal context of this fieldwork was one of potential accumulated heat stress due to preceding hot weather.

I note that the monthly minimum (night-time) mean temperature recorded at the ABOM weather station closest to my residence (Observatory Hill) was higher than for my case study area over this period. The night-time temperatures where I lived were up to 5.10C higher than the monthly mean and up to 7.10C higher than that of my case study area. These differences may have exacerbated my fieldwork heat stress.

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Individual meteorological parameters - strong, hot, drying wind

My experience during fieldwork supports the assertion by Andrade et al. (2011, p.675) that ‘human beings cannot feel thermal parameters, such as air temperature, individually’. My experience and thermal comfort were strongly influenced by a combination of air temperature, humidity, and wind speed and direction.

The accumulative effects of strong, hot, drying wind accounted for periods of thermal comfort stress in the field. On 22 January, I ranked my thermal comfort, using the psychometric tool, for each 30-minute session as ‘uncomfortable’ (12.00), ‘stressful’ (15.05) and ‘acceptable’ (18.35). At 12.00, I noted conditions were hot and dry, and strong wind prevented my using a sun umbrella. At 15.35, I felt tired and hot. My cheeks were vasodilated to reduce heat load. My eyes, nose and throat were uncomfortably dry and irritated due to the strengthening hot wind. At 18.35, the weather was more comfortable as the temperature and wind speed had fallen.

Apparent Temperatures (Section 4.5) for 15.05 and 18.35 were markedly higher than air temperatures, suggesting humidity added to my discomfort. At 15.05 the AT was 400C , while the air temperature was 35.60C.

In comparison, on the following day, I ranked my thermal comfort for each 30-minute session as ‘acceptable’ (11.15) and ‘comfortable’ (17.45). The south-easterly breeze provided a welcome, cooling effect.

Solar radiation

On 22 January, solar radiation caused discomfort until early evening. At 18.15, I found sitting in the sun uncomfortable, even for a brief time due to a perceptible burning sensation on my skin. This may be attributable to the daily global solar exposure of 29.3 MJ/m2, which was above the monthly mean (26.4 MJ/m2) as measured by the ABOM.

Australian Bureau of Meteorology (ABOM) and site data

At times, microclimatic data obtained in the field varied considerably from ABOM weather station data. For example, on 22 January 2009, the maximum air temperature measured in Cabravale Park was 35.60C, higher than the daily maximum temperature measured by the ABOM (33.30C).

This highlights the importance of obtaining site-specific data to inform design approaches.

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Scenario 2 - Heatwave 2010 A year later, the case study area experienced further heatwave conditions from 20-23 January 2010 (Table 7.15). Daily maximum temperatures were 4.10C-13.20C above the monthly mean; daily minimum temperatures were 0.90C and 2.30C above the monthly mean on 22 and 23 January respectively, and below the monthly mean on 20 and 21 January.

On 21 and 22 January 2010, I conducted multiple fieldwork sessions, including periods of sequential sessions. On 21 January, I spent one consecutive hour and on 2 January 1.5 consecutive hours outdoors under ‘extreme heat’ conditions - my longest exposure to extreme heat in this study. As these two ‘extreme heat’ days followed an ‘unusual hot’ day, the accumulated heat load may have contributed to heat stress.

On 21 January, skies were mostly clear. Air temperatures ranged from 24.30C-36.90C (shade) and 260C-43.50C (sun). Humidity ranged from less than 5 to 10 percent (shade) and less than 5 percent (sun). Winds were northerly, hot, and light.

On 22 January, skies were clear up until 16.00, and then became overcast. Air temperatures were higher, ranging from 30.00C-42.00C (shade) and 320C-45.90C (sun). Humidity was lower at less than 5 percent (shade and sun). Winds were north-easterly and north-westerly, hot, and still to breezy. Meteorological measurements are shown in Table 7.15.

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Table 7.15 Thermal context and fieldwork meteorological measurements for Cabravale Park - 19-22 January 2010. Thermal context Fieldwork Meteorological measurements * Source: ABOM weather session station - Bankstown Airport

No.066137

C C

air

C C

in sun in shade

km/hr

air air

Date daily T Maximum *Source: ABOM T Monthly mean *Source: ABOM context Thermal 24hr Time mins Length T in RH sun %: < low 5% T %: < low in RH shade 5% AT v Wind direction Wind strength Cloud cover Rain 19/1/10 26.8 29.6 Warm 8.45 30 22.8 low 19.6 low 16 0-3.5 S Light Clear Dry 20/1/10 33.7 29.6 Hot 10.10 10 38.0 low 35.8 low 32 0-5.3 N Light Clear Dry 21/1/10 35.8 29.6 Extr. 9.30 10 26.0 low 24.3 10 21 0-3.7 N Light Clear Dry 21/1/10 Extr. 14.10 30 40.3 low 36.9 low 33 1-5.2 N Light Clear Dry 21/1/10 Extr. 14.40 30 43.5 low 36.9 low 33 0-2.7 N Light Clear Dry 22/1/10 41.2 29.6 Extr. 10.40 10 32.0 low 30.0 low 26 0-4.6 NE Light Clear Dry 22/1/10 Extr. 15.40 30 45.0 low 41.9 low 38 4-5.2 NE Light Clear Dry 22/1/10 Extr. 16.05 30 45.9 low 42.0 low 38 3-10.7 NW Breezy Clear Dry 22/1/10 Extr. 16.40 30 n/a n/a 40.3 low 36 2-5.1 NE Light Full Dry 22/1/10 Extr. 18.45 10 n/a n/a 36.0 low 32 4-9.4 NW Breezy Full Dry

Key: Tair Air temperature RH Relative humidity AT Apparent temperature - after Steadman 1994. Source: ABOM 2010 v Wind speed Warm Usual warm day: air temperature ≤ monthly mean Hot Unusual hot day: air temperature > monthly mean and ≤ 350C Extr. Extreme heat day: Air temperature > 350C n/a Not applicable - full cloud cover/ overcast conditions

Discussion Heat stress and heat-health lag effects

Heat stress from accumulated heat load and lag effects, and the effects on people’s ability to carry out everyday activities, are largely unreported. Available data focus on hospital admission rates for heat-morbidity and mortality (Nairn and Fawcett 2013).

My experience indicates that accumulated heat can have negative physical and psychological impacts. After the first day of fieldwork, I confronted the second day with dread. I wanted a reprieve from heat. The elevated minimum temperatures of my place of residence may have contributed to my heat load: minimum temperatures were 1.90C-4.30C above the monthly mean and 3.30C-5.70C higher than my case study.

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Comfort transition times

Results provided insights into comfort transition times in hot conditions. On 21 January at 14.10, I left an air-conditioned car, walked slowly for three minutes through sun and shade and sat on a shaded, wind ventilated seat in the park. On arrival, my thermal comfort ranked ‘comfortable’, the temperature felt hot and the breeze was warm, yet pleasing. Five minutes after arrival it ranked ‘acceptable’, but after a further ten minutes, my ranking was ‘moderately stressful’. Apparent temperature (330C) was significantly lower than air temperature (40.30C), suggesting low humidity and breezy conditions may have moderated my discomfort.

Höppe (2002) contends that a person leaving a room in thermal comfort and walking slowly into hot conditions may obtain a steady-state in less than 30-minutes. A simulation for 300C air temperature for a model subject walking at 4km/hr leaving a shady street canyon into a sunny segment, indicated the transition to a steady-state took close to three minutes (Höppe 2002).

My results cannot be compared to this simulation because of differences in thermal conditions, subjects and activity intensity. Broadly, my experience suggests I reached a transient state of ‘acceptable’ comfort after a five minute exposure to extreme heat conditions. Fifteen minutes of exposure, however, led to discomfort.

Heat exposure limitation in the field

On 21 January, at 14.40, I had spent 30-minutes in extreme heat conditions albeit mostly in the shade and sedentary. I ranked my comfort as ‘stressful’. After another 20 minutes (15.00), I had a headache and slight nausea, with dry eyes and mouth. At 15.10, I terminated fieldwork due to heat stress symptoms. I felt exhausted for the rest of the day.

On arrival at the park the following day, I experienced near immediate discomfort, in contrast to the five minute ‘transition’ period on the previous day. I found the breeze hot and unwelcome. My cheeks immediately vasodilated. I account for this immediate discomfort by the very high temperature (41.90C in the shade) and accumulated heat stress.

At 16.10, after 30-minutes exposure that temperature rose to 420C (shade) and 45.90C (sun). The AT was 380C. Despite the low humidity, my shirt was soaked with sweat. On standing, I noted I was a little hazy, but rated my heat stress level as acceptable when seated in the shade. I was keen to monitor the unexpected number of people ‘transiting’ at high temperature. At 16.20, dark clouds appeared, light levels fell and the temperature dropped. At 17.10, when the temperature was 39.30C, I terminated the session. I felt exhausted for the rest of the day and throughout the following ‘usual warm’ day, indicative of heat lag effects. 266

As a general guideline, my experience supports 30-minutes maximum as an acceptable exposure time during extreme heat, as adopted in studies reported by Givoni et al. (2003).

Clearly, these heuristic experiences are telling and relevant; and a considerably useful research tool. It is feasible to imagine that the average person would have similar experiences, and some even more extreme reactions. Nonetheless, the ability of individuals to adapt to heat is wide- ranging and influenced by multiple factors, such as age, acclimatisation, and cultural expectations and experience (see Sections 2.4 and 4.8).

7.7 Older people and heat: the focus group interviews

This section presents findings for older people obtained from the focus group comprising members of the Fairfield Seniors’ Network. Older people are a significant heat-vulnerable group (Section 2.4). Ageing populations and co-morbidities for chronic disease in older age exacerbate heat-vulnerability. My subsidiary questions centre on the impacts of heat on older people.

My focus group was structured around a series of guiding questions which focused on: • the participants’ everyday use of parks; • the participants’ everyday use of the case study park and Cabramatta; • barriers to the use of parks; and • changes in the participants’ everyday activities in response to hot weather. I used open-ended questions (Appendix C) to trigger discussion and allow participants to answer from a variety of perspectives. As outlined in Section 5.10, I transcribed the focus group and looked for themes in the data. I grouped and summarised the responses according to the foci of my guiding questions and themes relevant to my research questions.

Results are presented according to the themes that emerged from the discussion. It is important to note that these themes were not pre-determined. Notwithstanding, many reference those described in the literature review, including everyday use of public space and age-friendly city approaches, adaptive behaviours and cultural norms, and social cohesion and networks. Results also highlight finely-detailed heat-related issues for older people.

The participants The focus group comprised seven participants: six females and one male. Three were aged over 65-years, consistent with the definition of ‘older person’ adopted in this study (Section 2.4). Two were employed in organisations that provide services for older people; five were volunteers in culturally-based seniors groups. All but one participant are from non-English speaking countries. All had resided in Western Sydney for at least seven years and were thus presumably reasonably 267 acclimatised to regional conditions. Details of participants are in Table 7.16. Pseudonyms are used to ensure the privacy of participants.

Table 7.16 Details of focus group participants. Pseudo- Age Gender Seniors group Cultural Current place of Years as nym (years) background residence resident Western Fairfield Sydney City Seniors group in Daniel 60 - 64 Male Fairfield LGA Iraqi √ 7 Seniors group in Anglo- Donna 50 - 54 Female Fairfield LGA Australian √ 13 Seniors group in Gloria 60 - 64 Female Fairfield LGA Filipino √ 12 Seniors health group Ivanna 70 - 74 Female in Fairfield LGA Uruguayan √ 11 Seniors health group Nelia 70 - 74 Female in Fairfield LGA Argentinian √ > 10 Fairfield City Council liaison for the Sophia 50 - 54 Female Seniors’ Network Chilean √ √ > 10 Seniors group in Chinese- Val 70 - 74 Female Fairfield LGA Russian √ √ 8

Thermal context The focus group was conducted in early summer (13 December 2010) in a venue at Fairfield City Council. Conducting the group during summer was important to ensure that ‘hot weather was salient to respondents at the time’ (Akompab et al. 2013, p.4). The thermal context was a ‘usual warm’ day. However, maximum and minimum daily temperatures for the preceding four days were ‘unusual hot’ - meaning heat-health lag effects may have influenced participant’s comments on current weather and heat impacts. Nevertheless, no participant referenced the impacts of recent hot weather.

Everyday activity and use of parks All participants said they undertook daily exercise and most used local streets and parks. Their responses (Table 7.17) provide a baseline for discussion of changes in activity during hot weather.

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Table 7.17 Regular activity of participants in public spaces. Pseudonym Regular activity in public spaces Incentives Daniel exercised six days per week in the gym of a maintain health local recreational club and never used parks Donna walked local streets during her work care for grandchild lunchbreak and occasionally did a two hour maintain health parkland route close to her home Gloria walked 35 minutes most mornings to her local attend social gatherings railway station, often to attend a social group Ivanna walked regularly in local parks with a Spanish- attend social gatherings speaking health group, and walked her dog walk dog daily in the morning and afternoon around her manage a heart condition local neighbourhood, including parks enjoy local gardens/seasonal change Nelia walked regularly in local parks with a Spanish- attend social gatherings speaking health group Sophia walked her dog daily in the morning in a local walk dog park Val walked twice weekly in the late morning to attend social gatherings attend a social group

Discussion Walking through connected local public space networks - streets and parks - was the most common form of daily physical activity, consistent with the literature (O’Brien and Phibbs 2011; WHO 2015b). Ivanna, Nelia and Donna indicated that changing circumstances in the later stages of life underpinned their regular walking routines and use of parks in local neighbourhoods. Routines were linked to having more time and caring for grandchildren.

Social interaction was highlighted as the greatest incentive for walking in their local areas, followed by dog-walking and health benefits. While walking was either for recreation or commuting, both forms involved ‘social activity’, often associated with the participants’ cultural backgrounds. As explained by Ivanna, dog walking in her local area prompted enjoyable incidental exchanges with her neighbours.

Comments also correlated with my fieldwork observations for the park and plaza. Daily routines indicated that mornings were the preferred period of day for seniors to be active outdoors. Val’s transit across Cabravale Park to gatherings at the community centre mirrors my analysis that adjacent land uses generated activity in the park.

In addition, comments reference the psychological health benefits from nature in urban settings (Section 3.5) and soft fascinations that capture people’s attention in restorative and ‘effortless’ ways (Kaplan 1995, p.174). Results also reinforce that local green spaces are essential elements of age-friendly neighbourhoods (WHO 2007).

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Behavioural shifts in response to hot weather and heat protection The diversity and detail of responses to hot weather indicated the individual nature of heat- health impacts on older people, consistent with the literature (Hansen et al. 2011; Loughnan et al. 2014; McInnes et al. 2008). Indeed, Banwell et al. (2012, n.p.) found that the ‘embodied experiences of heat’ among elderly residents of Western Sydney were: variable, inconsistent, and individualistic even among couples living in the same dwelling, demonstrating how difficult it is to orchestrate a consistent population level response to climate change with the support of individuals. Physiological responses and reactive adaptations to heat were also canvassed.

Physiological impacts All female participants agreed that heat drained their energy levels and decreased their overall ability to go about daily activities. Ivanna highlighted that the frail elderly, and especially those living alone, can be incapacitated by heat: When it’s very, very hot for some people it’s very dangerous. They feel exhausted, they sleep and sleep and sleep. Donna viewed walking in hot weather as a ‘challenge’ with physiological consequences: Some days the heat is too much … I’ll go [for a walk] but I’ll pay for it, probably end up with a headache, more lethargic … I don’t try to give in to it. I battle through it. …. I never used to but the older I get the heat really affects me. I’m swelling now and I’m in air- conditioning … by the end of the day my feet will be swollen. All female participants agreed that hot weather in combination with menopause symptoms is debilitating. Donna was rendered unable to work on hot days due to menopause and constantly feeling over-heated.

Discussion

The physiological impacts of heat described by the participants are consistent with heat stress symptoms (Hanna et al. 2011). Incapacity and reduced mobility are reinforced as major risk factors for the elderly (McInnes et al. 2008). Importantly, the incidents described by Ivanna and Donna are indicative of heat-morbidity impacts which are often ‘unreported’, yet impact significantly on people’s health (Nairn and Fawcett 2013).

The exacerbation of menopause symptoms by heat and resulting impacts on daily activities are not raised in the literature. While most women reach menopause between the ages of 45 and 55, menopause may involve ‘a much longer time period (the climacteric) of up to 10-years’ (Dennerstein 1996, p.147). This means that women in their mid-40s through to their mid-60s may experience increased discomfort and incapacity during hot weather.

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This is an important finding emerging from this study, illustrative of unreported heat impacts which may impact significantly on people’s health (Nairn and Fawcett 2013).

Reactive adaptations Daniel indicated that he did not alter his behaviour during hot weather as he spent most of his time in air-conditioned environments - his house and car, shopping centres and gym.

All other participants adjusted the metabolic heat production of their activities according to changing thermal conditions across the day. Light-intensity activities, such as cooking and shopping, were conducted in the cooler morning. Sedentary activities such as sitting, drawing, eating and sleeping, were carried out during the hotter part of the day and were mostly home- based. The cooler evenings were spent sitting, cooking, eating and walking (sedentary to light- intensity activities). For example, Ivanna, who routinely walked twice daily - in the morning and afternoon - reduced her activity and changed the timing of her afternoon walk to early evening.

Two participants indicated their independence was reduced during hot weather. Val depended on her son for shopping on hot days. Gloria explained that elderly members of her group were reliant on relatives for transport to clubs. This put pressure on families and increased the sense of burden felt by older people.

Participants sought cool air-conditioned environments as thermal respite, to carry out essential (necessary) activities and for socialising. Commonly, seniors accessed shopping malls and clubs as ‘cool places’. Except for Daniel, all participants emphasised that the costs of residential air- conditioning is a major concern for older people. Gloria and Ivanna described the attraction of recreation clubs during hot weather: Gloria: The RSL [Returned Services League Club] is air-conditioned and then for seniors you can eat for $7.00 - sometimes $5.00 - a lot. All you like. Then the poker machines. There’s entertainment, it’s cold, the food is cheap … Ivanna: They [clubs] are very nice, the food is good, the place is fresh, clean, but you spend money, extra money if you go very often, because you enjoy the food, the air- con, all the facilities but you feel the temptation to go to the poker machine and sometimes the experience is more expensive than you enjoy. Discussion

The reactive adaptations undertaken by participants illustrate heat-protective and heat- adaptive measures consistent with the literature. These included adjusting activity intensity over the course of a hot day and seeking ‘cool’ spots to minimise thermal stress (Hajat et al. 2010; Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003).

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Consistent with the literature, residential air-conditioning costs were shown to significantly influence hot weather adaptive behaviours (McInnes et al. 2008). Shopping malls and recreation clubs satisfied cost-saving initiatives which factored-in access to non-residential air-conditioned environments and budget meals. However, clubs also exposed older people, many pensioners, to gambling environments. Ivanna’s concern about exposure to poker machines is consistent with gambling being ‘a problem for people seeking a cooler environment in the many sporting and service clubs’ in Sydney (Hansen et al. 2013a, p.2).

In relation to air-conditioning, the cost concerns of older people supports Farbotko and Waitt’s (2011, p.S13) assertion that residential air-conditioning ‘is not a desirable solution to the increasing risk of heat stress’. Results emphasise the need for an improved focus on ‘public cool spaces’ involving ‘a range of low-energy, low-cost and community-based strategies for keeping cool’ (p.S13). Certainly, thermally-consciously-designed parks are important inputs in any healthy city scenario.

Social activities The participants engaged in cultural group activities indicated that heat did not impact on their attendance. Val indicated that members of her Chinese community group attended twice weekly meetings ‘no matter the weather’. Nelia and Ivanna noted that the number of people attending the monthly Spanish-speaking health meetings was increasing, despite the lack of ‘enough air-con’ in the venue during hot weather. Gloria indicated hot weather was incidental to her attending Filipino group activities:

Discussion

Hot weather meant participants spent more time at home, potentially exacerbating social isolation, a major heat-risk factor (McInnes et al. 2008; Yardley et al. 2011). Moreover, if the homes are poorly thermally designed and/or reliant on reluctantly used expensive air conditioning, people will be further disadvantaged. Heat also impacted negatively on older people’s independence and increased their feelings of being a burden to others.

Nevertheless, the importance of culturally based social networks to seniors was clearly evident. On one level, this accords with social activities being heat-protective, addressing social isolation risks.

It reflects, to a degree, the heat-protective function of informal social networks of Latinos during major heatwaves in the USA. These networks accounted for significantly lower mortality rates

272 amongst Latinos during the heatwaves in Chicago in 1995 (Klinenberg 1999; Whitman 1997) and California over 1999-2003 (Basu and Ostro 2008) (Sections 2.4 and 2.5).

On another level, social activities may increase heat risk due to greater heat exposure. Val and Gloria largely walked unshaded routes in hot weather to their gatherings. Many attendees of the Spanish speaking health group caught public transport and then walked to the community centre, a destination with inadequate cooling. Some travelled over 30-kilometres, a journey of one and a half hours. The lure of the RSL club may underpin my observations of people walking to the club in air temperatures up to 45.90C (sun).

These results reinforce the argument by Norton et al. (2015) that urban heat reduction strategies need to prioritise public areas used by large numbers of people (e.g. public transport interchanges and major pedestrian thoroughfares). For seniors, my results suggest that community buildings and community transport services are also priorities.

The results also highlight the importance of partnerships at the community level to identifying ‘community level vulnerabilities’, as raised by Yardley et al. (2011, p.670). Partnerships are essential to ensuring social and community level factors are included in heat-health response strategies.

Heat-sensitive age-friendly public spaces Participants identified two heat related barriers to using parks: lack of shaded places to sit and rest, and the availability of water to cool down, freshen up and rehydrate.

Shade Shade types and preferences for social activities were raised. Gloria described a social outing in a park: … and we [were] all under one tree. It was very hot. And there’s not much to do … because you’re old, you just stop and you’re sick. Ivanna described the desirable shade type for her group’s activity: When the day is very hot we need a shade or pergola. We are looking for some shade, not to be under one tree. Due to cooling associated with greening, parks may offer older people relief from heat impacts. However, lack of appropriate shade hinders use. Seniors indicated a strong preference for built over natural shade. The implication is that trees provide only partial shade.

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Discussion

Given the social nature of the groups, it is likely that park pergolas (picnic shelters) are viewed as comfortable rest-places during hot weather that enable enjoyable social interactions. They generally have the capacity to accommodate large groups of people, with primary seating preferred by seniors. Picnic settings and pergola posts also provide hand-holds supporting standing and resting. Access is supported by level ground and connecting footpaths. Commonly, toilets are located near-by.

The results suggest accessible picnic shelters accommodating large groups provide appropriate shaded rest-areas for older people.

Water Participants emphasised the importance of water to seniors being active in outdoor public spaces during hot weather. Donna described how an interactive water feature helped her to care for her granddaughter: You only need to go to places like Darling Harbour [in Sydney CBD] with all their water features … I went there once with my granddaughter … she was so hot that her grandfather just took his shoes off and rolled his jeans up and just put her in the water. And to see that little girl come to life again. Sophia stressed the importance of water fountains in parks to older people who wished to refresh themselves and keep hydrated on hot days. She indicated that older people cannot easily carry sufficient water for these purposes.

Discussion

Comments showed how water features offer important cooling opportunities for two major heat-vulnerable groups: the very young and old. They also reinforced that one heat-vulnerable group may often be in the care of another - that is, grandparents looking after grandchildren.

The implication of Donna’s comment is that, when planning future activities with her grandchild and on forecasted hot days, outdoor places with interactive water features will be preferenced.

Importantly, the results raised the co-benefits of evaporative cooling from water features: reducing urban heat while enabling individuals to readily reduce personal heat stress.

Sophia’s comments indicate that the provision of water fountains in public spaces is important to ensuring older people are able to sustain hydration.

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General barriers to public space use and heat Participants also highlighted general barriers preventing older people from using public spaces related to toilets and fear of falling. These, together with lack of seating discussed earlier, are consistent with age-friendly city literature (Curl et al. 2015; Ward Thompson et al. 2014; WHO 2007). However, the participants did not make any association between these issues and heat. Nevertheless, I suggest that these barriers may be intensified by heat.

Access to toilets

The causal pathway approach (Section 2.3) highlights the importance of access to toilets during hot weather (Hansen et al. 2013a). Hot weather recommendations for older people include increasing fluid intake. In addition, a range of medications commonly taken by older people affect hydration status and electrolyte balance, including diuretics (Hajat et al. 2010), increasing the need to drink fluids. Combined with issues of reduced mobility and/or bladder control, the importance of ready access to toilets during hot weather is a probably a major concern for older people and is likely to influence decisions to use public space.

Heat and fear of falling

Attractive and easy to use footpaths that provide access to local public space are important factors ‘in remaining active into old age and influencing overall quality of life’ (Ward Thompson et al. 2014, p.6).

Fear of falling may be exacerbated by the effect of extreme heat on paving materials. Paving materials, such as hot mixture asphalts, may lift or rutt (Asi 2006), creating pavement trip- hazards. The reflectivity of materials may also contribute to discomfort glare and impair visibility (Section 3.5).

The roots of shade trees may also lift paving, causing hazards (Curl et al. 2015). When selecting tree species for location near paths, leaf litter, seeds and fruit should be assessed for potential trip hazards. The installation and maintenance of shade trees near paths needs to support healthy, vertical root growth, to ward against uplifted pavements and trip hazards.

Cultural norms and heat-adaptive behaviours This final part presents results related to cultural norms and transferred adaptive behaviours in response to heat. Results reaffirm the significance of context and education to heat-protective behaviours.

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Behaviours transferred to Western Sydney The participants highlighted heat related behaviours ‘transferred’ from their countries of origin to daily life in Western Sydney.

Adaptive behaviour - siestas Ivanna and Nelia, of South American backgrounds, continue to take a ‘siesta’ - a traditional rest period taken in the early afternoon in Spanish-speaking countries. They stressed that siestas enable older people to rest during the hottest part of the day and be active in the evening.

Donna’s experience of siestas in South America endorsed their health benefits: Two o’clock in the afternoon there’s a siesta and they all resume together in the night. The shops can be open until about ten. And I think they’ve got it right because in that extreme heat of the day you can rest and then come out again. Discussion

The transferred behaviour of taking a siesta during hot weather is a prime example of ‘reactive adaptation’. Kjellstrom et al. (2009, n.p.) affirm the effectiveness of siestas in reducing heat stress: Heat stress is likely to be common during hot seasons, but culturally accepted methods to reduce impacts on health and work capacity (such as ‘siesta’) are generally effective in avoiding serious health impacts. However, Shove (2003, p.399) states the ‘siesta is in decline’. People who work in air- conditioned environments ‘have no “need” to pause for a siesta during the heat of the day’ (p.399). In fact, ‘whole societies have come to take a year round pattern of a nine-to-five working day, and mechanical cooling, more or less for granted’. Siestas, for example, were banned in Mexican government offices in 1999.

My observations in Spain indicated that siestas were more often taken in rural areas than in major cities. This was corroborated by Dr Arróyabe Hernáez, University of Cantabria, Spain (personal communication, 5 July 2011). In an informal meeting, Dr. Hernáez explained that older people in Spanish cities often continue to take siestas due to their continuing ties to rural traditions. Younger people, however, are moving away from such traditions.

Nevertheless, taking siestas is central to the vibrancy of public spaces in the late evening. In addition, as explained by Dr Hernáez, Spaniards generally feel safe in public spaces, even late at night, partly due to the the near absence of ‘stranger-danger’ fear.

Donna raised an important contextual point that, in Latin America, business hours support outdoor evening activity. Adaptation to heat involves ‘cool’ evening economies that encourage

276 people to be active in the evening, for example, late-night shopping and evening recreation programs.

Like Donna, I note that in Spain and Latin America I easily and readily changed my daily activity and adopted siestas. This was partly due to services and facilities being closed in the early afternoon and partly due to the physiological health benefits afforded by being sedentary during the hottest part of the day.

Maladaptive behaviour Gloria highlighted maladaptive behaviours transferred from her country of origin: I like the sun. I come from the Philippines and it’s normal for us. We don’t carry an umbrella because we just run to the mall. Lots of tricycles, taxis and buses in every corner, so you don’t need to bring an umbrella … [here] everyday it’s a 35-minute walk for me [to the railway station] and it’s really all no trees. Just the footpath and the highway. It’s really hard on a hot day but I like it. Discussion

Gloria illustrated major contextual differences between the Philippines and Western Sydney in relation to active transport in hot conditions. In the Philippines, public transport options are readily available and exposure to heat while walking is relatively short. Comparatively, in Western Sydney, public transport options are poor and Gloria’s 30-minute exposure to heat, walking without a sun umbrella, is much longer. Her transferred behaviour potentially increases her heat risk.

Heat-health education Feedback emphasised that heat-health education for seniors in first languages is essential. Ivanna outlined that the Spanish-speaking health group provided education sessions on diabetes management during hot weather: Because most of us are over seventy or more and it’s easier for us to get this information in our own language. How to look after ourselves at that time, when it’s very hot and when it’s very cold too. Discussion

Ivanna’s comments are consistent with the literature that language barriers may compound heat risk, particularly for older migrants (Hansen et al. 2013a). Findings emphasise the need for adaptation plans, developed in the Australian context, that are ‘inclusive of residents whose first language is not English and/or whose cultural backgrounds differ from that of the Anglo majority’ (Hansen et al. 2013a, p.57). Information relating to impending unusual heat and heatwaves does need to be delivered in a multitude of languages in multi-cultural Australia.

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7.8 Conclusion

In this chapter I address aspects of both research questions through the presentation of results of my fieldwork program, heuristic inquiry and focus group. The fieldwork results were based on the collation and analysis of meteorological and behavioural data obtained from over 160 observation sessions conducted at the study sites. The analytical method of undertaking contextual analyses and comparing recurrent behaviour patterns on ‘usual warm’ days with patterns on ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ was effective in identifying behaviour shifts in response to heat. Observations from walkarounds, analysis of heuristic enquiry and feedback from the focus group with seniors, enriched the results.

In response to the first research question, the influence of heat on behaviour in public space, results from both study sites showed that heat had a profound influence on some, but not all behaviours. In Cabravale Park, increased heat had no impact on ‘necessary’ transit activities in the morning or evening, but activity shifted on ‘unusually hot’ days from the mid-day to afternoon period, suggesting some ‘optional’ activity. In ‘extreme heat’ conditions at these time periods, transit activity decreased substantially.

Increased heat had a more complex impact on staying activities. Group exercise activities continued in all heat conditions. In the mid-day and afternoon periods, as heat increased, reactive behavioural adaptations focussed on reducing metabolic intensity and preferencing shade. At ‘extreme heat’ conditions staying activity plummeted. In the evening, however, increased heat was associated with increases in staying activity. The diversity of microclimatic sub-spaces enabled the thermal preferences of a range of people to be met. The profound impact of ‘extreme heat’ on staying activities led to the identification of temperature transition thresholds at which staying activity markedly drops.

In Freedom Plaza, transit activities and routes were largely not affected by heat, consistent with the literature (Nikolpoulou and Steemers 2003; Thorsson et al. 2004). Staying activities only reduced at the ‘extreme heat’ level. The diversity of microclimatic sub-spaces enabled the thermal preferences of a range of people to be met. Like the park, greater preference for shade, particularly for sedentary activities, was associated with the hotter parts of the day for all heat conditions.

Results from heuristic inquiry demonstrate the negative physical and psychological impact of accumulated heat that I experienced while undertaking fieldwork observations session during heatwave conditions. The results are relevant for researchers undertaking fieldwork in extreme

278 heat conditions. Focus group feedback indicates that the ability of older people to conduct everyday activities was reduced during hot conditions, a heat-related morbidity factor that is largely under-reported (Nairn and Fawcett et al. 2013). Most, however, adopted adaptive measures to minimise their heat stress and live independently.

In response to the second research question, the design and planning interventions to support outdoor activity during hot weather, the results demonstrate that contextual analysis is critical. The context of the case study, a socioeconomically disadvantaged suburb in the hotter part of Sydney, is central to prioritising the provision of connected, cool, good quality public space networks. ‘Place-specific’ contextual analysis is also fundamental to understanding relations between behaviour and behaviour settings. My results indicate that activity within each case study was significantly influenced by their unique environmental contexts. Neighbourhood walkability was poorly supported during hot conditions due to the thermal characteristics of street canyons, ventilation and greening. My findings highlight that cross-sector partnerships focused on streets offer potential, important heat-adaptation benefits.

The results also established that improved environmental quality can rapidly promote healthy outdoor behaviours. The upgrade of Cabravale Park led to a dramatic increase in its use during all heat conditions. This suggests that the upgraded environment provides thermal diversity for staying activities. This helps to address the major heat-risk factor of social isolation (McInnes et al. 2008). The increased use of Cabravale Park may also be linked to community participation in the upgrade, which is often overlooked in heat-adaptation strategies (Yardley et al. 2011, p.670).

The fieldwork results presented in this chapter also imply that creating cool microclimates in public spaces is an important design and planning intervention for hot cities. In addition, the adaptive and mal-adaptive heat behaviours undertaken by older migrants in the focus group raise the need for heat to be integrated into healthy city, age friendly, strategies.

In the next chapter, I present results on the ‘non-steady’ outdoor thermal environment and the thermal transience of micro-urban environments. I then develop principles for heat-sensitive, health-supportive approaches to public space.

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8 Designing health-supportive public spaces in response to heat

8.1 Introduction

Results in the preceding chapter established that behaviour and thermal comfort are influenced by hot weather and heatwaves, addressing my first research question. They also highlighted design and planning priorities for creating heat-sensitive, healthy city spaces that support outdoor activity, responding to my second research question.

This chapter principally focuses on the thermal properties of, and heat exchanges between, physical elements within behaviour settings. It provides a deeper analysis of the impact of design and planning interventions on thermal comfort and everyday behaviour, making a significant contribution to my second research question. Principles for heat-sensitive, health-supportive public spaces are developed from the literature review and results.

This chapter begins with findings for the complexity of ‘non-steady’ outdoor thermal conditions in the case study and implications for design (Section 8.2). At Section 8.3, I present results related to heat transfers between materials and the atmosphere within micro-urban environments.

Section 8.4 focuses on urban heat islanding related to common land surface covers. Results showcase a cross-sector partnership for creating a cooling rain garden (water sensitive design feature). At Section 8.5, I present principles for designing heat-sensitive, health-supportive public spaces. Actions guided by the principles are assessed for the upgraded Cabravale Park. Comparative attention is given to public spaces in Spain, providing generic insights into heat- sensitive and health-supportive approaches in different contexts.

While a minor component of my fieldwork, results draw from infrared imagery. The imagery proved to be a valuable technique for assessing thermal environments and behaviour, essential to my first research aim to develop a cross-disciplinary research design for examining heat’s influence on everyday behaviour and comfort in public spaces. Scientific analysis enabled design and planning principles to be implied from the images, as identified by Samuels et al. (2010), addressing my second research aim to add to the practical knowledge of designing and planning health-supportive public space in a warming climate.

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The results in this chapter are mainly derived from fieldwork undertaken in the main case study site of Cabravale Park. Findings are also drawn from the secondary site of Freedom Plaza, and a minor component from observation and heuristic inquiry in hot city spaces in Spain.

8.2 ‘Non-steady’ outdoor thermal environments

In Chapter 4, I noted that assessing outdoor comfort is a complex task due to the high spatial and temporal variability of environmental conditions - that is, the ‘non-steady-state’ of outdoor thermal environments (Andrade et al. 2011). Subjective factors, such as adaptation, add to the complexity (Section 4.8). Consequently, most thermal comfort research has been conducted under ‘steady-state’ indoor conditions.

My research, in contrast, was conducted under ‘non-steady’ outdoor thermal conditions. Findings underline the constant flux of the thermal environments of Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza. These fluctuations impact on people’s behaviour and comfort, with implications for designing comfortable outdoor environments in hot conditions, as outlined below.

Temporal factors Four basic meteorological parameters influence thermal comfort - air temperature, humidity, wind and radiant temperature (Section 4.5). These parameters were measured in the field, as described in Section 5.8.

At the commencement of this research, I understood that thermal comfort meteorological parameters changed over seasonal and daily cycles. Fieldwork, however, revealed that thermal conditions change at finely-tuned temporal scales.

For example, on occasions measurements for air temperature and humidity were fairly constant. On other occasions, measurements increased and decreased at frequent intervals, sometimes over seconds. The thermo-hygrometer (used for measuring air temperature and humidity) showed that air temperature measurements ranged over tenths of a degree Celsius, while humidity rose and fell by a percentage point. These variations occurred in tandem with changes in cloud cover and wind patterns, presenting temporal challenges for recording meteorological parameters (Section 5.8).

Parameter ranges To understand the extent of thermal fluctuations characterising summer days, I collated field data according to thermal context and period of day for ‘usual warm’, ‘unusually hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days (Section 5.10).

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The sample data presented in Table 8.1 shows the broad ranges for meteorological parameters and their combinations, as measured in the field and in relation to thermal context and period of day. To illustrate, mid-day air temperature ranges for ‘usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days were 22.00C-33.00C, 23.00C-35.60C and 29.40C-42.00C respectively.

Wind Recordings for wind illustrate significant ranges and temporal fluctuations, encompassing speed, direction, the nature of airflow, and sound. The categories employed to describe wind - ‘still’, ‘light’, ‘breezy’ and ‘strong’ as shown in Tables 8.1 and 8.2 - are based on wind speed (Section 5.8). These categories broadly align with the ‘wind force comfort criteria’ for ‘sitting’, ‘walking’ and ‘uncomfortable’ identified by Soligo et al. (1998).

However, these descriptors proved to be limited in depicting the varied nature of wind. Here, my field notes were able to capture the greater range of wind characteristics, central to comfort, behaviour and experience of the outdoors. As depicted in my notes, wind ranged from hardly discernible air flows through to soft and constant breezes, short and sharp gusts, twisting forces, and gale force winds that made walking, holding an umbrella and writing in a field book difficult.

At times, I could ‘see’ the wind at a distance due to swaying or swirling vegetation but not feel it. At other times, I could hear wind overhead due to rustling leaves in tree tops, yet not see or feel it. Sometimes I could see the wind indirectly through the moving shadows of tree branches and leaves.

Wind direction was recorded. Directions were associated with thermal sensory effects. Northerly wind, for example, was commonly warm and drying (Section 7.7), while southerly wind was cooling and refreshing.

The location in which wind speeds were measured were also noted. Measurements taken in the centre of the main open area of Cabravale Park were found to be up to eight km/hr higher than areas closer to and under the perimeter trees. These results demonstrate the significant impact of trees on wind speed, acting as windbreaks (Norton et al. 2015; Yang et al. 2011). Wind speeds in the central and perimeter areas were not measured simultaneously. Nevertheless, rapid temporal changes in wind (as noted above) suggest non-simultaneous measurements have comparative limitations.

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Table 8.1 Sample thermal context and meteorological data - Cabravale Park. Thermal context Meteorological parameters

Date Thermal Time Tair in RH in Tair in RH in v km/hr Wind Wind Cloud context 24hr sun 0C sun %: shade shade direction strength cover low < 0C %: low < 5% 5% Usual warm days Morning 11/2/09 warm 8.00 n/a n/a 16.9 42 0.0 Still Full 16/2/10 warm 8.20 n/a n/a 23.1 56 3-11.6 SW Breezy Full 27/1/10 warm 7.50 n/a n/a 26.0 66 3-8.3 SW Light Full Mid-day 16/2/09 warm 10.30 n/a n/a 22.0 62 0.0 Still Full 15/12/09 warm 16.50 28.9 32 27.0 34 7-11.5 NE Breezy Part 6/1/10 warm 13.10 n/a n/a 33.0 low 3-6.8 SE Light Full Evening 10/2/09 warm 18.30 n/a n/a 18.1 50 0.0 Still Full 26/2/09 warm 18.50 n/a n/a 22.3 54 8-14.9 SE Breezy Full 28/1/09 warm 18.30 31.0 56 28.9 53 0-1.9 SE Light Clear Unusual hot days Morning 24/2/09 hot 7.50 22.5 60 20.9 66 0.0 Still Clear 21/12/09 hot 8.00 23.8 51 22.3 60 0-2.2 NE Light Clear 22/1/09 hot 8.00 n/a n/a 27.4 53 0.0 Still Full Mid-day 15/2/10 hot 9.30 25.0 68 23.0 66 0-7.8 NW Light Clear 22/1/09 hot 12.00 n/a n/a 31.0 44 5-22.4 NE Strong Full 22/1/09 hot 15.05 n/a n/a 35.6 40 5-19.2 NE Strong Full Evening 29/1/09 hot 18.45 29.0 54 27.2 59 0.0 Still Clear 22/1/09 hot 18.35 31.9 50 31.6 50 10-25.8 NE Strong Part 23/1/09 hot 17.45 34.6 43 32.3 41 3.6-10.7 SE Breezy Part Extreme heat days Morning 5/2/09 extr. 7.45 24.0 58 22.1 63 0.0 Still Clear 15/1/09 extr. 7.50 29.0 44 25.0 57 0.0 Still Clear 12/2/10 extr. 8.00 n/a n/a 26.5 52 0.0 Still Full Mid-day 15/1/09 extr. 16.10 n/a n/a 29.4 67 10-24.1 SW Strong Full 22/1/10 extr. 16.40 n/a n/a 40.3 low 2-5.1 NE Light Full 22/1/10 extr. 16.05 45.9 low 42.0 low 3-10.7 NW Breezy Clear Evening 22/2/10 extr. 20.10 n/a n/a 31.9 low 0.0 Still Full 5/2/09 extr. 17.50 35.0 40 32.9 41 7-15.8 NE Breezy Part 22/1/10 extr. 18.45 n/a n/a 36.0 low 4-9.4 NW Breezy Full

Key: Tair air temperature RH relative humidity v wind speed warm usual warm day : air temperature ≤ monthly mean hot unusual hot day: air temperature > monthly mean and ˂ 350C extr. extreme heat day: air temperature ≥ 350C n/a not applicable - due to overcast conditions

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Summer storms Similar to wind, summer storms were found to exhibit significant variations in temporal characteristics and parameter ranges. Observed impacts on outdoor activity also differed. For example, two summer storms presented in distinctly different ways, one with volatility and both rapidly.

The first storm occurred on an ‘extreme heat’ day. Table 8.2 captures the volatility of meteorological parameters, as well as changes in mood and soundscapes preceding and proceeding the storm. Before the storm, air temperature was 40.90C (13.50), then rose and fell and rose to 41.60C (14.20), while humidity began at a low level (less than five percent) (13.50), increased to 44 percent (14.11) and then returned to low (14.13). Precipitation (rain) and cloud cover changed from a dry spell and white clouds (13.50) to dark storm clouds and light rain (14.05), then suddenly back to dry conditions and white clouds (14.14). Unexpectedly, rain was observed to fall concurrently with high temperatures. The sound of close thunder accompanied the dark clouds’ departure and increasing light level.

Over this half hour storm period, the park was mostly deserted. I observed a few people traversing the park. No-one stayed. Freed of the task of observing and recording people’s behaviour, my attention was drawn to broader changes in the weather, together with mood and sound. As described in Table 8.2, the storm period was marked by clouds overhead moving rapidly across the sky, while on the ground conditions were eerily still. I noted the changing soundscape of cicadas (insects): their low humming and later near-deafening droning featured prominently. Their chorus added to the sense of anticipation of the storm alongside dark threatening clouds and thunder.

An hour after the storm (16.10), the air temperature dropped to 29.40C, humidity rose to 67 percent, and still, windless conditions changed to strong, gusty winds. The cicada drone was replaced by bird twitter and craws and a concentration of bird activity on the wet grass. The lower heat, higher humidity and patches of blue sky, together with enlivened bird activity and an occasional person in-transit, projected a positive mood signalling the passing of extreme heat and the storm. Interestingly, strong wind in this context added to the sense of relief.

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Table 8.2 Changing meteorological parameters in Cabravale Park over 30 minutes on an extreme heat day (15 January 2009). Meteorological parameters Descriptive notes

Time Tair in RH in Tair in RH in v Wind Wind Cloud Precipitation, light and mood 24hr sun sun %: shade shade km/hr direction strength cover low < 0 %: low 0C C 5% < 5% 13.50 n/a n/a 40.9 low 0 still full Dry; white clouds above; dark storm clouds in the distance; low humming sound from cicadas (insects); sense of anticipation. 14.05 n/a n/a 41.3 low 0-2 S light full Dark clouds arrive and gentle rain starts; light is low, yet glary; cicada humming stops; stillness and silence add to sense of waiting. 14.10 n/a n/a 38.6 36 0 still full Light rain continues; light is strangely bright; feels eerie as park is deserted. 14.11 n/a n/a 38.4 44 0 still full Light rain continues; cicadas burst into loud droning. 14.12 n/a n/a 38.9 21 0 still full Rain stops; light is dim, yet glary; loud cicada drone continues; sense of eerie anticipation lingers. 14.13 n/a n/a 39.4 low 0 still full Dry; light level lifts slightly; cracking sound of thunder above; a moment of exhilaration. 14.14 n/a n/a 40.5 low 0 still full Dry; storms clouds have passed over and white clouds arrive; light remains dim; cicada drone continues; a sense of comedown. 14.20 n/a n/a 41.6 low 0 still full Dry; light remains dim; cicada drone stops. Summer electrical storm occurred between 14.45-15.10 16.10 n/a n/a 29.4 67 3.9- SW light - part Isolated raindrops; wind 24.1 strong gusty; high-pitched bird twitter and crow craws; pigeons gather on centre grass; ground wet and glary; sense of relief following intense heat and storm.

Key: Tair air temperature RH relative humidity v wind speed n/a not applicable - due to overcast conditions The second storm happened on an ‘unusual hot’ day. On this occasion, I observed how people undertaking early afternoon transit and staying activities were taken unawares by the storm’s

285 rapid arrival. Beginning as a light shower with gentle wind, the storm quickly transformed into a heavy downpour with strong winds. People gathered under the nearest shelters - the picnic shelter and the toilet block awning (Figure 8.1). Transit activities resumed immediately post the storm. For several hours, staying activities were limited to the dry environment of the picnic shelter.

Figure 8.1 Park users seeking shelter during a sudden summer storm. Photos: McKenzie 2014. ‘Sounds like a hot day’ Soundscapes played a prominent role in setting the perceived mood in the park. The rhythmic, ear-piercing drone of cicadas, for example, was a sound that I strongly associated with summer in Sydney. It evoked a positive and restful mood, linked to the holiday season.

On arrival at Cabravale Park and leaving my air-conditioned car, the familiar cicada drone heralded extreme heat conditions. I wrote in my notebook, ‘before my skin sensed the warmth of the air, and before I measured the air temperature, I knew it was hot - it sounded like a hot day’.

In contrast to the park, Freedom Plaza offered little inter-connected sensory experience of nature. I felt and saw the breeze in tree tops. Otherwise, natural phenomena views were limited to partial glimpses of the sky and pigeons scavenging food. Bird sounds were over-rode by music from the video shop.

Discussion My results for thermal fluctuations in Cabravale Park are consistent with the literature describing outdoor environments as ‘non-steady’ with high temporal variability (Andrade et al. 2011). They reinforce DeVeau’s (2011) observation that people in public spaces are likely to encounter a range of microclimates over short periods, even minutes.

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Results related to ‘non-steady’ outdoor thermal environments raise important points for consideration when designing and planning comfortable outdoor environments in hot conditions. Foremost, the outdoor thermal environment is finely-grained and our manipulation of thermal conditions in outdoor spaces is limited.

Yet, within this challenging context, design opportunities lie in utilising thermal fluctuations to create microclimatic ‘sub-spaces’ (Section 4.8) and facilitate natural ventilation. Shelter and paths are essential features for supporting outdoor activity in changing thermal conditions. In addition, the thermal fluctuations and diversity characterising non-steady states are important to ‘thermal delight’ (Section 3.6) and ‘environmental stimulation’ (Section 4.8). These are presented to follow.

Microclimatic ‘subspaces’

My results for ‘non-steady’ outdoor thermal environments indicate that designers need to offer users a choice of thermal ‘sub-spaces’ within public spaces. Choice enables users to undertake reactive adaptations (e.g. move to a more comfortable location) when the thermal environment is ‘uncomfortable’ (as per the psychometric tool - Section 4.5). It also allows psychological adaptation related to perceived control and personal choice (Section 4.8).

From a landscape architectural perspective, sun-shade diagrams are standard tools for ensuring designs include a range of invitations to sit and stay in sunny and shady locations across seasons and throughout the day. An example is the sun-shade diagram prepared as part of the landscape design process for the upgrade of Cabravale Park (Figure 8.2).

However, thermal comfort studies identify that more finely-grained, micro-urban factors are the foundations of thermal diversity and choice. Nikolopoulou and Steemers (2003, p.100) suggest that spatial and thermal variation is achieved through creating a ‘variety of sub-spaces within the same area’. Sub-spaces should not only allow for access to sun and shade, but exposure to breezes and protection from wind. Zacharias et al. (2004) determine that temperature and sunlight, together with the quality and position of seating, largely determine whether seating is used rather than the provision of many seats.

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Figure 8.2 Sun-shade diagram for Cabravale Park, prepared by Environmental Partnership, April 2008. Source: Fairfield City Council 2008. Ventilation and cooling

Natural ventilation patterns are important to design decisions, such as creating thermal sub- spaces. My findings reinforce the importance of site-specific, micro-scale analysis of wind patterns to locating ‘sittable’ elements (Section 4.6) and planting designs facilitating natural ventilation and shade.

In hot environments, exposure to breezes is essential to the human body reducing its heat load through the sweating mechanism and evaporative cooling (Section 2.3). However, as shown by my results in Section 7.3, direction and speed determined whether winds were cooling and welcome or warm and irritating in Cabravale Park.

Significantly, natural landscapes are living and dynamic. Plant growth, changing environmental conditions, and on-going maintenance practices will inevitably modify the microclimatic conditions of ‘subspaces’ and thermal choice. For example, fixed seats initially located in open, sunny, naturally ventilated locations may, over time, become shaded and protected from winds. Microclimatic assessments need to be incorporated into maintenance regimes to ensure plant growth, leaf density, under-pruning and renewal continue to offer thermal choice at ‘sub-space’ scale. Assessments also need to factor-in the implications of broader environmental changes e.g. warming climates and changing hydrology patterns.

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Lastly, wind measurements recorded at the Australian Bureau of Meteorology (ABOM) weather station closest to my case study (Bankstown Airport at 5.5km from Cabramatta) were limited to ‘maximum wind gust speed and direction’, ‘9am wind speed’ and ‘3pm wind speed’. The ABOM recordings were often not aligned with microclimatic conditions within Cabravale Park, reinforcing the need for site-specific monitoring to understand local wind patterns. This finding is generally consistent with a study of urban greenspace in Portugal that found ‘median values of wind speed measured at the street level in the studied area were always much lower than the values measured in the meteorological station’ (Oliveira et al. 2011, p.2189).

Built shelter and paths

Results for thermal fluctuation and diversity in Cabravale Park emphasise significant co-benefits of built shelters for summer conditions.

During hot and wet conditions, different shelter-types offered short-term options for immediate protection from rain, and long-term options for resting until conditions improved. My observations of people’s behaviour during wet conditions were generally consistent with studies that found precipitation negatively impacted on outdoor physical activity (Chan and Ryan 2009; Merrill et al. 2005). However, my results revealed that precipitation patterns in warm months are highly varied, and impacts vary from short disruptions in outdoor activity to longer periods.

Engelhard et al. (2001, p.151) contend that ‘threatened storms’ may affect park usage. Low (2003) noted that a sudden storm temporarily stopped all activity in an urban plaza. My results demonstrated that no-one stayed in the park beyond the arrival of dark storm clouds, even though rain did not eventuate. Contextual factors that induce thermal expectations may underlie these different behaviour responses (Lin et al. 2011).

My assessment of paths and permeable surfaces (e.g. grass) post rain indicated that walkability may be significantly reduced. Rain rendered walking on grass difficult due to saturation. Paved surfaces were covered in mud, debris and pooled water, making passage slippery and difficult. Interestingly, wet surfaces and pooled water significantly increased glare, affecting visibility. My results suggest that paved surfaces are essential to transit activity post rain, particularly for people requiring hard, even surfaces (e.g. people with prams and in wheelchairs, and the elderly). Paths should be graded to facilitate good drainage, and cleared of debris post rain, to support transit.

The results for wet weather supplement the findings in Section 7.7 for older people and hot weather. In that section, I identified that older people prefer built shelter over natural shade

289 during hot conditions. Section 7.7 also stressed the importance of accessible path networks connected to built shelters and toilets for older people.

Thermal delight and environmental stimulation

Aside from transit issues, rain and storms were found to contribute significantly to ‘thermal delight’ and ‘environmental stimulation’. Herschong (1979, p.26) argues that outdoor thermal environments are experienced through inter-connected senses, expressed as ’thermal delight’. As outlined in Section 3.6, thermal delight and rich sensory associations, such as the energising effects of ‘fresh air’, contrast the ‘thermal monotony’ of controlled, steady-state (air- conditioned) environments.

Thermal delight is integral to ‘environmental stimulation’, viewed as ‘an important asset’ of external spaces and ‘probably the main reason for the majority of people to sit outdoors’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.98). As noted by Nikolopoulou (2011, p.1561), overwhelming evidence indicates that people ‘enjoy environmental stimulation and a static environment becomes intolerable’. This includes exposure to sunshine, breezes and, as described above, the exhilaration of a rapidly approaching summer storm.

My experience during fieldwork indicated that thermal delight and environmental stimulation are inherent to experiences of natural phenomena and central to biophilic health benefits (Sections 3.5 and 3.8). Seeing and feeling wind concurrently, and equating sound with heat - as in the ’sounds of a hot day’- exemplify the sensory inter-connectedness of thermal delight. By this means, my field methods demonstrated an effective way to ‘see’, ‘feel’, ‘hear’ and ‘understand’ my case study, an undertaking of many researchers of place (Emmel and Clark 2009, p.8).

My focus on nature heightened during periods when I was alone in Cabravale Park, as captured in my field notes. Unconsciously, my notes became more detailed, descriptive, even poetic at these times. Eight years later, rereading certain fieldwork notes evokes clear memories of particular natural occurrences, indicative of my strong and lasting memories and ‘attachment’ to Cabravale Park.

My experiences in the field reflect comments from participants in my focus group, who enjoyed their growing awareness of changes in local gardens, changes they had not noticed when their lives were busier (Section 7.7). Together, these findings express the psychological health benefits associated with ‘biophilia’ - humankind’s ‘deep-seated need’ to connect with nature’ (Ryan et al. 2014, p.62). They align with Kaplan’s (1995, p.174) observation of how nature

290 abounds with soft fascinations that ‘people find engrossing’. Soft fascinations ‘readily hold the attention’ and are contemplative, restorative and ‘effortless’ (p.174).

Finally, weather parameters in combination with other natural phenomena were found to significantly influence mood in Cabravale Park, fundamental to thermal delight and environmental stimulation. This result broadly aligns with the assertion of Keller et al. (2005, p.724), that weather is an ‘important determinant of everyday mood and behaviour in modern life’. The literature also correlates ‘higher mood’ with higher temperatures, lower humidity and longer sunshine hours (Cunningham 1979; Howarth and Hoffman 1984; Persinger 1975).

My perception of ‘higher mood’ in the park was effected by factors identified in the literature. In addition, I found that the nature of wind and quality of light, together with the presence or absence of people and sounds of birds and insects, were prominent factors that also influenced mood during hot weather. My perception is likely influenced by personal thermal, emotional, perceptual and historical experiences (Knez 2003; Knez and Thorsson 2006; Lin et al. 2008).

8.3 ‘Radiators’ and ‘coolers’

In this section, further results are presented for the ‘non-steady’ outdoor environment of Cabravale Park. I focus on the influence of natural and built materials on thermal conditions at a micro-urban scale. I examine elements as ‘radiators’ and ‘coolers’, using infrared thermometry and imagery to measure sample radiant temperatures and assess general urban heat contributions. My interest is the microclimates in which people prefer to sit during hot weather.

Thermal exchange processes, outlined in Section 3.4, show that heat is constantly absorbed, emitted, reflected and re-emitted at different rates and by different elements. These processes involve elements operating as ‘radiators’ and ‘coolers’ throughout the day and night. As explained by Samuels et al. (2010, pp.6-7), measured radiant temperatures show that some elements remove heat from the urban air mass, acting as ‘coolers’ e.g. swales, leaves of trees, tree shaded grass, and running water. Coolers ‘absorb and emit less, and are more ecologically benign’ (p.11). Others contribute heat, acting as ‘radiators’ e.g. roads, paths and tree trunks. Radiant absorption and emissivity are ‘in constant flux in the designed environment: highest during peak sunshine hours - and lowest at dawn, when elements have returned to Ambient equivalent temperatures’ (p.6).

Sitting is of particular interest due to the activity’s microclimatic sensitivity, as established in Section 4.6. The significance of microclimate and comfort to sitting increases with increased length of stay (Gehl 2010). Sitting activity is also important to vibrant public spaces (Gehl 2010;

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Whyte 1980). Thermal comfort studies often target sitting activity in public spaces (Johansson et al. 2014), as poor comfort conditions for sitting (and other resting activities) ‘may distress people and lead them to avoid using these areas’ (Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003, p.95).

My examination also focuses on the thermal conditions in which people’s preferences are most evident - that is, outside peak use times, when people are able to choose where to sit (Whyte 1980). Findings identify preferences for the hottest period of the day when radiant absorption and emissivity are highest - during peak sunshine hours.

Thermal environments for sitting The thermal images in Figure 8.3 were taken in Cabravale Park between 3.45pm-3.52pm on 9 February 2014 - during the hottest part of an ‘unusually hot’ summer day. A FLIR B-Series 335 portable thermal imaging camera was used. The thermal images were analysed using FLIR QuickReport 1.2 SP2 software (Section 5.8).

My field count and mapping indicated this was a low activity period, when people had the choice to sit in a range of locations with varying microclimates. All subjects observed sitting in the park chose shaded locations. Wind speed was light (2.0-8.1 km/hr). Air temperature, humidity and apparent temperature were 31.80C, 30 percent and 30.90-320C respectively. The apparent temperature range suggests that irregular wind speeds may have contributed to thermal comfort for short periods and influenced sitters’ choice of seats, as all occupied seats were exposed to gentle north-easterly breezes.

I observed that all subjects stayed for long periods (at least 15 minutes) in their selected locations, suggesting that conditions were at least ‘acceptable’ according to the thermal comfort phsscometric tool (Figure 4.5). In contrast, all seating in the sun was protected from wind and unoccupied, implying that conditions were not preferred.

Subjects included a woman sitting on a seat next to a child in a stroller (Location A), a man sitting on a seat reading (Location B), and a man lying on a seat (Location C). An unoccupied seat - of the same style and materials - in the sun provides comparative data (Location D). Sitting locations comprised a diversity of elements in varying arrangements, and mix of natural and built materials. Images show that elements and materials differed in their exposure to solar radiation and orientation in relation to the subjects.

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Figure 8.3 Sample average radiant temperatures of materials in sitting locations in Cabravale Park. Images: McKenzie 2014.

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The radiant temperatures for each element given in Figure 8.3 are ‘average temperatures’, which were determined using the FLIR software ‘area tool’, as depicted in Figure 8.4.

Figure 8.4 Method to determine the ‘average radiant temperature’ of a section of concrete path using the FLIR ‘area tool’. Diagram: McKenzie.

Importantly, variations from the ambient air temperature (Tair) of the average radiant temperature of elements (e.g. concrete slab, thin grass cover) are given in the tables accompanying the images (Figure 8.3). These variations indicate whether the elements are acting as ‘radiators’ or ‘coolers’, that is, whether the elements are emitting heat into, or removing heat from, the air mass. For example, a positive variation (e.g. +2.30C) indicates a radiator, while a negative variation (e.g. -1.60C) signifies a cooler. Accompanying tables also indicate the ‘previous exposures’ of elements during the course of the day prior to the time of the image. Previous exposures are important to heat storage and emission factors affecting measured radiant temperatures.

Results show that, in Locations A, B and C, all measured elements - whether the elements were in the sun or shade - acted as radiators except for the shaded metal seat slat in location B. Here, the slat was 31.00C (0.80C cooler) than the air temperature. In contrast, concrete slabs in the sun exhibited the highest radiant temperatures of 48.50C-50.30C. All slabs, except for Location A, had been shaded for periods before the thermal image was taken.

Interestingly, results indicated that natural green elements in the shade added heat to the air mass. Across locations, shaded tree trunks and foliage acted as radiators, emitting 33.00C-33.10C and 32.90C-33.30C respectively. The person sitting in the shade, who had been sedentary for over 15 minutes, also acted as a radiator, with their face emitting more heat than their insulated torso (Location B). 295

This means that close to all elements were emitting heat into the air mass where people chose to sit when the air temperature, humidity and apparent temperature were 31.80C, 30 percent, and 330C respectively.

Discussion Results indicate that thermal imagery is a technique that readily renders visible the radiant heat of elements in the designed environment. Analysis may clarify which ‘elements and combinations of elements are contributing most and which least to the urban heat island’ (Samuels et al. 2010, p.12). Important to my second research question, ‘urban, architectural and landscape design guidelines can be implied’ from analysis (p.11).

Thermal transience in environments for sitting

Samuels et al. (2010, p.9) state that ‘urban environments are thermally massive and thus heat- sensitive, absorbing and re-emitting heat in a continuous cycle’. They go on to say that ‘literally hundreds of elements in the designed environment are involved in the thermal transience interaction, each with its own characteristics’. The urban heat island (UHI) ‘generates in the wake of these transient interactions’ (p.11).

My results show that preferred sitting environments in Cabravale Park comprised many different elements and heat exchange processes, consistent with the observations of Samuels et al. (2010). The thermal properties of elements affected thermal environments by way of thermal transience interactions, which impact on ambient air temperature and urban heat islanding.

Findings indicate that thermal flux is an inherent characteristic of outdoor behaviour settings, with implications for behaviour and comfort. The setting of Cabravale Park was shown to comprise elements that mainly radiated heat to the ambient air, even in the shade, with implications for the microclimate-sensitive activity of sitting. Nonetheless, on an unusually hot summer day, several people chose to sit in these shaded locations, subject to radiating heat, for long periods. Their preference for shade and length of stay implied conditions were comfortable for sedentary activities, a finding relevant to my first research question related to heat impacts on outdoor behaviour and comfort.

My findings provide insights into creating comfortable sitting environments, addressing the negative impacts of hot weather on sedentary behaviours, as shown in previous results for Cabravale Park (Section 7.4). Results stress that the design of public space needs to consider the thermal transience interactions between elements. Aligned with my second research question,

296 the selection and location of materials in relation to sun and shade and time of day are important to designing-in thermal diversity and supporting public space use during hot conditions.

Degree of necessity and adaptability

The preferences for sitting environments, exhibited by subjects in Figure 8.3, were likely influenced by a combination of factors, including social and thermal comfort, length of stay, and physiological and psychological adaptation factors (Gehl 2010; Hajat et al. 2010; Nikolopoulou and Steemers 2003; Whyte 1980). The fact that all subjects remained in their locations for substantial periods suggests that, if the activities were ‘optional’, thermal comfort conditions were at least ‘acceptable’ (Figure 4.5). The subjects’ comfort was likely supported by behavioural adaptations for minimising heat load, involving low metabolic intensity activities undertaken in shaded and naturally ventilated places.

Homoeostasis may also have been assisted through thermoregulatory responses triggered by the hot conditions (Laschewski and Jendritzky 2002). I note that the subject’s face and torso (in Location B - Figure 8.3) were radiating heat. This suggests the subject was able to reduce their heat load in the shade during these unusually hot conditions. Some heat may also have been lost to the environment through respiration, while clothing played an insulating role (Fiala et al. 1999). For the designer, this finding emphasises the importance of shaded, naturally ventilated rest places to enabling people to sit, rest and adjust to hot conditions.

My results also highlight that humans are able to adapt to thermal flux in the outdoors within ranges. However, these ranges are influenced by contextual, physiological and adaptive factors, and vary for individuals (Chen and Ng 2012; Eliasson et al. 2007; Lin et al. 2011; Spagnolo and de Dear 2003a; Thorsson et al. 2004).

The importance of shade and natural ventilation, particularly shaded and ventilated rest areas, to supporting outdoor activity is often overlooked in public space assessments and walkability strategies. Gehl (2007 part two, p.68), for example, describes the climate conditions of the City of Sydney as ‘most enviable’ with ‘only glimpses of real winter and glimpses of extremely hot summers’. To improve walkability, Gehl’s report targets sun and light deprivation, overshadowing, and exposure to wind, and is aligned with regular weather conditions.

My findings, however, highlight that walkability assessments should give more consideration to the impacts of urban heat, in view of projections for increases in urban temperatures and more frequent, intense and longer extreme heat events (NSWOEH 2015b). Integrating walking into everyday activities is key to strategies for reducing chronic disease and social isolation, linked to

297 decreasing population heat-vulnerability (Bambrick et al. 2011). Yet, heat impacts are only given limited consideration, as shown in my results for shaded walking and rest areas in my case study neighbourhood and site (Section 7.2), as well as my review of healthy city strategies and walkability audits (Sections 3.8 and 3.9).

My findings also indicate that coolers, together with natural ventilation, must be prioritised in age-friendly, healthy city approaches for hot urban environments. That is, design and planning need to consider thermal transience processes in relation to the selection and arrangement of elements and materials in public spaces to facilitate urban cooling. In particular, attention should be given to coolers when creating ‘sub-spaces’ for sitting, staying and walking activities (Section 7.4). This addresses an important aspect of my second research question.

8.4 Designing-in ‘coolers’

In this section, results for designing-in coolers are presented in relation to common land surface cover elements within the case study sites. Chapter 3 established that land surface cover is the foremost contributor to urban heat, with deforestation and urbanisation significantly influencing climate at regional and local levels (Stone 2012). Important opportunities to reduce urban heat and improve pedestrian environments, therefore, lie in modifying the land surface cover - increasing permeability, evapotranspiration and reflectivity (albedo), and decreasing heat storage and emissivity.

Designing-in coolers is particularly important to Cabramatta, identified as a ‘hotspot’ - that is, an area of a city that is hotter, less green, and more disadvantaged than other parts (Sections 2.6 and 6.5). Previous results from this study establish that low tree canopy cover and greenspace provision characterise this hotspot (Section 7.2). In addition, the pedestrian environment was found to be thermally uncomfortable during hot conditions (Section 7.2) Projected increases in temperature and heatwave events (NSWOEH 2015b) are likely to further reduce comfort.

Accordingly, designing-in coolers and designing-out radiators are critical to mitigating urban heat and creating health-supportive, thermally efficient public space networks that encourage outdoor activity. Results are presented for concrete paving and grass (turf) in Cabravale Park, followed by natural shade provision in the Park Road promenade, the western boundary of the park, and Freedom Plaza. The urban heat benefits of integrating Aboriginal knowledge into a rain garden (water-sensitive urban design feature) in Cabravale Park are then analysed.

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These results were obtained from photographic records, infrared thermometry and imagery, and descriptive field notes. Radiators and coolers are used to analyse and discuss results. A systems-thinking approach is also applied (Section 2.6). The results add to the practical knowledge of designing and planning health-supportive public spaces in a warming climate, as anticipated in my second research question.

Concrete and grass Infrared thermometry On my first fieldwork day in March (autumn) 2006, I trialled use of a hand-held non-contact QM7222 Infrared Thermometer in Cabravale Park. I measured the radiant temperatures of a concrete path and grass (turf) in the sun and shade.

At 1.15pm, the ambient air temperature was 36.40C and humidity was 31 percent. The radiant temperatures (RT) of the concrete path and grass were 37.60C and 40.20C respectively. I had anticipated that the RT of the path (a built material) would be greater than the air temperature due to concrete’s high thermal storage capacity. However, I had not expected the RT of the grass (a natural element) to be greater than the concrete. I checked that the thermometer was operational and my method for using the thermometer was correct.

As shown in Table 8.3, I repeated the process on three days in the ensuing autumn and winter. All radiant temperature (RT) measurements of the path and grass in the sun indicated the elements acted as ‘radiators’ - that is, they contributed heat to the urban air mass. In the shade, the elements were mainly ‘coolers’ - that is, they removed heat from the urban air mass. On one occasion, the RT of the grass was higher than the concrete and ambient air temperature. On a following spring day, a series of measurements indicated that the RT of grass was greater than the RT of concrete and the ambient air temperature.

With the advent of summer, I undertook RT measurements of a concrete path and grass on a ‘usual warm’ day (5 December 2006) and an ‘unusually hot’ day (15 December 2006). Definitions of ‘usual warm’ and ‘unusual hot’ days are given in Section 7.3 Grass samples were located a minimum of three metres from the concrete in order to avoid heat transference between materials.

As set out in Table 8.3, all RTs measured in the sun indicated the concrete path and grass were radiators. Reflecting earlier autumn, winter and spring measurements, all RTs, except for one, showed that in the sun the grass emitted greater heat than the concrete path.

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A seemingly extraordinary measurement was obtained at 3.40pm on the ‘usual warm’ day (5 December 2006): while the ambient air temperature was 30.40C, the radiant temperatures of the concrete and grass in the sun were 38.00C and 52.10C respectively. During this hottest part of the day, in the sun, the natural material emitted greater heat into the air mass than the built material, with a variation between the materials of 14.10C, the greatest variation measured. I note the skies had been mostly clear before the measurement was taken, while winds had been light to breezy.

In the shade on the ‘usual warm’ day, all radiant temperatures (RT) showed that the concrete and grass were coolers. However, in the shade on the ‘unusually hot’ day, recordings indicated the materials transitioned from radiator to cooler. For measurements between 9.30am and 1.00pm, the concrete and grass radiated heat, with the grass having a hotter surface temperature than the concrete. Conditions were overcast throughout this period and winds were still to light. At 2.45pm and 3.30pm, when skies were partially cloudy and winds light to breezy, both materials in the shade reverted to coolers, with concrete having a higher RT than that of the grass. At these times in the sun, however, both materials reverted to radiators, with the grass having a higher RT than the concrete at 2.45pm.

Discussion

My results indicate that over the course of a ‘usual warm’ day - from 9.20am until 3.40pm - both concrete and grass in the sun radiated heat into the air mass. However, in the shade, both elements acted as coolers. In contrast, on the ‘usually hot’ day, both elements radiated heat from 9.30am -1.00pm. Over this period conditions were overcast and sun-shade did not apply. For these early recordings, taken in 2006, I did not note the radiation exposure of elements during preceding sunlight hours, related to heat storage and emissivity.

Between 2.45pm - 3.30pm, both elements were radiators in the sun and coolers in the shade. These early results show that built and natural materials may contribute heat to the urban air mass, even during overcast conditions.

The radiant temperature results for concrete generally reflect the material’s high thermal conductivity and heat capacity properties. As the concrete path sample was aged and dirty, it likely had reduced solar reflectivity, increasing heat absorption (Gartland 2011).

The radiant temperature results for grass, a natural green element, seemingly counter urban greening acting to mitigate urban heat (Norton et al. 2015). However, the results are consistent with the general observation by Samuels et al. (2010, p.23) that ‘park-grass in sunshine is not

300 cool’. In their study of open grass parkland in a medium-density medium-rise residential precinct in Sydney, grass in the sun was found to contribute ‘12 degrees of heat to the air mass during the diurnal cycle’, although it did cool to below ambient temperature. The soil beneath the grass was identified as a ‘major absorber of heat’ (p.23).

Later findings from infrared imagery provide further data on grass and concrete for analysis.

Table 8.3 Radiant temperatures for concrete paving and grass from infrared thermometry in Cabravale Park. Fieldwork session In sun In shade Wind, cloud cover

and rain

C C

0 0

C C C

km/hr

air air

Date Thermal context Time 24hr T RH < low 5% %: RT path concrete RT grass T RH < low 5% %: RT path concrete RT grass v strength Wind cover Cloud Rain Fieldwork trials 13/03/2006 extr. 13.15 36.4 31 37.6 40.2 34.9 32 no data no data 0.3-1.9 light part dry 29/03/2006 warm 13.25 29.7 45 37.0 32.3 26.6 55 26.0 23.6 0-11.9 breezy part dry 8/05/2006 warm 11.45 31.0 18 37.2 35.6 23.9 12 24.7 18.7 0-1.3 light clear dry 25/07/2006 hot 13.20 22.7 57 23.1 24.1 22.1 58 13.8 13.5 0-3.2 light part dry 27/11/2006 warm 14.25 n/a n/a n/a n/a 24.8 54 26.9 30.7 0-3.4 light full dry 27/11/2006 warm 15.05 n/a n/a n/a n/a 24.5 57 28.2 32.1 0-5 light full dry 27/11/2006 warm 16.35 n/a n/a n/a n/a 24.0 58 26.9 29.1 0-7.9 light full dry 27/11/2006 warm 17.15 n/a n/a n/a n/a 22.9 68 26.6 26.4 0-8.1 breezy full dry Summer 5/12/2006 warm 9.20 30.7 35 32.3 38.9 21.9 57 17.1 21.7 0-3.9 light part dry 5/12/2006 warm 9.35 27.0 43 36.2 40.3 25.5 43 19.9 23.3 0-5.0 light part dry 5/12/2006 warm 11.20 29.8 30 32.9 42.0 28.0 32 22.4 22.0 0-1.7 light clear dry 5/12/2006 warm 14.50 30.4 33 41.7 55.6 30.4 32 23.7 26.1 4-9.1 breezy clear dry 5/12/2006 warm 15.40 29.0 34 38.0 52.1 25.4 34 22.5 22.1 1-7.6 light clear dry 15/12/2006 hot 9.30 n/a n/a n/a n/a 22.1 48 22.2 24.0 2-4.0 light full dry 15/12/2006 hot 12.30 n/a n/a n/a n/a 23.6 43 25.2 27.2 0 still full dry 15/12/2006 hot 13.00 n/a n/a n/a n/a 23.4 44 24.5 25.1 0 still full dry 15/12/2006 hot 14.45 26.8 36 32.1 33.3 25.4 46 24.4 23.1 0.9-6.1 light part dry 15/12/2006 hot 15.30 25.6 51 31.2 29.1 24.2 52 24.1 20.6 1-11.8 breezy part dry

Key: Tair ambient air temperature RH relative humidity RT radiant temperature v wind speed n/a not applicable - due to overcast conditions warm 'usual warm' day : air temperature ≤ monthly mean hot 'unusual hot' day: air temperature > monthly mean and ≤ 350C extr. 'extreme heat' day: air temperature > 350C 24.0 'radiator' - radiant temperature of element is greater than ambient air temperature 33.3 'radiator' - radiant temperature of grass is greater than concrete and air temperature 20.1 'cooler' - radiant temperature of the elements is less than ambient air temperature

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Infrared imagery On 9 February 2014, an ‘unusually hot’ day, I took a series of infrared images of a section of concrete path and grass in Cabravale Park between 10.30am and 10.30pm - using a portable thermal imaging camera (Section 5.9). I noted whether the elements had been exposed to sun and/ or shade during the preceding hours of sunlight. The concrete sample was relatively lighter than the sample tested by thermometry above, suggesting higher reflectivity.

As shown in Figure 8.5, at 10.30am, cloud cover and wind conditions were light. The path and grass were found to act as coolers in the shade, with radiant temperatures (RT) less than the ambient air temperature. In the sun, both acted as radiators.

By 3.30pm, both elements in all conditions (sun and shade) acted as radiators. The RT of the concrete in the sun, which had previously been shaded, was 16.20C greater than the ambient air temperature.

At 8.00pm and 10.30pm, the concrete path - which had been exposed to sun and shade across the day - remained a radiator. Respectively, RTs were up to 4.70C and 3.40C above the ambient air temperature. In contrast, at 8.00pm and 10.30pm, the grass acted as a cooler, including the area exposed to sun throughout the day.

Discussion

Average radiant temperatures of the path and grass were used to assess whether the elements heated or cooled the urban air mass over the 12-hour period covered by the images. This period included the hottest part of the day (3.30pm) and likely the UHI peak. Peaks usually occur three to five hours after sunset but their timing is dependent on the properties of urban materials (Gartland 2011).

During this ‘unusually hot’ day, the sky was mostly clear and winds were still to light. As outlined in Chapter 3, the UHI is strongest when the weather is clear and winds calm, ‘since more solar energy is collected on clear days, and calmer winds remove heat more slowly’ (Gartland 2011, p.8). This suggests that the thermal conditions of this fieldwork day - clear and mainly calm - enhanced urban heat islanding.

My results raise two significant issues related to land surface cover and urban heat reduction - materials and shading, and grass maintenance.

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Figure 8.5 Sample average radiant temperatures of a concrete path and grass in Cabravale Park. Images: McKenzie 2014.

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Materials and shading

Thermal imagery demonstrated the influence of shading on the heat storage and emissivity of concrete and grass. For concrete, radiant temperature measurements at 10.30am indicated concrete acted as a cooler in the shade and radiator in the sun. For ensuing measurements in the shade, however, concrete was a radiator. These results were anticipated due to the high thermal storage and emissivity properties of concrete, as well as the exposure of the concrete to sun during part of the day (Gartland 2011).

Comparative results for concrete paving in Cabravale Park suggest that some heat mitigation benefit is derived from shading materials with high heat storage and emissivity properties. Nonetheless, pavements [comprising concrete and asphalt] ‘present a very high fraction of the urban areas and contribute highly to the development of heat island in cities’ (Santamouris 2013, p.224). In addition to shading, cool pavements offer enhanced urban heat mitigation opportunities. Cool pavements have ‘substantially lower surface temperature and reduced sensible heat flux to the atmosphere’ and appear to be ‘one of the most important proposed mitigation solutions’ (p.224).

In contrast to concrete, the grass in the shade was shown to cool the air mass at 10.30am. However, at 3.30pm during the hottest part of the day, the grass in the shade - which had been shaded all day - radiated heat. At this time, the radiant temperature of the grass was a noticeable 3.50C higher than the ambient air temperature. This result was not anticipated, but is probably accounted for by the properties of the grass and soil described above - that is, low hydration, permeability and reflectivity. The grass reverted to a cooler at 8.00pm and 10.30pm.

The 3.30pm radiant temperature of grass in the shade contradicts a study that found the ‘shade of a tree in the grassy park’ to be the ‘most effective natural cooling stratagem’ (Samuels et al. 2010, p.23). This again highlights the importance of hydration and permeability when employing greening elements, such as grass, to mitigate heat through evapotranspiration. Shading grass is not enough to ensure heat reduction benefits.

In addition, an increase in leaf density may contribute to the effectiveness of shading in reducing heat. Trees that provide the greatest summer shade have dense canopies (Yang et al. 2011). The dappled tree shade cast onto the path in the 10.30am infrared image (above) indicates a medium leaf density. Increased leaf density would likely reduce solar radiation exposure and heat absorption and emittance of both grass and concrete.

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Yang et al. (2011) highlight that efforts to augment green biomass should be focussed on increasing tree cover, as well as leaf density. Yet, ‘an “open” space covered with a lawn’ is an ‘important amenity for outdoor activities’ (p.782). Issues related to ‘lawn’ and increasing tree canopy cover were raised by the community in relation to the Cabravale Park upgrade. In my consultation with local schools (as a Council employee), feedback stressed that the large grassed area in the park was a valued play space for local children living in medium-density housing with limited private greenspace (Randolph 2006). To ensure the park continued to provide active play opportunities, tree planting in the central area was restricted to shade trees along new paths, and three feature shade trees.

Lastly, the high radiant temperatures of paving and grass highlight the potential for injury to bare feet, particularly for people with diabetes with reduced peripheral sensation and circulation. Western Sydney is considered a ‘hot-spot’ for type two diabetes (Section 6.4). Summer foot care advice for people with diabetes includes wearing shoes ‘at the beach or on hot pavement’ (American Diabetes Association 2015). Education for diabetes management during summer was raised by Ivanna and Nelia, participants in my focus group who volunteered for a local diabetes education association for Spanish-speakers.

Grass maintenance

Two radiant temperature (RT) measurements for grass are of particular note. Firstly, at 10.30am, the grass in sun was found to have a higher RT than the concrete, reflecting findings from 2006 previously discussed. The RT of the grass (38.70C) was also noticeably greater (12.10C greater) than the ambient air temperature. Secondly, at 3.30pm, the RT of the grass in the shade, which had been shaded throughout the preceding hours, measured 3.50C higher than the ambient air temperature.

These RT measurements for grass were unexpected. As Gartland (2011, p.7) identifies, grass and other vegetation ‘stay cool in the summer sun’. However, Gartland points out that vegetation only stays at or below air temperature ‘as long as the vegetation is properly hydrated’ (p.7). In addition, as Spronken-Smith and Oke (1998) note, the surface temperatures of dry parks may be higher than the surrounding urban neighbourhoods during the day. This finding offers a rationale for my measurements.

A close examination showed that the health and quality of the grass was patchy and mainly poor (Figure 8.6). Grass was mown close to the ground, exposing compacted, clay-loam soil. My field observations indicated that compaction was likely due to mowers, garbage trucks, cherry-

306 pickers and maintenance vehicles driving across the grass at intermittent intervals, as well as people walking and playing on the grass surface. From my employ in Council, I was aware that the park was not irrigated or aerated.

Figure 8.6 Poor quality summer grass and environmental stresses in Cabravale Park. Photos: McKenzie 2008. Results highlight the importance of maintenance practices to ensuring grass, a widely-used natural land surface cover in public parks, stays at or below air temperature. Practices undertaken in the park led to highly compacted soils, reducing permeability. The limited micro- shade provided by the short-mown grass blades meant that soil was exposed to solar radiation, increasing heat absorption and evaporation of soil moisture. These properties ultimately diminish cooling through evapotranspiration, while facilitating heat storage, and probably underlie the high radiant temperature measurements of the grass.

These findings are generally consistent with a study of residential precinct in Sydney, in which ‘park-grass in sunshine’ was found ‘not to be cool’ and the soil beneath it to be ‘a major absorber of heat’ (Samuels et al. 2010, p.23). In this study, however, the site was a newly developed area and the grass was likely well-maintained and hydrated, as opposed to Cabravale Park.

Findings also emphasise aeration is necessary to ensure the soil beneath the grass remains permeable and not compacted. Selection of grass species should consider water requirements and, for dry situations, favour species that are relatively drought-tolerant. During periods of low rain, grass may need to be irrigated to support health and photosynthesis-related cooling.

Grass blades should be kept longer during warm months to shade the soil underneath and facilitate evapotranspiration cooling. This can be achieved through specifying the height of mower-blades be set on high, rather than low to the ground. Regular mowing regimes can be scheduled less frequently. Slow growing, low water use grass species would further reduce mowing frequency. In addition to cooling benefits, these heat mitigation initiatives would

307 reduce waste heat and carbon emissions from mowers and the associated costs of mowing programs.

My experience in Fairfield City Council also suggests that such heat mitigation initiatives - involving longer park grass and a less regular mowing program in summer - would need to be accompanied by a public education program. Lapses in park mowing programs in summer are a constant source of public complaints, sometimes associated with fears of snakes. As Fairfield City has over 400 parks, potential strategies could target high-use parks, ensuring these parks are mowed more regularly, and aerated and irrigated. Other parks could be mowed less frequently.

Trees Tree shade is an effective way to reduce the heat storage and emissivity underlying high pavement temperatures. In the context of Cabramatta, however, tree canopy is low (Section 6.5) and my previous results indicated that tree distribution and shading of footpaths were irregular in the case study neighbourhood (Section 7.2).

The longitudinal programming of my research enabled monitoring of tree growth, canopy cover and natural shade in the case study sites. Findings for Park Road promenade and Freedom Plaza are presented to follow.

Park Road promenade In 2009, street trees were planted along the newly constructed Park Road promenade, along the western boundary of Cabravale Park, to provide afternoon shade. Trees were medium-sized as opposed to advanced. Figure 8.7 shows the extent of tree growth over five years until 2014. While growth rates were inconsistent, most trees had roughly doubled in size. One tree was in poor health, possibly due to vehicular damage. In 2014, projected shade offered limited thermal comfort and glare reduction for pedestrians.

Discussion

Tree canopies are generally considered the ‘optimal solution for shading and cooling both canyon surfaces and the pedestrian space’ (Norton et al. 2015, p.131).

Results for Park Road promenade emphasise that time and environmental conditions are important factors when employing trees to shade pedestrian space. The limited shade cast by trees in 2014 (Figure 8.7) illustrates that sufficient shade may only be achieved after a substantial period, in this case, perhaps a further five years.

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Figure 8.7 Park Road promenade - extent of tree growth and shade after 4.5 years. Photos: McKenzie 2009 and 2014. In addition to time factors, employing tree canopies to shade pedestrian space and improve thermal comfort is constrained by the multiple, and often competing, uses of street canyons. Establishing street tree shade is not straightforward, especially in the context of urban retrofits. As observed by Brown et al. (n.d., p.24), ‘trees in urban environments are being placed under increasing pressure from population growth, development patterns and climate change ... effective management of trees is not a simple task’.

The creation of the Park Road promenade demonstrates the urban pressures confronting street trees and establishing natural shade. My involvement in the upgrade provides the background underlying my research results. The promenade tree species were selected by taking into account environmental stresses, such as the impermeable materials with high thermal storage within the tree dripline (canopy width); air pollution and waste heat from vehicles; and damage from vehicles and pedestrians. The substantial restrictions on height and root growth by underground services and overhead transmission wires were considered. Tree canopies, trunks and locations were assessed in view of traffic sightlines. The potential for fruit, seeds and leaf litter to cause slip hazards for pedestrians was also evaluated (Killicoat et al. 2002). Opportunities to extend tree plantings along Park Road to the town centre were significantly constrained by driveways and awnings, consistent with the findings of Gehl (2007). The costs for purchasing and installing street trees also have implications for creating natural shade. Outlays vary according to tree size, extent of excavation and associated quantities of imported soil, root barrier controls, surface treatments and tree guards. Traffic control fees may also need to be included.

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Finally, warming climates and pollution add further considerations, namely tree species and pollen, and natural ventilation. The production, allergenic potential and distribution of aeroallergens, such as pollen, increase alongside increasing temperatures (Section 2.3). In addition, cooling is found to be more effective if tree canopies are discontinuous and minimal heights, canopy sizes and spacing of trees are specified to facilitate ventilation (Section 3.5).

Freedom Plaza In contrast to the general good health and growth of the trees in Park Road promenade, those in Freedom Plaza exhibited a gradual decline over the course of my fieldwork.

In 2007, the mature trees in Freedom Plaza were pleasing natural features, offering dappled summer shade and thermal comfort for staying activities (Figure 8.8). By 2014, the health of the trees had significantly deteriorated, with diminished natural shade, amenity and thermal comfort, and increased exposure to sun and glare (Figure 8.9). Poor natural shade and sun protection likely underpinned the erection of temporary shade structures for a public event held in the plaza on a hot day in late spring (Figure 8.9).

Figure 8.8 Natural shade in Freedom Plaza, January 2007. Photos: McKenzie 2007. The substantial reduction in tree canopy between 2007 and 2015 in Freedom Plaza is depicted in the aerial photographs in Figure 8.10.

Discussion

The importance of tree canopy cover to mitigating urban heat and improving thermal comfort in public spaces has previously been discussed. Factors which may impact on tree health in public spaces have also been outlined, including stressful environmental conditions and

310 budgetary constraints. My monitoring of the trees in Freedom Plaza suggests environmental stress, possibly exacerbated by lack of maintenance and arboriculture work.

Figure 8.9 Temporary built shade in Freedom Plaza, November, 2014. Photos: McKenzie 2014.

Figure 8.10 Substantial reduction in tree canopy cover in Freedom Plaza between 2007 and 2015. Map: Google Maps (2007, viewed 26 May 2007 and 15 April 2015) This speculation opens up the opportunity to apply ‘system dynamics’ thinking to suggest possible scenarios. As explained in Section 2.6, systems thinking enables numerous small-scale localised interventions, such as the findings from my research, to be positioned within the systems inherent to the renewal, management and decay of urban spaces. City networks comprise circular feedback effects, with implications for urban heat and health. When ‘one 311 variable in the system is changed a range of outcomes, both intended and unintended will occur’ (Brown et al. 2011, p.S49). These feedback effects are critical to designing climate change adaptation strategies that promote urban health (Proust et al. 2012).

The ‘causal-loop diagram’ presented earlier in Chapter 2 (Figure 2.6) poses a schema for tree planting. In Figure 8.11, I adapt this figure to suggest a scenario that may have led to the poor health of the plaza trees. The text in bold is that provided in Figure 2.6. My additions are in non- bold text.

The adapted diagram shows how, in the context of rising temperatures, the community experiences increasing heat impacts on daily life and higher ‘cooling’ costs. These impacts prompt the community to pressure their council to adopt a ‘greener’ city approach. However, in this scenario, community pressure is disregarded, a greener city approach is dismissed, and local greening is unfunded. As a result, existing green assets, such as the trees in Freedom Plaza, are not maintained, and evaporative cooling and shading benefits decline. Community health and well-being decline, while thermal stress increases. Residential air-conditioning use and costs rise. For low socio-economic groups who cannot afford the cost increases, heat-risk compounds.

Figure 8.11 Causal-loop diagram showing a potential scenario for declining tree health in Freedom Plaza. Source: The diagram is adapted by the author from Brown et al. (2011, p.S50). Garramilyi Badu rain garden In contrast to Freedom Plaza, greening is sustained in Cabravale Park through rain gardens, water-sensitive urban design (WSUD) features. WSUD is identified as a ‘mechanism for retaining

312 water in the urban landscape through stormwater harvesting and reuse while also reducing urban temperatures through enhanced evapotranspiration and surface cooling’ (Coutts et al. 2012, p.2).

WSUD is most effective in warm, dry conditions. Distributing it throughout urban areas ‘provides a larger areal extent of cooling than large concentrated green areas’ (p.22). WSUD features, in the form of bio-retention basins (or ‘rain gardens’), were integrated into the upgrade of Cabravale Park to mitigate local flooding and urban heat (Section 7.4).

Design and construction During the concept stage, WSUD design options in the park involved permanent and ephemeral (rain garden) water bodies. Fairfield City Council’s Aboriginal Consultative Committee identified that the ephemeral options reflected local wet-dry hydrology patterns and were the most sustainable. One particular ephemeral body was recognised as an appropriate place to acknowledge the Cabrogal, the Traditional Owners of the Land, and integrate Aboriginal knowledge and understanding into the park’s landscape and management.

In a cross-disciplinary (engineering, landscape architecture and bushland regeneration) and community partnership, the rain garden was designed and constructed (Figure 8.12). The Aboriginal community selected and determined the layout of rocks. Council staff, in conjunction with the Aboriginal community, selected plants native to the local area. The Aboriginal Consultative Committee named the rain garden ‘Garramilyi Badu’ or ‘soak or washing water’ (Troy 1993). Aboriginal artist, Joe Hurst, created interpretative rock engravings throughout the garden. Ceramic tiles celebrating water, made by local residents, adorn a feature seating wall.

Rain garden and thermal transience Infrared images of the rain garden were taken at 10.40am, 3.45pm and 10.20pm on an ‘unusually hot’ day in summer. Marked by a clear sky and minimal breeze conditions, meteorological conditions were conducive for urban heat islanding.

Average radiant temperatures for three materials comprising the rain garden - sandstone, bark mulch and groundcover plants - are shown in Figure 8.13. At 10.40am, the mulch and plants in the sun radiated temperatures higher than the air temperature: respectively, these materials were 14.50C and 1.70C above the air temperature.

At 3.45pm, all materials, irrespective of whether they were exposed to sun or in the shade, were radiators. Mulch located in the sun emitted the highest amount of heat at 10.40C above the air

313 temperature. The sandstone and plants located in the sun emitted the second and third highest amounts, noting that their previous exposures were shade.

At 10.20pm, the stone - including faces that had been shaded for irregular periods throughout the day - were the sole radiators. All other materials - which had previously been exposed to sun and shade - acted as coolers. In contrast to the earlier measurements, the mulch was the greatest cooler, being up to 6.20C lower than the air temperature.

Figure 8.12 ‘Garramilyi Badu’ rain garden. Photos: McKenzie 2010 and 2014. Discussion Integration of local Aboriginal knowledge

Results illustrate the benefit of integrating local Aboriginal knowledge into heat mitigation interventions that enhance natural landscape qualities and connection. Sections 2.7 and 3.4 highlight that traditional ecological knowledge is ‘an important resource for guiding adaptation to climate change’ (Adger et al. 2011, p.5). Aboriginal people have ‘profound understandings of the ecology … They are thus the possessors of a rich body of knowledge that is local, fine-grained, built up through long-term observations, and may be extremely sensitive to changing climatic conditions’ (Rose 2005, p.41).

Aboriginal knowledge relevant to hot seasons in parts of Western Sydney is described in Section 6.3. For example, the ‘Time of Burran - Gadalung Marool’ (hot and dry) aligns with January- 314

March (Bodkin 2008). At this time, flowering species act as signifiers of ‘fire ban’ and storm periods e.g. the blooming of the Weetjellan (Acacia implexa) (ABOM 2015b). The Weetjellan may possibly be used as a signifier of fire bans and storms in urbanised areas of Western Sydney, requiring guidance from local Aboriginal communities.

The creation of the Garramilyi Badu rain garden was based on consultation with the local Aboriginal community. This occurred through the Fairfield Aboriginal Consultative Committee during the preliminary engineering and landscape design stages. The timing ensured the project timeframe accommodated consultation with Aboriginal Elders. The consultative approach enabled Aboriginal knowledge to guide the design development. It also facilitated meaningful learning across disciplines and community members, and established new ways of working together.

Figure continued over page

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Figure 8.13 Sample average radiant temperatures of materials in Cabravale Park rain garden over 12 hours. Images: McKenzie 2014

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Cooling and sustainable

Aboriginal guidance led to a rain garden design that reflected local hydrology patterns and incorporated native vegetation suited to wet-dry conditions. Digital and thermal images taken three years after the garden’s construction indicate that the approach was sustainable and water harvested from the road supported plants and evapotranspiration cooling. I note that the garden was not retaining water at the time of taking the infrared images.

Results showed that the cooling function of the rain garden was finely-tuned and in constant flux as shade patterns changed on this hot dry day. The sample radiant temperatures (Figure 8.13) indicate how the sandstone, mulch and plants differed with regard to heat storage and emission and their impacts on air temperature during the day and evening.

Sandstone was shown to have the highest heat storage capacity and relatively slow emissivity, contributing heat to the air mass during the afternoon and evening. These attributes reflect the general heat-related properties of stone identified by Gartland (2011). Mulch (wood) demonstrated high emissivity in the sun during the morning and afternoon, radiating the most heat of all materials; low storage capacity was shown by its function as the greatest cooler during the evening. Groundcover plants, somewhat surprisingly, acted as radiators during the morning when in the sun and exhibited a low cooling function when in the shade. In the heat of the afternoon, plants radiated heat in the sun and shade. In the evening, evaporative cooling contributed to reducing the UHI (Norton et al. 2015).

In the event of rain, the bio-retention function of the rain garden creates a temporary water pool and increases soil moisture. This function would likely augment the garden’s cooling function on a hot day compared to the relatively dry conditions measured in my thermal imagery. Future research could explore this proposition. Urban cooling derived from WSUD initiatives is an important component of heat-sensitive approaches to creating healthy cities, which are presented in the next section.

8.5 Heat-sensitive approach to healthy cities

Results in the preceding sections, together with the review of literature undertaken in Part I, contributed to the development of general principles for heat-sensitive and health-supportive public spaces. The principles combine approaches to mitigating, and adapting to, urban heat with principles for healthy, age-friendly cities.

Public spaces - streets, plazas and parks - are the shared domain of disciplines concerned with creating healthy, age-friendly cities (Chapter 3). They are also significant to disciplines focused 317 on mitigating (Chapter 3), and adapting to (Chapters 2 and 4), urban heat. This shared public space domain opens potential cross-sectoral opportunities for creating thermally comfortable, health-supportive outdoor spaces for hot conditions. A cross-sectoral approach is essential to achieving good urban health outcomes (Rydin et al. 2012). Interdisciplinary approaches are also fundamental to redefining indoor-outdoor relations, encouraging reduced ‘time spent indoors and hence the duration of active thermal conditioning’ (Saman et al. 2013, p.96). The Garramilyi Badu rain garden (Section 8.4) is a cross-sector heat mitigation and adaptation initiative, realising a sustainable, green and cool outdoor space connected to local people and landscape.

The principles for heat-sensitive, health-supportive public spaces draw on traditional and new knowledge for living with heat. They counter the ‘thermal monotony’ of mechanically-controlled (air-conditioned) environments and capitalise on the ‘thermal delight’ offered by outdoor environments (Section 3.6). They incorporate environmental stimulation, inherent to adaptive responses (Section 4.8), and utilise the health benefits afforded by nature (Sections 3.5 and 3.6). Importantly, the principles target the priorities for reducing the heat-vulnerability of urban populations, chiefly reducing urban heat and chronic disease and supporting the social nature of the city (Bambrick et al. 2011).

Finally, the application of these principles can be supported by traditional and new technologies. Examples of these are described following the enunciation of the principles and the extent to which they guided the upgrade of Cabravale Park.

Principles for heat-sensitive, health-supportive public space The principles for heat-sensitive, health-supportive public space that emerge from this study are: • heat mitigation; • heat adaptation; • equity; • walkability and connectivity in hot conditions; and • quality public domain for hot conditions.

Heat mitigation Heat mitigation involves reducing the amount of heat absorbed, reemitted and reflected in public space, decreasing the UHI effect (Gartland 2011). Decreases in ambient air temperature reduce exposure to hot conditions and support people being active outdoors. Reductions in night-time (minimum) temperatures are particularly significant to heat-related mortality and morbidity (Section 2.3), and to carrying out everyday activities (Section 7.8). 318

Climate-sensitive design for mitigating heat in public space requires consideration of natural ventilation, materials/ greening, and shading (Section 3.5). Regarding ventilation, the dimensions of street canyons, arrangement and form of buildings, and location of trees, need to be assessed (Yang et al. 2011). Canopy sizes and spacing of trees need to be specified in relation to street canyon characteristics (Section 3.5). Greenspaces should be strategically located to capitalise on the ‘cool island’ effect and ‘down-wind’ cooling (Norton et al. 2015).

For materials, heat storage, emissivity and reflectivity properties, as well as placement, require assessment with regard to significant implications for thermal transience processes and cooling and heating the urban air mass (Sections 8.3 and 8.4). Environmental conditions and indoor- outdoor spatial relations in relation to thermal transience processes should also be considered.

For example, analysis of sun-shade diagrams for warm seasons enables high heat storage materials to be shaded during periods of high solar radiation. Analysis also facilitates the placement of cool paving materials in areas exposed to high solar radiation. Paving selection, particularly in play environments, should consider radiant temperatures and the potential injury to bare feet. In addition, the specification of reflective materials should take account of discomfort glare.

The strategic integration of greening and water facilitates evaporative cooling. This requires an assessment of local environmental conditions to determine the design and placement of water- sensitive urban design systems (Section 3.5). Temporal and maintenance factors, as determined by this study (Section 8.4), are also critical.

Tree canopy cover is the most efficient way to shade and cool city spaces, and fundamental to urban ecological corridors and natural processes (Section 3.5). Tree canopy creation and maintenance is subject to time, maintenance and life cycle factors, and requires long term management (Section 8.4). To ensure effective ventilation, tree canopies must be discontinuous and meet minimal heights. Tree species should be assessed for the production, allergenic potential and distribution of aeroallergens, such as pollen (Section 2.3).

Likewise, shrub and groundcover growth over time may lead to enhanced evapotranspiration cooling benefits (Section 8.4). Irrigation, aeration and ‘high blade’ mowing regimes are critical to ensuring heat mitigation benefits from turf (Section 8.4). Traditional knowledge can also offer a deep understanding of place-based ecological processes for greening and heat mitigation approaches (Section 3.4).

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Heat adaptation Adaptation is the ‘adjustment in natural or human systems in response to actual or expected climatic stimuli or their effects, which moderates harm or exploits beneficial opportunities’ (IPCC 2007c). It is increasingly viewed as a necessary means of addressing climate change impacts and ‘will be an evolving process as impacts emerge’ (Hanna and Spickett 2011, p.12S). Adaptive responses may reduce urban vulnerability and improve urban resilience (Matthews 2011). They encompass physiological, behavioural (reactive and interactive) and psychological adaptations.

Physiological adaptation is the acclimatisation to local environmental conditions. Reactive behaviours are direct responses to immediate thermal conditions. They include changing position, which is strongly dependent on microclimate (Nikolopoulou 2011), and modifying metabolic activity intensity to reduce heat load, for example, sitting rather than walking. Interactive behaviours involve people making changes to their environment to improve comfort conditions. Psychological adaptive behaviours relate to perceived control and personal choice, environmental stimulation, length of exposure, and expectations (Knez and Thorsson 2006; Nikolopolou and Steemers 2003).

Public spaces should support people’s ability to adapt to warming climates - that is, to increasing temperatures and more frequent and intense extreme heat events of increasing duration. The design and planning of public spaces should provide for a diversity of microclimates, enabling people to react to immediate thermal conditions without leaving. Design can modify the environmental conditions, for example, by using water technologies to cool air (e.g. water mist) and land surfaces. In addition, people’s tolerance of naturalness, that is the acceptance of wide ranges in thermal conditions in outdoor settings, should be considered in public space designs.

Equity Equity is ‘a fundamental consideration in public health’ and ‘recognised as a key principle of the WHO Healthy Cities Project’ (NSWDOH 2009, p.13). Equity, for this study, means that ‘access to all aspects of a community (including health, safety, open space, transport and economic development) is fair to all residents regardless of socioeconomic status, cultural background, gender, age or ability’ (NSWDOH 2009, p.13).

Heat-related health inequities are affected by the unequal distribution of urban heat within cities. Spatial mapping of heat-related mortality and morbidity, together with thermal mapping, reveals clusters - or ‘hotspots’ - of heat-vulnerability. Typically, hotspots are areas of cities that are hotter and more disadvantaged than other parts. In major Australian cities, areas with high heat-vulnerability are distinguished by the presence of an UHI, high numbers of older residents, 320 and people with disabilities (Loughnan et al. 2013). Neighbourhoods in these hotter regions are often thermally inefficient, characterised by lower tree canopy cover and greenspace provision (Sections 6.3 and 6.6). Poor quality public transport, community facilities and services may compound heat-vulnerability.

Reisinger et al. (2014, p.1382) note that ‘socio-economic considerations are used increasingly to understand adaptive capacity of communities’ and to ‘construct scenarios to help build regional planning capacity’. Consequently, equity can be progressed in public space design and planning by building cross-sectoral partnerships, social inclusion and interaction, and early engagement. The approach taken must also recognise the interdependent nature - or ecological relationships - of various factors that contribute to health.

Walkability and connectivity in hot conditions Walkability is ‘how friendly a place is to pedestrians, whether it invites and encourages people to walk’ (NSWPCAL 2010, p.4). It is an indicator of the ‘ease of access for pedestrians to and from buildings and key to local destinations’ (p.4). Connectivity is also an indicator of ‘ease of access, by provision of clear, direct routes, between key destinations, for all travel modes’ (NSWPCAL 2010, p.4). Walking routes ‘should be clearly identified/ legible’ (p.4).

Walkability in hot conditions is supported by connected public space networks that are thermally comfortable. Routes need to offer shaded and naturally ventilated rest places located at frequent intervals. Built shelter with formal (primary) seating should be incorporated to assist pedestrians, especially the elderly, to adjust to stressful conditions and provide protection from the sun and rain.

Quality public domains in hot conditions A quality public domain supports everyday outdoor activity by ‘enabling walking and cycling’ (NSWPCAL 2010, p.4) and inviting people to sit and stay (Gehl 2010). A quality domain is perceived as safe, well-maintained and aesthetically pleasing. It provides thermal and social comfort (Section 4.6).

A quality domain for hot conditions should integrate nature and natural processes, linked to ‘biophilic’ psychological health benefits (Ryan et al. 2014). It should offer thermal diversity and comfort options for sitting and staying activities. Seating needs to accommodate a range of body shapes and physical abilities, particularly in relation to heat-vulnerable groups, such as older people and people with disabilities and obesity (Andrews et al. 2012; Longhurst 2005). Seating arrangements should encourage incidental social exchange.

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Quality domains also need to provide safe environments for being active and socially engaged outdoors at night, during the cooler part of hot days (Sections 7.3 and 7.4). Major public spaces and pedestrian thoroughfares, used by large numbers of people, should be prioritised (Section 3.5).

Actions relevant to heat-sensitive, health-supportive principles - Cabravale Park upgrade Many actions aligned with these heat-sensitive, health-supportive principles for public space were undertaken as part of the upgrade of Cabravale Park. The results illustrate the extent of the benefits and limitations afforded by these actions with regard to supporting outdoor activity and providing thermal comfort. The actions are outlined and discussed below.

Heat mitigation actions Heat mitigation actions involved planting additional trees at wide intervals along existing and new concrete paths. This action aimed to increase tree canopy cover and provide shaded, ventilated routes for transit, exercise and play activities. Understorey shrubs were strategically removed to facilitate cooling breezes, while improving passive surveillance and perceptions of safety. Two rain gardens were installed to increase evaporative cooling and provide cool informal seating and play areas.

My findings indicate that these actions provided some immediate benefits, with greater potential benefits in the future. In Section 8.4, shading of concrete paths in the park is shown to generally reduce heat emitted to the air mass. The least amount of heat was emitted by shaded path sections that had not been directly exposed to solar radiation during preceding sunlight hours. This suggests that the shade of newly planted trees limited heat radiated from the paths. Future heat mitigation will be dependent on the rate of tree canopy growth, as shown by results for Park Road promenade (Section 8.4).

Findings for the rain garden in the park suggest that cooling effects increase with enhanced plant growth. When constructed in 2010, mulch and stone were the dominant surface covers in the garden, but by 2014, plants were the main cover (Figure 8.13). Thermal imagery and discussion in Section 8.4 establish the extent to which the materials - mulch, stone and plants - contribute heat to the air mass. Results imply that the rain garden mitigated more heat in in 2014 compared to 2010 due to greater surface coverage by plants.

Heat adaptation actions Heat adaptation actions in the park supported reactive adaptive behaviours by providing thermal diversity and choice, especially for microclimatic-sensitive activities (e.g. sitting and

322 other staying activities Formal (primary) and informal (secondary) seating was increased in quantity and located in spaces with differing microclimates, providing opportunities for people to change location should conditions become uncomfortable.

Seating options also considered proxemics, catering for people of differing body shapes and abilities. Seating formations and locations took into account social comfort, and accommodated different social arrangements (Section 7.4).

The results for reactive adaptive behaviours indicate that the range of seating, spread across various microclimatic sub-spaces, provided comfortable options throughout ‘usual warm’ days (Section 7.4). At the other end of the spectrum, during the hottest part of an ‘unusually hot’ day, people were observed to sit for long periods (over 15 minutes) in shaded formal seating, implying comfort (Sections 7.4 and 8.3). The picnic shelter with seating was observed to provide protection from the sun and rain, and a place to stay until inclement weather abated (Section 8.2).

Regarding psychological adaptation, enhanced seating and shelter options provided personal choice and supported perceived control, especially during sudden changes in weather. My experience of natural phenomena, described in Section 8.2, reinforces the environmental stimulation offered by the park, important to people choosing to spend time outdoors.

Actions for equity Actions for equity involved the development of an inclusive and accessible design for the park, inviting to all residents. A comprehensive community consultation process informed the design. Importantly, feedback from differing sectors was taken on board. For example, the open central area was retained for children’s play (Section 8.4) and the rain garden was taken up as the appropriate place in which to acknowledge the Traditional Custodians (Section 8.4).

A community cultural development program promoted community engagement and ownership, particularly by local children, throughout the design and construction stages (Section 7.4). Upgraded facilities offered opportunities for all residents to recreate, socialise, exercise and play. Important to a low socioeconomic community, use of all facilities was free. The results indicate that the upgraded park supported different activities by a wide-range of groups and individuals, particularly during summer afternoons and evenings (Section 7.3).

Actions for walkability and connectivity in hot conditions Actions for walkability and connectivity included connecting the new pathway system in the park to the local street footpath network. Connectivity was further supported by the construction of

323 two new pedestrian refuges in adjoining streets near a main park entry (Section 7.4). Shade trees were planted along park paths for hot conditions.

Rest places with formal seating were located at frequent intervals within the park to support walkability (Section 7.4). Seating offered thermal choice and places to adjust to stressful hot weather conditions.

The results indicate that the improved paths and seating within the park supported people transiting through the park to various destinations, particularly to and from the town centre and local schools, during warm and hot conditions (Section 7.4). My assessment of the neighbourhood, however, showed that walkability beyond the park - especially in the heat - was limited by the lack of shade along footpaths and seating areas within the connecting streets e.g. Park Road (Section 7.2).

Actions for quality public domain in hot conditions Before the upgrade, the amenity of Cabravale Park was poor (Figure 7.18). The aim of improvement works was to provide a quality domain, including for use in hot weather. Actions undertaken to achieve this outcome are outlined comprehensively in Section 7.4.

The results for ‘before’ and ‘after’ scenarios in the park demonstrate the positive impact of the actions on recurrent daily use patterns. They are analysed and discussed in detail in Section 7.4. The findings showed that before the park was improved, the levels for staying activities were low during all fieldwork conditions - that is, usual warm and unusually hot conditions. After the upgrade, levels of use increased substantially across all measured weather conditions and for all periods of day (except during rain and storms).

Results also suggest that the actions to improve quality supported people to rest, exercise, play and socialise in a cool, green park during late afternoons and evenings, the cooler part of hot days. The park acted as a quality green ‘oasis’ in a disadvantaged, thermally inefficient neighbourhood. Focussing activity in the cooler part of hot days is especially important to minimising heat stress. Resting at this time assists in reducing heat load accumulated during the earlier part of the day, or preceding hot days related to heat-lag effects (Section 2.5).

Further to evening activity, my findings highlight that actions should have prioritised elements that support night-time use of the park. Nonetheless, infrared imagery revealed that people used the park for exercising and socialising after dark, despite the lack of supportive infrastructure e.g. lighting (Figure 7.15). Satisfactory lighting is critical. Night-time community activities, transport services, and basketball competitions present other opportunities.

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Actions supporting evening activity, quality green ‘oases’ and other adaptive responses are taken up in the next part of this section.

The use of traditional and new technologies As I noted above, the use of traditional and new technologies can contribute to the application of the heat-sensitive, health-supportive principles. Chapter 3 outlined traditional approaches to living in hot conditions, exploiting greenery, water, shading, natural ventilation, and indoor- outdoor relations.

This final part of the section presents three public spaces in Spain that combine traditional and new knowledge for living with heat.

The public spaces are vital to city life. They are subject to hot urban conditions and used by large numbers of people throughout the day and evening. The spaces vary substantially with regard to their context, physical attributes and use, illustrating a range of adaptive approaches for improving thermal conditions in ambient environments. Consequently, these public spaces provide significant insights into actioning heat-sensitive, health-supportive principles in different urban settings to my case study. While site-specific, the spaces offer generic approaches to providing comfort options for being active outdoors, while reducing urban heat.

Visual assessment and heuristic inquiry, conducted during hot weather, inform my findings for each public space, as outlined below.

Day and night pedestrian thoroughfare The attributes of a major pedestrian thoroughfare in Barcelona, Spain were observed to support day and night-time activity during hot summer conditions. The thoroughfare comprised an avenue, shared with cars and bicycles, connected to a pedestrian-only promenade.

Green ‘oasis’ rest areas were located at frequent intervals along the avenue (Figure 8.14), while shaded formal and informal seating lined the promenade. On hot days, I observed people staying for long periods, playing and socialising, along the length of this pedestrian thoroughfare during the day through to late evening, (Figure 8.14). I utilised the rest areas and seating to adjust to the hot conditions during my sojourn, joining others to people-watch.

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Figure 8.14 Behaviour in hot conditions, Barcelona, Spain. Left: sedentary activity on a hot afternoon. Right: active play in the evening of a hot day. Photos: McKenzie 2011. Discussion

My findings indicate that the avenue and promenade exhibited features that reduce urban heat. Mature trees with wide, relatively dense canopies shaded the street and footpaths. Their spacing and tall trunks enabled natural ventilation. Permeable paving and garden beds in the oasis rest areas harvested water to support trees and facilitate evapotranspiration cooling (Coutts et al. 2012; Gartland 2011).

The central area of the promenade, however, comprised considerable areas of unshaded asphalt, stone paving and short-mown grass, potentially contributing to ambient air temperatures, as suggested by findings for my case study (Section 8.4). This central area forms the main axis leading to the Arco de Triunfo (historic arch). Vistas, sightlines and accommodating large volumes of visitors were likely significant design and planning considerations. Limited shade in this area reflects, in a general sense, Yang et al.’s (2011) observation that heat mitigation approaches may need to incorporate open unshaded areas, such as lawns and, in this example, paved areas.

Regarding comfort and heat stress, microclimatic diversity and choice, and opportunities to adjust to hot conditions, were provided at frequent intervals and on either side of the pedestrian thoroughfare (Ali-Toudert and Mayer 2006). Seating was located at frequent intervals, accommodating different physical abilities and comfort ranges (Andrews et al. 2012; Barton and Grant 2011). Seating options that considered the proxemics of people with obesity (Cooper 2010), a major heat-vulnerable group, were limited to promenade seating walls.

Features of the oasis rest areas aligned with those emphasised by participants in my focus group as important to older people being active during hot weather (Section 7.7). Features included accessible, safe and shaded rest areas, with formal seating arranged to support social exchange. 326

The uneven surface of the permeable paving, however, likely increased falls risk (Curl et al. 2015).

Night-lighting along the length of the pedestrian thoroughfare was shown to support a range of activities, from sitting and eating (sedentary activities) through to playing (medium-intensity activities). The quality of the luminescence, together with the presence of many people, reinforced a perception of safety.

Pavement-watering

My observations of the Plaza Mayor, the main plaza in Cáceres, Spain, indicated that the central area was largely deserted during a hot afternoon. However, around 5.00pm, illuminated water fountains began to bubble and water flowed across the pavement (Figure 8.15). This subtle sheet of water changed the colour of the paving, providing a beautiful spectacle. Many people appeared, strolling and playing on the plaza’s pavement.

I noted that the pavement-watering quite rapidly changed the mood of the plaza from still and tranquil to lively and upbeat. My thermal comfort changed from ‘acceptable’ to ‘comfortable’ (Figure 4.5). With this change, I increased my metabolic activity from sitting and watching (sedentary) to walking with others on the wet pavement (light-intensity). I also experienced a sense of psychological relief from the heat.

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Figure 8.15 Pavement watering in Plaza Mayor, Cáceres, Spain. Photos: McKenzie 2011. Discussion

Pavement-watering is a traditional practice that is finding contemporary applications. Conventionally, this practice was used to prevent dust clouds but is ‘now stirring new interest as a tool for UHI mitigation, climate change adaptation and pedestrian thermal stress reduction’ (Hendel et al. 2014, p.175).

Correspondence from the urban designer at Cáceres City Council explained that a major function of the pavement watering in the plaza is reducing thermal storage and emission. Summer temperatures in Cáceres ‘very often get over 40-420C (1050F) and due to the heat inertia of the granite on the pavement it takes a lot of time to decrease its temperature’ (personal communication, 3 May 2012). Watering reduces the heat inertia in the granite paving. The selection of paving for this UNESCO World Heritage site considered the aesthetics and radiant heat properties of the granite when in dry and wet states.

Responsive shade The final example of public spaces illustrating the principles of a heat-sensitive, health- supportive approach are two major pedestrian strip-shopping plazas in central Madrid, Spain.

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With the seasonal change from spring to summer, I observed how decorative shade cloth was erected between buildings lining the plazas (Figure 8.16).

I noted that many people, including older people, walked up and down the plazas throughout the day and evening. Some carried shopping (moderate-intensity activity), while others sat in outdoor cafes (sedentary activity).

My experience of thermal conditions, sitting and walking in these plazas throughout summer days, was ‘comfortable’ (Figure 4.5). I noted that the thermal comfort afforded by the seemingly light-tenacity (tensile strength) shade cloth was considerable and unexpected when I moved from the discomfort of an adjacent area fully exposed to the sun.

Discussion

Creating temporary shade is an interactive adaptive behaviour that involves modifying the environment to improve comfort conditions (Nikolopoulou 2011). As outlined in Section 3.4, finely-tuned interactive adaptations are demonstrated by Aboriginal people in Northern Australia. Here, the Lardil people respond to seasonal change and irregular and extreme heat patterns by using several types of temporary shade structures that are manipulated in conjunction with the sun’s changing position over the course of a day.

Figure 8.16 Shade-cloth in plazas in central Madrid, Spain during summer. Photos: McKenzie 2011. The use of contemporary shade cloth in Madrid draws from traditional adaptive responses suited to seasonal change. Erected in warm months, the shade cloth affords pedestrians protection from sun and heat. The elevation above ground and separated sections of the cloth facilitated ventilation and removal of heat. The width of the plazas, together with the cloth 329 suspended between permanent built forms, reduced heat absorption by the high thermal storage materials of building walls and paving. In addition, the shade cloth was aesthetically pleasing, providing colour accents and interesting shadow patterns.

Figure 8.16 captures how people in transit, when the option was available, mostly walked in the solid building shade as opposed to the partial sail shade. This suggests a degree of microclimatic preference for solid shade when undertaking transit activity during extreme heat conditions.

This concludes discussion of actions guided by heat-sensitive, health-supportive principles in the case study and other hot urban regions.

8.6 Conclusion

The research presented in this chapter focuses on micro-urban, thermal environments during hot conditions. The chapter provides a deep analysis of the impact of design and planning decisions on thermal transience in public space, making an important contribution to my second research question: To what extent do hot weather and extreme heat inform design and planning interventions for urban public space? Attention is given to my subsidiary questions related to heat in Cabramatta and Western Sydney, and implications for designing for hot conditions in general.

The research results are based on the collation and analysis of quantitative and qualitative data obtained in the field through multiple methods. The inclusion of thermal imagery in the last stage of my fieldwork proved to be a valuable technique for making visible the finely-grained thermal processes occurring within Cabravale Park, with design and planning implications. The effectiveness of this multi-method approach in achieving research rigour makes a significant contribution to my research aim: to develop a cross-disciplinary research design and methods for examining the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and comfort in real-life outdoor public spaces.

Major findings relate to the thermal variability characterising non-steady outdoor environments and implications for design. Results reinforce that thermal comfort is influenced by meteorological parameters for outdoor thermal comfort in combination with sensory inter- connectedness and environmental stimulation. Nature and natural processes are shown to offer design opportunities to ‘invite’ people to use public space, aligned with physical and psychological health benefits.

Results established that thermal transience was in constant play with regard to elements in Cabravale Park. Elements acted to heat and cool the air mass in different ways throughout an 330 unusually hot day, influenced by shade and sun exposure and the presence of water. The implications for designers and planners of public space are to take account of the properties of materials and their placement for reducing heat and creating microclimatic thermal diversity.

Findings indicate ways to design-in coolers. Effective evapotranspiration cooling was shown to require hydration and informed maintenance practises. A rain garden in the upgraded park showcased a heat mitigation approach, enabled by cross-sector partnerships and augmented by local Aboriginal knowledge.

Finally, the chapter presented five heat-sensitive, health-supportive principles for public space, drawn from aspects of the literature review (Part I) together with the research results (Part III). The actions central to the upgrade of the Cabravale Park were shown to be guided by the principles and underpin the park’s role as an important cool, greenspace in a disadvantaged community in Western Sydney. Traditional and new knowledge for adapting to heat were demonstrated as supporting lively public spaces in hot cities in Spain, offering generic insights into living with heat.

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9 Conclusion

9.1 Introduction

This thesis explores the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and thermal comfort in outdoor public space. In the context of global and urban warming, it examines the negative effect hot conditions have on outdoor activity, health and well-being, especially for major heat-vulnerable groups such as older people and those with chronic disease. The thesis also considers the design and planning implications arising from a review of literature and the case study investigation for creating health-supportive urban environments in hot conditions.

The rationale for this study is the perceived gap in knowledge on the influence of hot weather on the everyday use of public space. In the main, studies investigating heat-health impacts focus on mortality, reflecting only extremes. Yet, heat also impacts significantly on morbidity, with consequences for people’s ability to be active and comfortable outdoors. The impact of heat on morbidity, beyond hospital admissions, is largely unreported. Healthy, age-friendly city initiatives recognise that public space design and use are critical to supporting the physical and psychological health of urban populations; yet, initiatives give limited attention to hot weather impacts - increasingly prevalent in this twenty-first century.

This final chapter reviews the aims and development of the thesis. Key findings and contributions to knowledge are outlined. The limitations are presented. Finally, opportunities for future research are suggested.

9.2 Thesis aims and outcomes

To address the gap in knowledge, two research aims were established.

Research Aim One The first aim was to develop a cross-disciplinary research design and set of methods for examining the influence of heat on everyday behaviour and comfort in real-life outdoor public spaces, particularly for older people.

At the outset of this research, an interdisciplinary multi-methodological approach was recognised as necessary, given the complexities of real-life situations related to public space use and non-steady outdoor thermal environments. The approach evolved from standard landscape architectural understandings and processes. It drew from the environmental psychology, ethnography, public health, and urban climatology disciplines to examine the interrelationships between heat, behaviour and comfort in public space. The approach identified associations

332 between behaviour settings, behaviour and heat that can guide design and planning for healthy outdoor settings.

The development of this methodological approach involved a comprehensive process of trialling, testing, analysing and modifying methods. It also entailed assessing and integrating the significant body of new knowledge related to climate change mitigation and adaptation that emerged during the course of this study.

A case study approach was adopted, utilising two public spaces - Cabravale Park and Freedom Plaza - in Cabramatta, Western Sydney. Contextual assessment at macro-scale established the urban heat and heat-vulnerability characteristics of the case study sites. Assessment at micro- scale determined the health-supportive attributes of the neighbourhood and microclimatic conditions of streets adjoining the sites. Field walkarounds, and reviews of literature and local media, informed findings for the real-life physical, social and cultural settings of each site. Walkarounds continued throughout the fieldwork program to monitor changes to the physical neighbourhood setting. Within the case study sites, physical aspects focused on their microclimatic diversity and environmental qualities.

A fieldwork program was staged over six summers (2006-2010 and 2014). Associated longitudinal benefits included a comparison of modified physical conditions in Cabravale Park and related behavioural shifts in response to improved quality, as well as the integration of new knowledge. In addition, benefits comprised my increasing fieldwork skills and proficiency with multi-methods and, mostly decisively, my deepening familiarity with the case study sites and their use. Later stages transferred focus from the two sites - the park and plaza - to solely Cabravale Park, which offered greater research insights than Freedom Plaza for unpredictable, as well as predictable, use patterns.

In the field, meteorological parameters for thermal comfort were measured and recorded. Direct observations (people counts, behaviour mapping, photography, and detailed, descriptive note-taking and narrative) captured behaviour trends in tandem with meteorological conditions to determine associations. Heuristic inquiry enabled application of the psychometric tool for experiencing and understanding my thermal sensations under heat extreme conditions.

Infrared thermometry and imagery made visible the invisible regarding radiant heat conditions. First, this was for preferred sitting locations during hot conditions. Second, thermometry and imagery revealed how common land surface materials, concrete paving and grass, and their exposure to solar radiation (sun and shade) contributed heat to, or cooled, ambient air

333 temperatures. The relationships between radiant emissions, air temperatures and behavioural responses thus becomes more apparent.

Fieldwork data were analysed to determine shifts in behaviour in response to heat. Meteorological data were collated for ‘usual warm’, ‘unusual hot’ and ‘extreme heat’ days. Observed activities were categorised according to thermal and social comfort associations, with a functional focus on transit and staying activities. Recurrent behaviour patterns in the park and plaza for usual warm conditions were compared with those for unusual hot and extreme heat conditions to identify behavioural shifts in response to heat. Sun and shade preferences for transit and staying activities during usual warm and hot conditions were also determined. Contextual neighbourhood attributes supporting walkability during hot conditions were assessed.

Decisively, the substantial upgrade of Cabravale Park allowed behaviour patterns for ‘before’ and ‘after’ the upgrade to be monitored and compared. This enabled the impact of improved environmental quality on behaviour to be identified. Data for two major heatwaves that bookended the upgrade provided significant insights into behaviour shifts during extreme heat conditions. In turn, this allowed implications to be drawn for designing thermally comfortable and healthy public spaces.

To complement fieldwork, data were obtained from a focus group with elderly participants living in the case study locality, on the behavioural responses of older people to heat. Feedback contributed to analysing observed behaviours in Cabravale Park. Adaptive and maladaptive behaviours, and specific design and planning needs for reducing heat-risk and supporting outdoor activity during heat, were highlighted.

A salient outcome of this study is the development of an interdisciplinary research design and set of methods to identify the influence of heat on behaviour in outdoor public space. The research design was tailored to the case study sites, but may potentially be modified and applied in other behaviour settings to examine heat’s influence on outdoor activity.

Research Aim Two The second aim of this research was to add to the practical knowledge of designing and planning health-supportive public space in a warming climate, specifically focusing on a disadvantaged urban community in Western Sydney. As the study progressed, new research emphasised health inequities related to heat-vulnerability and the unequal urban heat distribution within cities. Consequently, the case study grew in significance due to Cabramatta’s high level of

334 disadvantage, combined with its low greenspace provision and location within the hotter, outer region of suburban Sydney. The research outcomes contribute to healthy city design and planning approaches that address heat-related health inequities.

The thesis commenced by establishing that increasing temperatures and more frequent, intense and longer heatwaves present major health challenges for urban populations. It developed the notion that heat-vulnerability is exacerbated by the ageing of populations and increasing levels of chronic disease. Older people are especially heat-vulnerable due to natural ageing processes and co-morbidities, and this is intensified by disadvantaged socio-economic and spatial conditions. At city and neighbourhood scales, heat-related health inequities are especially influenced by the unequal distribution of urban heat, and the thermal efficiency of housing, including the provision of public and private greening.

The thesis suggests that traditional design approaches to heat, founded on long-standing ‘trial and error’ empirical processes, may modify heat-exposure and create thermal diversity and choice. Traditional approaches design back into everyday living environments nature’s temporal cycles, while capitalising on the appeal of environmental stimulation. They require a rethinking of indoor-outdoor spatial relations, alongside integrated adaptive behaviours. The thesis also indicates that contemporary climate-sensitive design and new technologies may enhance city cooling through strategic use of built and natural elements and materials.

Finally, the thesis elaborates on the critical role that public space is known to play in healthy, age-friendly city approaches that target physical inactivity. However, currently, these approaches give limited attention to thermal comfort and the impact of heat - especially extreme conditions anticipated to multiply in the coming decades - on people’s ability to be active outdoors – that is, to adjust to stressful outdoor conditions, carry out everyday outdoor activities, and live independent, socially-engaged lives. Notwithstanding, generically, emphasis is placed on three quintessential priorities for reducing the heat-vulnerability of urban populations, as identified by health and built environments sectors: to reduce urban heat, lessen levels of chronic disease, and support the social nature (social cohesion) of cities. This thesis is a contribution to knowledge in those realms.

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Research Questions Two central research questions emerged from the literature review:

The first research question is, to what extent do hot weather and extreme heat: influence behaviour in urban public space, in terms of outdoor physical activity and thermal comfort; particularly relevant for older people?

The second research question is, what design and planning interventions for urban public space might be relevant to accommodate hot weather and extreme heat conditions?

These questions were considered through an analysis of fieldwork observations undertaken at two public space case study sites in Cabramatta, Western Sydney over the summers of 2006 to 2010 and 2014.

9.3 Key findings and contributions to knowledge

The research questions have been comprehensively addressed through this study. The study demonstrates that heat has a marked impact on behaviour in outdoor public spaces, and that heat has a pronounced impact on older people. The study found, however, that improvements in environmental quality produce major increases in activity that can reduce heat-vulnerability. Moreover, the study found that utilising traditional knowledge together with modern technologies can play important roles in mitigating heat.

The main findings identify associations rather than simple, clear-cut explanations. Associations more appropriately capture the inevitable indistinctness - or imprecision - of real-life heat- people-environment relations. The key findings are:

Behaviour shifts in response to heat • Real-life, outdoor environments are characterised by non-steady thermal conditions that are in constant flux, a complicating factor in their appropriate design. In the case study sites, people were observed to tolerate, and seem to prefer, a range of outdoor microclimatic conditions during usual warm weather. During hot conditions, however, shade was found to be a prized commodity for both transiting and staying activities. Shade-related behaviour, however, is more finely tuned than simple sun-shade choices. Diversity and choice, encompassing thermal and social comfort, are important to people staying for long periods. The implication being: the longer people use the public realm, the longer they are likely to be active, with consequent health and well-being consequences.

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• Behaviour and comfort in the case study sites shifted in response to hot conditions. Heat impacted on recurrent behaviour patterns for both transit and staying activities, shown to be distinct phenomena, and both of which require specific consideration. For the two case study sites, heat was associated with reduced transit and staying activities during the mid-day and afternoon periods of unusually hot and extreme heat days. Staying activities in Cabravale Park, however, substantially increased during the evening. While the impact of heat on staying activity is not unexpected, transit is generally understood to not be affected by thermal conditions. My findings suggest that this may not apply when the transit activity involves travel that is ‘optional’. • The marked shift towards greater evening activity on hot days allowed people to be more physically and socially active during the cooler part of the day. They engaged in healthy adaptive behaviours. People exercised, and relieved accumulated heat stress loads by resting, in the cool outdoors. This finding implies important design and planning directions for supporting heat-adaptive behaviours, such as identifying and building-in coolers. This can be aided by infrared imagery, indicative of thermal transience from the designed environment to the urban climate. • The substantial increase in activity in Cabravale Park after the upgrade emphasised that environmental quality is paramount to supporting healthy, active behaviours in all summer weather conditions. For this disadvantaged, heat-vulnerable community living in the hot, outer region of Sydney, the renewed park provided an important cool spot where people can reduce heat stress. Concurrently, the heat risks associated with social isolation are potentially addressed. • Thermal sensation rankings for ‘uncomfortable’ and ‘moderately stressful’ conditions in the field, resulting from heuristic inquiry, provided design guidance for outdoor fieldwork conducted under extreme heat conditions. Heuristic inquiry also provided insights into the individual nature of psychological adaptations to heat, related to expectations and experience, memory, and socio-cultural processes.

Older people, cultural diversity and heat • Heat-related morbidity, associated with negative impacts on independent living, is under-reported. The research outcomes from this study, based on feedback from the focus group with older people, reinforced that hot weather has physical and psychological impacts, consistent with the literature. In addition to general lethargy, older people were found to be more dependent on family members for their daily essentials and transport needs during hot weather. The cost of residential cooling was 337

a concern. Favoured cools spots were local recreation clubs, which, however, exposed older people to gambling environments. • Research outcomes also added to the knowledge base for culturally and linguistically diverse older people. Social and cultural activities were identified as key incentives for being active. Heat was not found to be a barrier to attendance. However, the strong attraction of social activities, particularly culturally-based gatherings, led to older people being exposed to hot, unshaded outdoor conditions en-route to public transport and inadequately air-conditioned community venues. Interestingly, the transferred heat- related behaviours of older migrants were, in the case of ‘siestas’, adaptive, while others potentially increased heat stress, posing a heat education community deficit for planners and designers.

Thermal transience • My research outcomes for thermal transience reflected the literature. High heat storage materials, in shade and sun, were found to largely contribute heat to the air mass during hot conditions. Radiant temperatures indicated green, natural materials mainly act as coolers during hot conditions; however, counter-intuitively, grassed areas were shown to radiate high temperatures during the heat of the day, likely due to soil compaction, low soil moisture and poor grass quality. • Findings from this study provided insights into the micro-urban thermal settings of preferred places to sit outdoors during hot weather. While all were shaded, locations varied widely in relation to materials, elements, and their arrangements, and orientation regarding sun and wind exposure. Consequently, associated micro-scale radiant heat exchange processes were significantly different. Yet, occupants remained in their locations for long periods, suggesting an acceptable level of thermal and social comfort, and an ability to physically adapt to thermal changes, at least at levels experienced thus far.

Cross-sector approaches and traditional knowledge • Research outcomes from this study support the contention that the health challenges posed by warming climate require a cross-sectoral approach. The rain garden in Cabravale Park was developed through a cross-sector partnership, including integration of local traditional knowledge. This study’s monitoring and analysis supports the rain garden as a sustainable, water-sensitive design initiative. Heat mitigation benefits were shown to increase with increased vegetation growth.

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Research methodological insights • A set of cross-disciplinary research design methods for evaluating heat’s influence on outdoor behaviour and comfort has been developed. This adds to the limited studies exploring behaviour and comfort in real-life, non-steady thermal environments and contributes to the knowledge base for other researchers. • The heuristic fieldwork results provide particular insights that can guide researchers pursuing studies in extreme heat conditions. This includes planning for hot conditions, monitoring for heat stress, and programming lengths of heat exposure.

9.4 Implications for policymakers and practitioners

This research highlights a lack of consideration of heat’s impact in initiatives for healthy, age- friendly cities, particularly neighbourhood and public realm walkability. Micro-scale contextual factors related to urban heat and thermal and social comfort, especially the differences between transiting through, and staying in public spaces during hot conditions, are given scant attention.

The outcomes of this research synthesis contribute new knowledge for policymakers and practitioners concerned with reducing urban heat and the negative impacts of heat on health and well-being. The findings imply a range of design and planning approaches for hot conditions.

Firstly, the research outcomes stress the importance of creating and maintaining connected, shaded, ventilated, and hydrated green public space networks. Such networks offer the co- benefits of reducing urban heat, while supporting people being active and socially-engaged outdoors – transiting and staying - during hot days and evenings. The study proposes that frequently-spaced, shaded rest areas - that enable people to stop and adjust to stressful thermal conditions, preferably with opportunities to engage in incidental social exchanges - are important, particularly to heat-vulnerable groups, significantly ageing urban populations.

The research supports designing-in outdoor thermal diversity and choice, appropriate to hot conditions. To encourage people to stop and stay in public spaces, designers could provide a diversity of shaded subspaces, based on variations in shade density, ventilation and social comfort. Subspaces enable psychological adaptive behaviours associated with perceived control and personal choice, also relevant to perceptions of safety. They offer users the opportunity to relocate within public spaces, rather than leave, should conditions be perceived as uncomfortable. The environmental stimulation and natural cycles inherent in the outdoors also offer design opportunities for building-in a variety of alternatives for differing conditions.

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Increased evening activity on hot days in Cabravale Park, identified in this study, demonstrates that design should support reactive heat-adaptive behaviours. These involve socialising, exercising and playing in the cooler parts of hot days and resting (taking ‘siestas’) during the hottest part of the day. Appropriate lighting of public spaces and active transport (walking, cycling and public transport) routes is paramount to vibrant evening life in city spaces. Night- time economies and recreation programs, eyes on the street, and good perception of safety are also critical support elements. To address health inequalities, this study highlights that policy and practice need to prioritise the provision and maintenance of cool, green, quality public spaces in disadvantaged communities in hot regions of cities. These are the localities where residents are likely to reside in thermally inefficient neighbourhoods and housing.

Secondly, the research outcomes guide policy and design to sustain older people’s independence and reduce heat-risks associated with social isolation. Findings support the contention that the social nature of the city is likely to be equally, if not more, important to reducing heat-risk than built attributes, especially for older people. Supportive design elements identified by the focus group are consistent with the literature, such as accessible paths and built shade with formal seating (benches with backs and arms) arranged to enable social interaction and support independent movement.

However, several issues and associations not evident in the literature were raised. Focus group feedback indicated that one major heat-vulnerable group - older grandparents - often care for another heat-vulnerable group - young grandchildren. Together, these heat-vulnerable groups often seek out parks, plazas and streets for outdoor social and play activities. Hot weather and heat stress present concerning challenges. Interactive water play elements to reduce heat stress, and potable water sources for rehydrating and cleaning, were emphasised as essential to caring for children, as well as limiting the physiological and psychological stress of carers, during hot weather.

Also, as identified in the literature, provision of clean, accessible toilets was stressed as an imperative for older people to use public space. However, in the context of hot weather, this study identified that toilets are even more essential due to associations between heat- protective recommendations to increase fluid intake, diuretic medications, reduced mobility, and incontinence issues.

Policy and design also need to ensure cool, travel options for older people, and that venues for social gatherings are adequately cool. In disadvantaged areas, policies should also ensure travel and venue hire costs are manageable for older people, and alternate cool, social spaces to air- 340 conditioned gambling venues are provided. As transferred behaviours may be potentially maladaptive, multi-lingual, community-level heat education programs are necessary.

Thirdly, the research outcomes provide knowledge for mitigating urban heat and creating thermal comfort choice through design. Findings for thermal transience reinforce that designers should consider the selection and placement of materials in relation to solar exposure, as well as use. Analysis from this study indicates that the high radiant temperatures of concrete paths may potentially cause injury to people with reduced peripheral circulation and sensation, such as people with diabetes and cardio-vascular disease. Designers should also appreciate that natural, green materials may act as heat radiators during the hotter periods of hot days.

Findings also highlight issues for establishing and maintaining natural shade in public space. Policy makers and practitioners utilising greening to cool public spaces need to take account of time in relation to tree growth and projected shade. Environments conducive to, and resources for, supporting good tree health are also imperative. Grass maintenance programs must factor- in aeration and hydration, and longer blade lengths in summer, to ensure evaporative cooling from this ubiquitous land surface cover is effective.

Finally, findings from this study support cross-sectoral understandings and approaches to heat mitigation and adaptation, including integration of traditional knowledge.

9.5 Limitations

Chapter 5 establishes that this research is exploratory. Like any investigation of public space, limitations lie in the complexities of real-life, outdoor settings. This study privileges relations between behaviour, comfort and heat within the non-steady outdoor thermal conditions of two case study public spaces. However, hot weather is just one of the factors – albeit critical - that influence outdoor behaviour and comfort. Factors include place-specific and broader contextual influences beyond the scope of this study. The challenge of determining heat’s influence was met by adopting multiple methods and complex thinking to understand and analyse potential relationships between factors.

Nonetheless, results are suggestive. The study focuses on a disadvantaged, multicultural area in an outer metropolitan ‘hotspot’ - that is, a hotter, less green part of the city. To that extent, results are generalisable to similar circumstances. Clearly, idiosyncratic differences are also present, such as acclimatisation, individual adaptive capacity, and cultural aspects. Results are also constrained by the study’s scope and a solo researcher.

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In relation to behaviour mapping, results are presented as site maps, photographs, graphs and tables. Mapping indicates microclimatic diversity, quality of facilities, and range of activities and locations in each case study site. Tables illustrate user counts. Analysis explored correlations between these elements. A further effective analytical method, not employed in this study, could involve the use of maps combined with the summary tables of user counts. Ultimately, with the necessary ethical permission, a sample of users could be interviewed, and their recounts and narratives employed to enrich the understandings of user behaviour in place.

Another limitation was the composition of the focus group. Although the suburb of Cabramatta includes a high proportion of Vietnamese residents, no Vietnamese people participated in the focus group. The outcome of the focus group may have been enhanced with the inclusion of these members of the community. The invitation for focus group participants was extended to all members of the Fairfield Seniors Network, which included representatives of Vietnamese backgrounds, by Fairfield City Council. It was not anticipated that members of the Vietnamese community would not volunteer to participate in the Council group.

The geographic focus of the research is a further area of constraint. The research outcomes focus on a case study in Western Sydney. While generic insights and principles are identified for confronting warming urban climates and associated heat-related health inequalities, the limited scope of the study leaves these findings open to refinement in the future.

9.6 Opportunities for future research

This study highlights that observations of real-life behaviour in outdoor public space imply improvements in design and planning that benefit communities in a warming future. The study is, however, one of few to explore everyday life in public spaces, leaving further opportunity for research. Directions for further research might include: • Integrating, and testing of, heat-sensitive, healthy-city principles in urban policies and strategies. • Testing the research design and methods across a diverse selection of urban environments confronting warming. In this way, the influences of environmental context - physical, social, cultural and economic factors - would be better understood. The research design could augment the infrared imagery component for a more in- depth examination of heat exchanges (thermal transience) at micro-urban scale, with additional benefits for implied design and planning interventions. • Examining and supporting the informal social and cultural networks that reduce heat- risk at community level, particularly the risk for older people during hot weather. Design 342

and planning of public space that fosters social cohesion and capital, and thereby reduces heat-risk, is critical research for the future of a warming planet and ageing populations. • Incorporating traditional knowledge into climate change mitigation and adaptation strategies for urban areas, since traditional ecological knowledge is largely untapped. • Further pursuing cross-disciplinary research methodologies to develop the approach taken in this study.

9.7 Conclusion

In this century’s context of warming cities and increasing levels of heat-vulnerable groups, it is critical to understand the impact of heat on people’s outdoor behaviour and comfort. This knowledge is essential to planning, designing and managing public space that supports health, related to outdoor physical activity, social interaction, and contact with nature.

This research emphasises that successful public space design and planning for hot weather needs to take account of the dimensions of urban heat and heat-vulnerability, particularly in relation to health inequalities. Cross-disciplinary understandings are key to addressing the complexities and challenges posed by projected increases in temperatures and extreme heat events. Principles for creating heat-sensitive, health-supportive public spaces - presented in this thesis and drawn from interdisciplinary understandings - make an important contribution to reducing the heat-vulnerability of urban populations.

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Appendices

Appendix A: NCCARF conference – poster presentation

2012 National Climate Change Adaptation and Research Facility (NCCARF) Conference, Melbourne, June 26-28, 2012

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Appendix B: Human Research Ethics Advisory Panel (HREAP) Approval

HREAP approval for study focus group - 11 November 2010

Approved with conditions (subject to the applicant conforming to the specified conditions)

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Appendix C: Questions and issues for study focus group

The focus group was a facilitated group discussion with members of the Fairfield Seniors’ Network.

I used open-ended questions to trigger discussion and allow participants to answer from a variety of dimensions.

Questions and issues included:

General demographics

1. Which age group do you fit into:

< 65 years old; 65 - 69 years old; 70 - 74 years old; > 75 years old?

2. Are you a resident of Cabramatta or Canley Vale? How long have you lived there?

3. Do you work? If so, do you work in Cabramatta?

General use and perception of parks

4. Do you use parks? How? When?

5. How important is it for you to go to parks?

6. How do you feel when in a park?

7. How do you feel after going to a park?

8. How satisfied are you with your ability to go to and use a park? What stops you going to a park?

Influence of hot weather on everyday outdoor activity

9. To what degree do you go outside when it is hot?

10. Does hot weather affect your use of parks? How?

11. Do you change your daily activities when it is hot?

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