BA (Hons) Sport Studies

A Critical Analysis of the Gendered Ideologies in Women’s Super League Player Interviews

Aislinn Flynn O’Gorman 26006963 May 2019

Word Count: 9013

Sheffield Hallam University Faculty of Health and Wellbeing

Module 66-6655-00L: Final Year Project

A Critical Analysis of the Gendered Ideologies in Women’s Super League Player Interviews

Aislinn Flynn O’Gorman

Supervisor: Dr Donna Woodhouse

In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Sport Studies

May 2019

2 Contents Page Chapter: Page Number: Abstract 4 Introduction 4-5 Literature Review 5-11 Methodology 11-13 Data Analysis and Discussion 13-18 Conclusion 18-19 Bibliography 20-25 Appendix 25-27

3 Abstract This research project predominantly focusses on the concept of the ‘female apologetic’ (Hardy, 2014 and Felshin, 1974) and whether it is apparent in post-match and general TV interviews of players in the Women’s Super League (WSL). ‘Female apologetic’ behaviour in sport includes any behaviour that emphasises a female athlete’s femininity. This project focusses on apologetic behaviour from female athletes as it can identify how males maintain their dominance and power in our hegemonic, patriarchal society. Furthermore, this project aims to investigate whether females who participate in a stereotypical male sport can challenge society’s view of hegemonic femininity through their language, behaviour and appearance in interviews. This project found that the majority of the female footballers did display apologetic behaviours in their interviews. This therefore identified that (FA) can use this form of media as a socialisation tool, to encourage young girls to also display apologetic behaviour and to take part in sport politely in order to maintain the status quo. Introduction This research project focusses on the behaviours of professional women footballers from the Football Association’s (FA) Women’s Super League (WSL) in a range of interviews to identify how and if these behaviours reflect dominant gender ideologies through their performances in front of the camera. I have chosen to analyse this topic as there is little academic research on the media coverage of the WSL and I felt that I could draw upon many relevant gender theories that I am personally interested in to explain and understand the behaviours of the players in the interviews. These relevant gender theories are covered in the literature review chapter of this research project. This topic interests me as I am a female footballer myself, and I can relate many of the theories discussed and the data analysed to my own experiences as a participant and enthusiast in the sport. The WSL was set up by the FA in 2011 and is the first ever professional women’s football league in . The League consists of eleven teams with players from a range of countries worldwide. The current teams in the WSL are: Arsenal Women, Manchester City Women, Chelsea Women, Birmingham City Women, City Women, Reading Women, West Ham United Women, Women, Brighton & Hove Albion Women, Everton Ladies and Yeovil Town Ladies. One of the key themes this project focusses on is the concept of the ‘female apologetic’ (Felshin, 1974) that is displayed by many WSL players and their gendered performances in the eyes of the media. This project also considers to what extent these behaviours are used by players to conform to specific societal norms. This project analyses how players may engage in apologetic behaviours such as enhancing their feminine appearance to avoid the stereotyped label of being ‘butch’ or a ‘lesbian’, as they participate in what is viewed as a stereotypically male sport. On the other hand, the idea that the performance of apologetic behaviours may be beneficial for female footballers is also analysed and considered in the data analysis and discussion chapter. This is because theories by Davis-Delano (2009) suggest that apologetic behaviours from women in sport allows women’s sport to be seen as more acceptable to the rest of society. Finally, this project considers how apologetic

4 behaviours displayed by players in the FA’s coverage of the WSL can lead to the trivialisation of women’s football. This project therefore identifies how the FA’s reliance on the social media platform as their main site of coverage can undermine female footballers. Furthermore, this project contemplates how the WSL is marketed towards its audience as a family friendly, ‘pretty’ (Winter, 2012) and ‘morally superior’ (Williams, 2011) version of football in order to encourage and normalise hegemonic, heterosexual femininity to support the status quo in society through its consumerist, entertainment-focussed and capitalist values. Thus, considering how the FA as an institution can use the WSL as a form of social control. This project uses a critical thematic media analysis of post-match and general TV interviews by WSL players. It considers how women’s football can play a part in challenging hegemonic forms and views of femininity in our patriarchal society, through players’ actions, appearances and identities. Bordo (1993) explained that femininity is a socially constructed concept that defines how women should look and act and what they should value. This hegemonic view of femininity can be defined as a white, heterosexual, middle/high class types of women (Ussher, 1997) who display traits such as “submissiveness, modesty, and a high concern for their physical appearance” (Hardy, 2014, p. 155). Moreover, this project examines how the FA has framed the WSL to mostly appeal to the target audience of young girls and their fathers, linking to Mulvey’s (1975) concept of the male gaze, and the impact that this has on the image of women’s football and how it is perceived by the general public. This project includes a literature review of the relevant articles, books, gender theories and concepts that are applied in the analysis of the data in the discussion chapter. There is also a methodology section, which outlines the details of the research design that was used and how the research was carried out in this project. This section demonstrates the strengths and limitations of the research design that were used to collect data and the implications that the limitations will have on the quality of the research. The third chapter of this project is the data analysis and discussion section, which includes the application of concepts and theories to the data that has been collected. The last chapter of this project offers conclusions of the research that has been conducted in this project and suggests some ideas for future research in this area. Literature Review A section of this project focusses on the concept of the ‘female apologetic’ (Hardy, 2014) as it is a crucial theory that enhances the understanding of how traditional female roles/actions are carried out by WSL players in a sport that is often portrayed in society and the media as overtly masculine. Felshin (1974) theorised that the ‘female apologetic’ is a concept that states how women ‘apologise’ for their involvement in sport by overemphasising their traditional, hegemonic forms of femininity through their actions or their appearances. For example, being very modest when asked about their sporting performances or wearing lots of makeup even when they are participating in sport. Some scholars use other terms than apologetic to refer to apologetic behavior, such as ‘compensatory acts’ (Crosset, 1995), ‘stigma management’ (Blinde and Taub, 1992), and ‘identity/impression management’ (Halpert, 1997). It has been suggested by Lenskyj (1994) that hegemonic femininity is the one correct version of femininity in society. Hegemonic

5 femininity can be defined by traits such as “submissiveness, dependency, concern over physical appearance and emotional ability” (Hardy, 2014, p.155). Furthermore, it has been argued by Butler (1990) that hegemonic femininity is an ideal that women must perform to be considered real women in our society. In addition, Butler (1988) suggested that gender is an identity that is “constituted over time through a stylised repetition of acts” (p519). This means that the concept of someone’s gender is an identity trait that can be changed through speech, movements and gestures. This conception of gender shows that it can be described as a performative identity as Butler (1988) stated that gender as a concept is a form of “social temporality” (p.520). This concept therefore suggests that “gender transformation” can occur purely on the grounds of an individual’s behaviour (Butler, 1988, p520). Furthermore, Blinde and Taub (1992) have suggested that apologetic behaviours can reduce the bonding amongst female athletes as they can create feelings of lowered self-esteem, disloyalty and alienation from athletic and personal identities. This is because many female athletes may not act ‘normal’ or like themselves in a sporting context as they feel pressurised by other females to conform to gendered performances e.g. looking pretty. The term ‘female apologetic’ refers to any behaviours that female athletes engage in to negate any negative stereotypes that are associated with their involvement in sport that embody the traditional, hegemonic, heterosexual notion of femininity (Hardy, 2014). Female football players try to emphasise their femininity in their sport through the display of apologetic behaviours; emphasising their femininity is encouraged by our patriarchal society in general as it allows the women to be viewed as inferior or docile, and it keeps the status quo intact as they remain desirable to men (Connell, 1987). In addition, Blinde and Taub (1992) found in their research that many female athletes engage in a wide range of apologetic behaviours to enhance their status and sexual identity as a heterosexual female and to avoid being labelled ‘lesbian’ or ‘butch’. These labels are used as insults as they are homophobic in nature and are therefore used to discredit and disempower female athletes as they undermine the potential of the athletes’ participation in sport. Blinde and Taub (1992) also went on to state that female athletes internalise this oppression and they adopt behavioural strategies that blame the victim. This often causes conflict between females as it distracts them from the real problems that they face in society such as sexism and homophobia as instead they are busy undermining each other. The stereotyping of sexuality and being labelled as a ‘lesbian’ can therefore be a significant barrier to women’s participation in sport as there in an underlying notion of homophobia in our society. Homophobia is defined as “fear or intolerance of homosexuality, gay men or lesbians, and even behaviour that is perceived to be outside the boundaries of traditional gender role expectations” (Welford, 2008, p.23). These stereotypical labels relating to sexuality have arisen in women’s sport based on the assumption that when women take part in stereotyped masculine sports, “gendered boundaries” have been crossed – the women are acting ‘manly’ and like “pseudo men” (Cox, 2001, p.9). Furthermore, Cox (2001) explains that when a masculine activity is performed by a female it is often immediately labelled as lesbian behaviour, just because it is not stereotypically feminine. This highlights that

6 being a homosexual in our society has negative connotations and if you are labelled as one there is something wrong with how you look or how you behave. This therefore identifies how sport maintains its masculine domain in our patriarchal society. The society we live in can be referred to as patriarchal as it is “male-centred” and “male-dominated” (Becker, 1999, p24). The concept of patriarchy also highlights how women are oppressed in society as males possess “control and domination” (Becker, 1999, p24). This therefore suggests that sport and wider society values masculine traits over feminine traits, and that women are therefore encouraged to behave in certain ways which fulfil male needs. One way that female athletes can solidify their heterosexual, feminine image is through using their bodies to pose in sexual manners for the media. Many scholars have noted that media coverage of female athletes tends to focus on their physical attractiveness and physical appearance (Shugart, 2009). Female athletes’ bodies are often sexualised in adverts or in photoshoots to appeal to the male gaze (Mulvey, 1975). This constant sexualisation of female athletes trivialises and marginalises them as there is a pressure to embody “cosmetic perfection” (Shugart, 2009 p.2). Thus, meaning that media outlets continuously reinforce the dominance of men and the inferiority of women in sport as female sports are often underreported and female athletes who are reported on are continuously stereotyped in a sexualised manner (Hardin and Shain, 2006). For instance, it has been found that less than 10% of the media in general cover women’s sports (Shugart, 2009). In Kinnick’s (1998) research, he stated that the implicit message that comes out of the underrepresentation of women’s sports in the media is that: “female athletes either do not exist, or have no achievements that are newsworthy” (p.215). It has also been suggested that when female athletes are covered in the media they participate in “sex-appropriate” sports or “those which depict males in aesthetically pleasing motions and poses which emphasise the erotic physicality rather than the strength of the female body” such as gymnastics or figure skating (Daddario, 1992, p.51). Therefore, through this way of representing women’s sports, the media promotes a power structure that stereotypes men as superior to women (Hammer, 2009) and that the use of overly sexualised, demeaning media images of women can “cause men to advocate keeping women ‘in their place’” (Dill et al, 2008, P.1406). This means that by agreeing to take part in activities where the they will demonstrate their heterosexuality to the masses, female athletes are engaging in apologetic behaviour as they are following the status quo through the use of their bodies to appeal to males, instead of challenging them for equality.

However, Cox (2001) stated that: “women’s sporting excellence challenges what it means to be male or female in society, thus endangering the balance of power in gender relations” (p. 9). This indicates that women’s football players could have the power to change social perceptions of gender and women’s sports through their actions and behaviours. Messner (1996) theorised that a general view of sport stated that any form of athleticism translated into masculinity and therefore heterosexuality, however women’s sports as a whole challenges this outlook as it has been suggested that sports possess the power to redefine gender ideologies.

7 On the other hand, apologetic behaviour has been viewed positively by Davis-Delano (2009) as they state that it can allow greater sport participation for women as the apologetic behaviour can make female sport participation more acceptable to the rest of society, for example the athlete’s families, potential boyfriends and media producers. This is because they are not using radical or challenging feminist-like behaviours, they are ‘politely’ engaging in sport. This therefore means that apologetic behaviour can be seen as a form of “cultural and economic capital utilised by some women in sport” (Davis-Delano, 2009, P.132.). Feminist theories are centred around viewing the social world in a way that pursues equality and justice for the genders. An example of a type of feminism is radical feminism, which sets out the concept of a movement for social change and questions why women must adopt certain roles in society based on their biology. Another type of feminism is liberal feminism, this focusses upon making legal and political rights equal for men and women through their own actions and choices.

In contrast, Sabo (1993) suggests that the ‘female apologetic’ may be a “figment of social scientific imagination” as the concept is a product of a time when more negative attitudes towards female sport participation were prevalent. In addition, it has been suggested by Hardy (2014) that many female athletes sometimes engage in “unapologetic” behaviours in more masculine sports such as football and specifically Rugby. This is because the rugby players were found to create a “sex-positive, fluid, ‘in your face’ and gender-transgressive” environment (Hardy, 2014, p.157). This therefore suggests that gender roles are performative in the context of sport, that they are “an act which has been rehearsed” (Butler, 1988, p.526) to fit the role as either masculine or feminine. Therefore, this suggests that women’s sport has the power to disrupt the status quo and challenge hegemonic notions of gender and sexuality against “social law” (Hardy, 2014). Butler (1988) explains that if a person’s gender identity or their performance of masculinity/ femininity is non-normative, their sexual identity is called into question. Therefore, all of the rugby players in Hardy’s (2014) study had to cope with the stigma and stereotyping around the concept of being a “lesbian” and “manly”; and they have grasped this notion, accepted it and taken it in to add to part of their identity. Therefore, they display unapologetic behaviours through the language they use (e.g. calling each other “dykes”), their appearances (e.g. muscular and not stereotypical slim, feminine bodies) and through how comfortable they are with their non-normative sexuality. This behaviour can be referred to as “queer resistance” (Broad, 2001). Therefore, women’s sports such as rugby can be seen as a “safe place” for both lesbians and heterosexual women as it has been found to be a space to feel “positive” about being a female and an athlete (Hardy, 2014, P. 164). The rugby players themselves acknowledged that they do not fit within the margin of hegemonic femininity and have to face the lesbian stigma that comes with it, but they feel comfortable enough to do so as they have found a love for a sport and the freeing environment to which they perform it in. This has therefore created a “resistant” version of femininity and shows that female sports have the capacity to continue to push the boundaries of what is considered as feminine in society. Therefore, women’s sport participation can be defined as “counter hegemonic” (Broad, 2001, p184).

8 Williams (2011) asserts in her research into women’s football that the WSL is a more attractive and enjoyable version of football as the FA portrays the WSL as a ‘morally superior’ version of football, which focusses heavily on making the game entertaining for young fans to take an interest in the sport. They do this through making the WSL a ‘spectacle’ (Fielding-Lloyd et al, 2018). This means that there is a huge focus on commodifying the WSL so that it appeals to people in our contemporary, consumerist society. The word ‘spectacle’ in this context has been defined by Debord (1967) as an occurrence in “the most abstract, the most mystifiable sense that corresponds to the generalized abstraction of present-day society” (p.18). The WSL match days themselves are spectacles as there is a focus on family entertainment through the use of face-painting, mascots, cheer-leaders and musical performances. This aspect of the spectacle makes the WSL “more than just a game” (Fielding-Lloyd et al, 2018, p.7). The heavy focus on entertaining the audience could be suggested that it ensures enjoyment for the fans without having to rely heavily on the game of football itself. This could imply that the FA don’t have huge faith in the standard of quality that could be displayed in the WSL compared to the Premier League, and therefore wish to compensate for the lack of quality of play (Smith and Stewart, 2010). This could demonstrate the institutionalised sexism that exists within the male-dominated FA. An example of this can be found in Fielding- Lloyd et al’s research, as they stated that women’s football “represents a persuasive commercial opportunity” (p.2). This suggests that the FA are more interested in using the WSL as a way to make financial gain, instead of promoting the sport of women’s football and inspiring future generations. The FA’s main target audience for the WSL is fathers of 9-15-year-old girls as the WSL can give families something to identify with and therefore bond over (Fielding- Lloyd et al, 2018). However, this therefore means that existing female fans or mothers of 9-15-year-old girls are overlooked by the FA as they are seen as unimportant to their vision. This implies that fathers have more power within heterosexual, nuclear families and therefore encourages the subordination at some extent of women in sporting and family contexts. Furthermore, using fathers as a main target audience is an example of how the FA can use the WSL as a form of social control as it keeps the fathers in ‘charge’ of their families, therefore feeding into the status quo. It has also been suggested by Fielding-Lloyd et al (2018) that the FA sells women’s football in ways that do not threaten the commercial superiority of men’s football and this could be described as apologetic behaviour as they do not want to disrupt the status quo.

Making the WSL more family friendly can also be said to have delegitimised Women’s Football as it is seen by many football fans as childish and ‘cringey’ due to its lack of seriousness. This is because match days are focussed around entertaining young fans through creating a spectacle in a carnivalesque atmosphere (Blackshaw, 2018). The concept of a carnivalesque atmosphere means that a “liminal zone” has been created which allows its participants to engage in activities they wouldn’t usually participate in (Ravenscroft & Matteucci, 2003, p1). This allows fans to escape their normal, everyday lives and to immerse themselves into a heterotopic environment (Blackshaw, 2018). It could also be argued that the FA has focussed on

9 making the WSL more ‘family-friendly’ to increase the interest in the WSL and therefore the participation of young girls so that they can be socialised into gender norms and that they grow up with desired morals, and possibly engage in apologetic behaviours.

The WSL is different to the Premier League as it has been described as a “niche product” by The FA (2018) since the start of its development. This highlights that the WSL has been set up to be distinctly different to the male’s game so that it is in accordance with traditional forms of femininity. This therefore will create a different atmosphere for football fans, one more focussed on the game itself rather than the tribalism and fan subcultures that are rooted in deviance that surround Premier League teams. The WSL therefore offers a clean slate for all football fans. Former England women’s striker stated that “women’s football is a prettier game to watch than men’s football as there is no cheating going on” (Winter, 2012). The use of the term “prettier” not only insinuates that the women’s game is more morally sound than the men’s game but that it is easier to watch and can be more attractive to the audience as the female players possess “pretty” features. This shows that the WSL can also be used simply as a form of entertainment to attend to the ‘male gaze’ (Mulvey, 1975).

The FA uses social media as their main tool to connect with fans to create the family friendly atmosphere surrounding the WSL. The most commonly used site is Twitter. It has been stated by Clavio & Kian (2010) that fans have created a “popular pastime” out of following “sports figures” on social media websites (p486). Therefore, this increased use of social media platforms boosts the visibility of the WSL and its players as it makes the game more interactive than the men’s game as it allows the fans to feel like they own part of the WSL (Fielding-Lloyd et al, 2018). Young fans can interact with players by ‘tweeting’ them; this can inspire and allow young fans to feel like they have a connection with players. Social media strategies can create an increase of access to many sports as they create a challenge to mainstream sports media on television. However, the use of twitter can encourage ‘female apologetic’ behaviours (Hardy, 2014) in the media as many players are trained in how to address their audience; they are therefore overly polite, politically correct and not their true selves in order to avoid controversy online. Thus, relating to Goffman’s (1959) theory of self-presentation as twitter can be used by the WSL players as a front stage performance to build a desirable image of themselves online that is accepted by society (Sauder & Blaszka 2018, p176). The ‘reliance’ on Twitter as the WSL’s main form of news feed also delegitimises and trivialises the WSL as it is often used to convey unimportant, mundane information (Fielding-Lloyd et al, 2018). It has been suggested by Sanderson (2015) that twitter can be used by athletes to create a “multifaceted identity” (Sauder & Blaszka 2018, p176) that allows fans to learn about the athletes’ personalities in more detail and therefore foster a greater connection with the athletes; enabling athletes to “build their brand” beyond their athletic identity. For example, many WSL players tweet about their personal lives such as their boyfriends or families and this therefore subconsciously follows a mainstream media trend in marginalising female athlete’s sporting achievements

10 and their athleticism as their social media profiles instead focus upon the player’s personal lives as mothers and wives. Thus, the reliance on social media platforms such as Twitter can project an image of hegemonic femininity to the public for the young fans to look up to, idolise and therefore conform to.

It has been suggested that the FA can use the WSL as a form of social control to encourage young girls to learn the dominant norms and values of society (Coakley, 1990). For example, football encourages organisation, competition, a high work rate and a desire to win (Hargreaves, 1994). These skills are highly desirable in the capitalist society that we live in, meaning that the FA could potentially be preparing young girls for the world of work through football, whether they go on to play in the WSL (where they would make money for the FA) or in other jobs that contribute to our capitalist society. However, Coakley (1990) argues that gender-role socialisation often results in discrimination and inequality, with females deliberately kept subordinate via the exercising of patriarchal power.

Methodology

This project has used qualitative research which can be defined as an “umbrella term that is used to describe a camp compromised of many small communities with distinct languages and traditions” (Sparkes and Smith, 2014, p.6). The term can also be described as “assimilative” (Sparkes and Smith, 2014, p.6) as qualitative data can often be a subject of controversy (Lincoln, 2010). The research for this project has been gathered through a thematic media analysis (Altheide and Schneider, 2013) of eleven post-match player interviews from the WSL. These eleven interviews were selected based on which ones showed emerging themes for further analysis e.g. players talking about their personal lives or using polite/apologetic language. A range of interviews were selected from 2011 to 2018 in order to show any changes in attitudes or behaviours over time. Thematic analysis is a method that describes the data that has been collected in rich detail by identifying, analysing, interpreting and reporting patterns or themes within data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Thematic analysis was used in this research project as it is a flexible analytic method that is useful for the examination of language and human behaviours. Therefore, it can be applied to a wide range of theoretical frameworks. This has been done through an interpretivist approach (Sparkes and Smith, 2014) as themes and patterns for further analysis emerged from the qualitative data as it was interpreted. Interpretivism is linked with Max Weber’s (1949) literature, in which he suggests that in sociology we are concerned with understanding in comparison to explaining process rather than `facts'. The philosophical approach of interpretivism believes that reality exists in the social construction. Interpretivists therefore believe that reality is multiple and relative (Hudson and Ozanne, 1988) and that it is socially constructed rather than objectively determined and perceived (Carson et al., 2001, p.5). Ontology can be defined as our notion of reality and is concerned with everything that exists (Munn and Smith, 2008). Epistemology is how we understand reality and is concerned with what justifies us believing what we believe and how we should go about finding evidence to seek truths about the world we live in and our experiences of it (Audi, 2010). This project

11 uses the concept of the ‘sociological imagination’ (Wright Mills, 1959) in order to understand the relationship between history and biography within society. Biography is defined by Wright Mills (1959) as an individual’s circumstances and history is said to be the larger institutional context. Both of these aspects have an impact on what players say and the way in which they behave as this can be affected by the result of the game they have just played, and the meaning of this result in relation to the competition the players’ team is competing in. An emergent research design was used in this project so that data collection and analysis could occur iteratively (Sparkes and Smith, 2014). This means that the collection and the analysis of data occurred simultaneously, instead of sequentially as it would in quantitative research. For example, the interviews were watched and themes were noted down and linked to relevant literature and theory as they appeared. This is a strength of qualitative research as the investigative process is extremely flexible. The data collection is focused on the players’ behaviour, appearance, use of language and other relevant themes which emerged from the interviews such as the camera angles used and the sound quality in the interviews. The data collected is therefore textual, which allows the interviews to be analysed in a way that “preserves its natural narrative and social character” (Avis, 2005, p5). Therefore, the data collected in this project can be demonstrated through the use of direct quotations to illustrate findings. The analysis of body language has been demonstrated with pictures that are shown in the appendix. Each interview was analysed to assess whether features of the ‘female apologetic’ (Hardy, 2014) and other relevant gender theories, as set out in the literature review, were apparent. This was done through the analysis of the interactions and the language used within the interview videos such as the specific use of words that are commonly used and repetition of actions. The physical appearances of players also affected the data that was collected. The different behaviours of the interviewers were analysed and compared to see if there was a significant difference in the types of questions asked such as if male or female interviewers asked different questions about the players’ performance or personal life. Tally charts were used in the analysis of the videos as many common themes such as the players wearing makeup and using polite language occurred multiple times. This meant that the data collection is high in validity as it has an aspect of quantitative data. The postmodern era has made it possible for critical theories used in the literature review and data analysis of this project to emerge and take hold in academic inquiry (Wall, 2006). The goal of postmodernism is to question traditional scientific methods’ dominance and to demonstrate that it is possible to gain and share knowledge in many ways (Wall, 2006). Postmodernism has problematized traditional criteria and some say it's better to think of measures such as credibility, confirmability, dependability in relation to qualitative research (Lincoln and Guba, 1985). Postmodernism therefore encourages researchers to “abandon all established and preconceived values, theories, perspectives … and prejudices as resources for … study” (Vidich and Lyman, 2000, p.60).

This research project can be described as an autoethnography as it is a “highly personalized account that draws upon the experience of the researcher for the

12 purposes of extending sociological understanding” (Sparkes, 2000, p.21). Pelias (2003) stated that an auto ethnography “lets you use yourself to get to culture” (p.372). Atkinson (2012) believed that the open nature of autoethnographies helps readers connect with academic arguments, theories and ideas which can add to people’s understanding of a range of social phenomena. However, a criticism of this research method states that autoethnographies can prove to be “problematic” (Sparkes, 2000, p. 22). This is because the focus on biography rather than formality can create an absence of “social context, social action and social interaction” (Atkinson, 1997, p.339). It has also been stated that autoethnography as a genre is often an “act of self-indulgence” and is “egocentric” (Sparkes and Smith, 2014). This research could be described as low in reliability as the qualitative nature of the data collection can be said to lack scientific rigor with findings that are a “collection of personal opinions that are subject to researcher bias” (Noble and Smith, 2015, p.34). It is therefore difficult to demonstrate rigor when undertaking qualitative research as there is “no accepted consensus about the standards by which such research should be judged”. Finlay (2006) suggests that the more rigorous the research process, the greater the likelihood that the result will be relevant and considered trustworthy. Use of the term ‘rigor’ infers that the research was conducted systematically and to a high standard (Baillie, 2014). The data collection method in this research project can be described as low in rigor as the term implies rigidity and inflexibility, when the nature of this project is strongly qualitative and can be described as “a journey of explanation and discovery that does not lend itself to stiff boundaries” (Thomas and Magilvy, 2011, p.153). Sparkes and Smith (2014) express that ethics in qualitative research is a “complex and dynamic process rather than a static product” (p.237). The interviews that were used in this project are all on the website YouTube and are therefore for public use, so participant consent was not necessary as no ethical codes were violated during the research gathered for this project. Consequently, the research project has complied with the SHU ethics requirements. Edwards and Mauthner (2012) stated that ethics is about how to deal with difference, disagreement, conflict and ambivalence rather than attempting to eliminate it. This research focussed on interviews from 2011 to the present day, as this was when the WSL was first established and therefore allows the analysis of data over an eight-year time period. Therefore, this has highlighted whether interview styles and techniques, specifically from male interviewers, have changed due to the changing attitudes towards women’s football because of its growth of popularity in more recent years. In addition, this has also highlighted whether aspects of the ‘female apologetic’ (Hardy, 2014) have been maintained or if it has lessened over time. Data Analysis and Discussion

One of the common themes that became apparent through the data collection stage of this project was the overly feminine appearance of the players in some of the interviews analysed. An example of this is that many players such as and (see appendix 2) wore lots of makeup, had their hair styled and had their nails painted for matches and interviews (BT Sport, 2014). The tally of players wearing an obvious amount of makeup was a total of seven from eleven individual

13 player interviews. This therefore indicates that the players care about their appearance and that they maybe wish to avoid negative stereotypes such as looking like a ‘lesbian’ or labels such as ‘butch’ that may affect their profiles as professional footballers. Vincent (2004) suggested that female athletes can use their physical appearance to promote themselves and the sport that they play, but this would mean that they always feel the need to satisfy a specific body norm irrespective of their skill and potential. It could also be suggested that they are wearing lots of makeup to look attractive and appeal to the male gaze (Mulvey, 1975). In addition to this, it could be proposed that the female players analysed in the interviews actually objectify themselves on how attractive they think they are to the audience. This relates to the objectification theory, as this theory states that women tend to develop their primary view of themselves through the observations of other individuals (Fredrickson and Roberts, 1997). This self-objectification occurs when an individual stops evaluating their own body with respect to its value and function, and they instead judge it on its value and attractiveness to others (Fredrickson and Roberts et al, 2011). Thus, indicating that apologetic behaviour (Felshin, 1974) does exist to some extent in WSL interviews as the use of over-feminine appearances by female athletes to appeal to others are considered to be accepted in our patriarchal society as these women are seen as unthreatening to masculinity or gender norms.

On the other hand, in some of the interviews analysed the players displayed acts of unapologetic behaviour (Hardy, 2014). For example, Arsenal player sat through a whole interview (PippaTube, 2018) very casually with her legs spread apart- this is often referred to as a “manspread” (see appendix 1) and is often frowned upon as it is how males stereotypically sit and it is deemed as un-feminine and impolite in society. Another example of unapologetic behaviour can be identified in Arsenal player Kerys Harrop’s interview (England, 2016) as she is wearing no makeup and does the interview with wet hair. This shows that she doesn’t particularly care about looking good for the camera and is resisting the pressure to conform to stereotypical societal trends of narcissism and needing to look her best for the camera. The use of dry humour in Marie Hourihan’s interview (England, 2016) could also be seen as unapologetic behaviour as she is loud, boisterous and extremely confident in herself. For example, she says “people keep comparing me to Messi” and this shows that she is confident in her athletic ability and that she is an assertive person. These personality traits are often associated with male athletes and this therefore means that she could come across as bossy or annoying as she is breaking gender norms in society and straying away from the status quo through her language and behaviour.

Another common theme that emerged from the data collection was that the WSL players often used polite language and actions in their interviews. This is because the players engage in a front-stage performance (Goffman, 1959) where the individuals play out their desired impressions of how they wish to come across in front of the camera. An example of this would be how Alex Scott engages with the interviewer: she asks questions back and smiles a lot and this means that she comes across as chatty and friendly to the audience (sportsvibeTV, 2015). It could be suggested that

14 another reason for the players to behave politely in interviews is because they have to interact with and appeal to a young audience as the WSL is aimed at young girls. WSL players therefore behave in certain ways in order to encourage the participation of young girls in football. For example, in two of the interviews analysed (PippaTube, 2018), two Arsenal players Beth Mead and were both asked personal questions about their childhood that were centred around their family lives, who inspired them to play football and how they grew up playing football in boys’ teams to start with. Beth Mead stated that “now there are a lot more opportunities and pathways for girls to get into football”. She then went on to list these existing pathways into women’s football and talked about how girls can get into grass roots teams, and how it is possible to work your way up to development squads and even first teams. This shows that Beth is encouraging young girls to follow in her footsteps as these types of questions allow the players to give honest, down to earth answers which make the players seem relatable and inspirational for the target audience of the young female fans.

The data analysis of the interviews also showed that many players acted shy or awkward in front of the camera. This could be because of the unnatural question and answer structure of the interview context or the fact that they are being questioned by male interviewers. In the interviews used for this research there was a split of six male-lead interviews and five female-lead interviews. This could indicate that male and female interviewers have slightly different ways of interacting with the players. The research has shown that the male interviewers ask more direct and challenging questions based around the individual’s performance such as “how do you feel you played today” and “are you looking forward to playing in the Champion’s League” (FAWSL, 2013). These questions could be interpreted as personal, as it is about the player themselves and not the whole team and this could make some players feel as if they are being challenged by the interviewer. For example, when Fara William’s was asked about how she felt she played in a match for Liverpool when they won the WSL in 2013, she repeated herself a few times, spoke very fast and stuttered when trying to explain herself (FAWSL, 2013). This could be because she might have felt that she was put on the spot by the male interviewer, and therefore exhibited apologetic behaviour in order to remain polite in front of the camera. In addition to this; in an interview with Liverpool captain , (FAWSL, 2013) she thanked the men’s club for all their “support”. This could suggest that she knew the men’s club held more power than the women’s club and wanted to stay on their good side by praising them for their support of the women’s team. However, this could also suggest that in general women are not independent enough to engage in sport without male consent or support. Therefore, they obeying the status quo by politely engaging in sport and displaying apologetic behaviour, as male players would never thank female teams in their interviews (Davis-Delano, 2009).

In comparison, when players were interviewed by females they seemed more relaxed and open for discussions about a wider range of topics. The research has shown that female interviewers tended to ask more questions about the team’s performance in a more chatty and conversational kind of way that can be seen as

15 more entertaining for viewers. An example of this is in Pippatube’s (2018) interview with Beth Mead when she asks “who is your best friend on the team?” and “if you could play alongside any player, male or female who would it be and why?”. Both of these statements can be seen as stereotypical feminine language as it is conversational and talking about friendship instead of just purely focussing on sporting performance, which is what many male interviewers seem to do. These kind of interview questions can be seen as more entertaining for the audience, as the young female fans get to learn more about the players and this can lead to them idolising their favourite players that they see in interviews. This research has highlighted that male interviewers feature more commonly in the post-match interviews e.g. in the “Liverpool are Champions” (FAWSL, 2013) and that female interviewers feature in the general TV interviews. This could be because male interviewers are better at being direct and unapologetic in their language use and are therefore good at extracting information about the game and the performance of the players. Whereas the female interviewers could be seen as better at creating a comfortable conversation in which the players can encourage the audience to watch, engage with and encourage the viewing and therefore the participation in women’s football.

Furthermore, players who seem very comfortable in interviews and enjoy being in front of the camera such as Alex Scott and have moved into working in the media after finishing their playing careers. Alex Scott is one of the most successful women’s footballers to do this as she now works in the men’s game as a pundit and often features on popular Premier League shows such as the BBC’s Match of the Day. It is clear from many of her interviews that she is a tactical and intelligent woman, but it could be suggested that she has become a successful pundit because she looks stereotypically feminine; she is pretty and she laughs and smiles a lot; meaning that she deemed television-worthy by the audience. Sue Smith is a former Doncaster Rovers Belles player and she often commentates on WSL, England Women and some Premier League games. She is often complained about by male fans as she has a scouse accent and has been described as difficult to listen to by many fans, male and female. There have been many instances where males complain about Sky and BT having a ‘token’ female pundit, but in comments on Youtube during this research project it has been identified that many male viewers “don’t mind” Alex Scott as she is often described as “cute” and “funny” (BBC Sport, 2016). This is therefore an example of how women are viewed as subordinate in society and shows how the media can reinforce this specific mainstream gender ideology. An interview with Sky Sports Football (2017) featuring Alex Scott showed her openly defending the former England coach , who had been accused of bulling and using sexist language towards players. It could be suggested that this is an example of apologetic behaviour, as she wishes to remain on the good side of her former male colleague. She could even be doing this subconsciously, as many women are brought up and socialised into a patriarchal society where males have more power and if you speak up against them you may not be believed or taken seriously. Furthermore, an article titled “female World Cup pundits are a step forward for diversity, but not for the quality of coverage” (Kelner, 2018). This indicates that many males who work within the football punditry business are sexist and believe that women are not as good as

16 they are. This constant need to put down women could however indicate that males are insecure about their positions within the football media and feel threatened by females such as Alex Scott and Sue Smith who are talented presenters. Another common theme that emerged from the analysis of the interviews was that in three out of eleven interviews, there was poor sound and video quality. This could suggest that the broadcasting companies employed by the WSL do not think that the interviews are going to get much attention or many views on social media, so they don’t use the best equipment that they have in order to save money and time. For example, an interview (Power and Precision, 2017) with Millie Turner was conducted in a room with people in the background (see appendix 3) with terrible sound quality so you could not hear what she was saying, with one single camera angle. It could also be suggested that certain camera angles were used in many interviews (Power and Precision, 2017 and FAWSL, 2014) to appeal to the male gaze (Mulvey, 1975) e.g. zooming out so that the viewers can see the players’ whole body, not just their face (see appendix 4). This relates to Theberge’s (1993) theory as athletic bodies are often used by the media in order to construct specific gender ideologies and encourage masculine superiority through the objectification of female athletes. However, in the eleven interviews that were analysed in this project, eight of the interviews featured players in their football kits, thus identifying that the objectification of these athletes is very minimal in TV interviews. It could therefore be suggested that the objectification and sexualisation of female footballers does not exist in TV interviews, but may commonly exist in other forms of media such as magazines and webpages.

Clasen (2001) argued that since sports are a typically masculine social environment, women are required to showcase their feminine qualities rather than their athletic ability. This is displayed in Arsenal’s (2015) interview with player about ‘a day in her life’ as she is shown cooking her breakfast and tidying up around her house whilst she is talking to the interviewer. This links to Fink and Kensicki’s (2002) theory that a wide range of coverage of female athletes in the media often shows them in non-sport settings such as at home with their family or doing stereotypically female activities. This subconsciously indicates to the audience that there is a difference between male and female athletes, therefore indicating to the young audience of the WSL how they should behave.

Furthermore, this research identified that there are hardly any WSL post-match interviews on the internet and Youtube compared to the vast amounts of male’s Premier League post-match interviews. This could be because the media has built the ideology in sport that men represent the norm and women represent the “other” (Wenner, 1998). The “other” is the concept where women are women first and an athlete second, and this leads to the trivialisation of female football players as athletes. This trivialisation stems from the underrepresentation of women’s football in the media and this dismissal of the importance of interviews with female players could indicate that an aura of institutional sexism exists within the WSL.

Many of the interviews found on Youtube and used for this research were therefore

17 general interviews from TV feature shows such as the ‘FAWSL Social Show’, and channels that aim to boost the coverage of women’s football such as ‘Pippatube’. These interviews were much easier to find on Youtube and are easier to access than WSL post-match interviews as the feature shows are used to entertain young fans and encourage participation of young girls in football e.g. ‘A day in the life of Toni Duggan’ (BT Sport, 2014) and ‘Getting to Know Notts County Ladies’ (FAWSL, 2014). It could also be suggested that these types of interviews are more popular on the internet as the male audience is not interested in players looking sweaty after a game or the performance of women’s footballers that would be discussed about in post-match interviews. This therefore relates to Mulvey’s (1975) theory of the male gaze as they are more interested in their private lives and the appealing feminine appearance of players outside of a playing context. This again highlights that female athletes are trivialised and are only there for the patriarchy’s viewing pleasure. Thus, linking to previous research by Reichart Smith (2016) that states that female athletes are regularly depicted in the media in terms of their femininity, sexuality, emotions and appearance that imply they have athletic abilities rather than athleticism.

Conclusion This research project has demonstrated that the majority of WSL players do not challenge concepts of hegemonic femininity through their appearances and their language use, as the data collected has shown that they follow the status quo in order to stay in the mainstream. The research project has identified that ‘female apologetic’ behaviours (Hardy, 2014) are more common in interviews among women’s footballers. Thus, meaning that unapologetic behaviours from the players were uncommon and rare occurrences. One of the main findings from the data collection was that many players were concerned about their appearance in front of the camera as they wore makeup and had styled their hair, even after just playing a match. Another discovery from the research project that is an example of ‘female apologetic’ behaviour was that many players used what could be defined as polite language in their interviews. This is so that the interviews appeal to the young audience that the WSL is targeted at and so that the players themselves can act as role models. The fact that the WSL uses interviews and shows such as the ‘FAWSL social show’ indicates that the FA as an institution could be using the WSL as a tool for the socialization of young girls. The content shown can therefore be said to encourage young girls to politely take part in sport (Davis-Delano, 2009), as athleticism and sport is still seen as a male domain in our patriarchal society. Furthermore, this suggests that the FA is encouraging young girls to learn the dominant norms and values of society (Coakley, 1990) by encouraging ‘female apologetic’ behaviour through giving more media coverage to players who display aspects of hegemonic, heterosexual femininity such as Alex Scott (BBC Sport, 2016) and Toni Duggan (BT Sport, 2014). A limitation of this research project is that it solely looks at women’s footballers in the WSL, which is one league in one country. It was also carried out over a short period of time, as the research project only took place over 8 months at an undergraduate level with no extra funding. Therefore, this project could be extended for further research in the future as it could be conducted on an international level

18 that analyses interviews of other women’s football leagues and international teams across the world. For example, a good area for further study in this area would be to analyse player interviews from different countries from the upcoming Women’s World Cup as this would demonstrate a broader range of behaviours from different cultures and languages. Another area for further research could be to investigate if and how women’s footballers are media trained, which ones are trained, e.g. fan favourites or players who look stereotypically feminine and attractive, and to what extent they are trained compared to male footballers. Thus, meaning that this type of research project could be carried out on an even bigger scale, where behaviours in interviews of both male and female footballers are analysed and compared. A limitation of the methodology used in this research is that the nature of the data collected in a qualitative manner can be viewed as ambiguous. This is because the data collected was subjective as it was interpreted by the individual who was collecting the data, and could be seen as biased as another person may have a different opinion or interpretation of a players’ actions. Interpretations of subjective data can often pose problems and lead to confusion and uncertainty (Sparkes and Smith, 2014). If this research was carried out on a bigger scale without time constraints, there would be time for the ambiguous nature of the data collected to be fully embraced, as Charmaz (2004) states that ambiguity and bewilderment from qualitative data should be treated as signs that the researcher is entering the phenomenon and is gaining a deeper understanding of its complexities and processes. Furthermore, the main constraint of using qualitative research design for this project is that the complexity and flexibility of the nature of the data collection can lead to inaccurate findings. For instance, many unanticipated factors arose in this project e.g. the fact that it was hard to find post-match interviews for WSL teams, and that there were more general TV interviews with WSL players that were easily accessible on Youtube. To conclude, I have found the process of this research project extremely enjoyable because it has resonated with me personally as I have grown up playing football since I was eight years old and now play Women’s football for Sheffield Hallam University. I have enjoyed the whole process of this project as it has opened my eyes to the ideologies that are in play constantly in society in general and specifically in my life as a footballer. Consequently, this project has felt very relatable for me as it has developed my sociological imagination (Wright Mills, 1959). I feel like this project has broadened my understanding of gender roles in sport and society as I have been able to link aspects of this project to my own life. I have always had a great interest in the WSL and Women’s football in general and this project has enabled me to understand how the behaviours of female footballers can reflect society’s ideologies and stereotypes at every level of the game. Finally, this project has highlighted to me as an individual who, in my own opinion, doesn’t display many ‘female apologetic’ behaviours (Hardy, 2014), that participating in a stereotypically male sport is empowering. This research project has therefore indicated to me that being a female footballer offers me a chance to defy society’s gender norms and ideologies and to some extent create my own “resistant” version of femininity (Broad, 2001). Word Count: 9013

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Beth Mead “manspreading” in an interview. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z7X1NJ6r6S4&list=LLDyNi3x-Rd2OK- jO9fbllCw&index=10

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2.

Toni Duggan displaying her hegemonic femininity through wearing makeup and styling her hair for an interview. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RS1TtdR-vEk

3.

An interview conducted with Millie Turner in a room full of people with poor sound quality and camera angles. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oED_Yeuzr1E&t=79s

26 4.

An example of camera angles zooming out to show the whole bodies of female players in an interview with 2 Notts County players. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pf3ScEmYG6k&list=LLDyNi3x-Rd2OK- jO9fbllCw&index=4&t=104s

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