Plant Virtues Are in the Eyes of the Beholders: a Comparison of Known Palm Uses Among Indigenous and Folk Communities of Southwestern Amazonia'

PLANT VIRTUES ARE IN THE EYES OF THE BEHOLDERS: A COMPARISON OF KNOWN PALM USES AMONG INDIGENOUS AND FOLK COMMUNITIES OF SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA'

MARINA THEREZA CAMPOS AND CHRISTIANE EHRINGHAUS

Campos, Marina Thereza and Christiane Ehringhaus (School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, Yale University, 205 Prospect St., New Haven, CT 06511, Parque Zoobotanico, Universi- dade Federal do Acre, Rio Branco, Acre, Brazil, and Institute of Economic Botany, The New York Botanical Garden, Bronx, NY 10458. E-mail contact: [email protected]). PLANT VIRTUES ARE IN THE EYEs OF THE BEHOLDERS: A COMPARISON OF KNOWN PALM USES AMONG INDIGENOUS AND FOLK COMMUNITrEs OF SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA. Economic Botany 57(3):324-344, 2003. De- spite its central importance to tropicalforest conservation, the understanding of patterns in traditional resource use still is incipient. To address this deficiency, we compared known palm uses among two indigenous (Yawanawa and Kaxinawd) and two folk (rubber tapper and ribeirinho) communities in Southwestern Amazonia (Acre, Brazil). We conducted one-hundred-and -forty semi- structured "checklist" interviews about palm uses with male and female adults in the four communities. The knowledge of each community about the uses of the 17 palm species common to all communities was compared by testing for significant differences in the mean number of uses cited per informant and by calculating the Jaccardsimilarity index of known uses of palm species among the four communities. The following three hypotheses were confirmed: 1) the use of palms differs according to the cultural preferences of each community; 2) indigenous communities know significantly more about palm uses than folk communities; and 3) part of the indigenous knowledge was acquired through contact with Amazonian folk communities.

Apesar de sua importancia central para a conserva,cao de florestas tropicais, o entedimento dos padroes do conhecimento tradicional sobre recursos naturais ainda e incipiente. Para atenuar esta deficiencia comparamos o conhecimento dos usos de palmeiras entre duas comunidades indigenas (Yawanawa e Kaxinawd) e duas comunidades n&o-indigenas (seringueiros e ribeirinhos), na Amazonia Ocidental (Acre, Brasil). Foramfeitas 140 entrevistas semiestru- turadas do tipo "checklist" sobre o uso de palmeiras com homens e mulheres em cada comunidade. 0 conhecimento de cada comunidade sobre usos das 17 especies de palmeiras encontradas em comum, foi comparado atrave's do teste das diferen,as significativas entre a media de usos conhecidos por informante e atraves do cdlculo do indice de similaridadeJac- card dos usos conhecidos de palmeiras entre as quatro comunidades. As seguintes tres hipoteses foram confirmadas: 1) os usos conhecidos de palmeiras diferem de acordo com as preferencias culturais de cada comunidade, 2) as comunidades indfgenas possuem um maior conhecimento sobre os usos de palmeiras do que as comunidades tradicionais nio indfgenas, e 3) grande parte do conhecimento indfgena sobre utilizaOao de palmeiras fbi adquirido no uiltimo seculo com a convivencia de outros povos amazonicos. Key Words: indigenous knowledge; ethnobotany; palm uses; Yawanawa; Kaxinawa; folk communities; rubber tapper; ribeirinho; Southwestern Amazonia; Acre; Brazil.

The value of indigenous and folk knowledge rural development that reconciliates improve- on resource use has long been recognized, but ments in the quality of life and conservation of despite its central importance to tropical forest natural resources have had more success when conservation, our understanding of the patterns based on the local knowledge and current pat- by which forest peoples know and use their plant tems of resource use within the involved com- resources is in its infancy. Attempts to promote munities (IES 1995). Therefore, information on these use patterns in indigenous and folk com- 'Received 25 October 2000; accepted 5 August munities is the base for successful community 2002. development strategies, particularly where it

Economic Botany 57(3) pp. 324-344. 2003 0 2003 by The New York Botanical Garden Press, Bronx, NY 10458-5126 U.S.A. 2003] CAMPOS & EHRINGHAUS: PALM USES IN SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA 325

concerns the management of natural resources of the differences in interview methods and dif- by these communities. ferences in available natural resources. In this ar- By asking how different cultures used the ticle, we test these hypotheses by comparing the same plant resources, we tested three principal known uses of palms by two indigenous groups, hypotheses about the knowledge of natural re- the Yawanawa and Kaxinawa, with centuries of source use by traditional people in tropical for- experience in the same region and by two folk ests. The first hypothesis holds that the same re- communities, the seringueiros (rubber tappers) sources, accessible to all groups, are used and and ribeirinhos (river dwelling people), with less valued in different ways by different communi- than a century of experience in the area. ties. In each cultural context, the use of a certain The approach we chose is suited to test these resource fits into a specific cultural niche. The hypotheses, because 1) palms are perhaps the choices of resources for certain purposes depend most important plant group in the lives of forest on cultural preferences, variety characteristics people (e.g., Anderson 1977; Balick 1986, 1988; and abundance of the resource, the specific Boom 1988, Mejia 1988; just to list a few), are mechanisms of use, and the access to alternative very diverse in the region (Evandro Ferreira resources and materials that could replace that pers. comm. 1999) and represent a relatively resource. large set of species occurring throughout the The second hypothesis holds that indigenous study area that we can use as a model system to communities retain a larger body of knowledge test our hypotheses; 2) the study area, Acre, about a natural resource use as compared to Am- Southwestern Amazonia, also holds significant azonian immigrants and folk communities (Bal- cultural diversity in a relatively small area with ee and Posey 1984; Hecht and Cockburn 1989). similar forest types and resources; and 3) the This premise is based on the notion that knowl- ethnobotanical information was gathered using edge about plant use is accumulated over time, the same interview methodologies, offering the passed from generation to generation and is opportunity to gather comparative data on the therefore greatest in those groups with the lon- knowledge about palm utilization in the four gest histories in a particular habitat. communities. The third hypothesis holds that traditional knowledge about plant use is dynamic, and con- STUDY AREA tinuously built through contact with other indig- This study was carried out in four South- enous and folk people, as conditions change and western Amazonian communities in the state of groups interact. Indigenous communities have Acre, Brazil (Fig. 1): two indigenous groups, the shown great adaptability to alter their culture by Yawanawa and the Kaxinawa who live in the incorporating new resources and technology Western region of the state, and two folk groups, originating from other Amazonian people (Al- a seringueiros (rubber tapper) and a ribeirinhos exiades 1999; Milliken and Albert 1997a,b). (river swelling) community, who live in the Also, folk communities have had to adapt to Eastern part of the state. Amazonian conditions in the course of their im- The history and cultural characters of Acre migration and miscegenation with native Ama- were indelibly marked by the rubber boom at the zonians. Moran (1990) points out that the dif- end of the last century and its resurgence during fusion of new practices is facilitated in any pop- the Second World War, which brought thousands ulation though exogamy and economic interac- of people from other Amazonian regions and tion between populations. These processes result particularly the arid Brazilian Northeast to the in a continual incorporation of new ideas, know- state. The western Acre area is very sparsely how and values. Hence, cultural interchange is populated, with an average of 0. 1-2 persons/km 2 a fundamental element in the course of adapta- (IMAC 1991), the majority of which lives along tion to environmental, social and economic the rivers. The population consists of a variety change. This behavior is based on general hu- of indigenous groups, rubber tappers, a few ri- man curiosity, and the interest to improve the beirinhos, farmers and cattle ranchers near the economic base through the newly acquired small urban centers. Access to the region is dif- knowledge. ficult; one needs airplanes to get to the areas and Formal tests of these premises are virtually boats to travel along the rivers. The eastern impossible using already published data, because study area is closer to the urban center and cap- [VOL. 57 326 ECONOMIC BOTANY

Fig. 1. Location of the four study sites, state of Acre. Southwestern Brazoian Amazonia. ital of Rio Branco, and to the roads and airport the state is very rich in palms, with 80 species that connect the state to the rest of the country. in a relatively small area (Evandro Ferreira pers. The region has been marked by the clashes be- comm. 1999), which constitute characteristic el- tween forest dwelling people and the develop- ements in the different forest types. ment frontier along settlement projects and cattle farms. The rural population ranges from 0.75-3 CHARACTERIZATION OF THE persons/kM2, of which the majority are ribeirin- COMMUNITIES in the hos and rubber tappers, as well as settlers INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES: THE YAWANAWA settlement projects and some large cattle ranch- AND KAXINAWA ers. The vegetation in the area is generally char- The Yawanawd and Kaxinawa indigenous Panoan linguistic acterized as humid moist tropical forest (Hold- groups both belong to the ridge 1978). Characteristic forest types in Acre group, a major group in Southwestern Amazonia lived at are dense and open evergreen tropical rainforest (Kensinger 1995). The Yawanawa have ances- on terra firme, as well as seasonally flooded and the headwaters of the Rio Greg6rio since 450 poorly drained soils. The forests in Acre are tral times. Currently, they consist of about mixed with bamboo forests that cover a consid- individuals who reside in the Rio Greg6rio In- of erable part of the state and constitute a charac- digenous Area (8°23'51" S and 71°46'53" W) teristic disturbance element in the Southwestern 92 959 ha (Iglesias and Aquino 1996), demar- Amazon region. The forests in these areas have cated and declared in 1977. The population re- been postulated to be extremely diverse (Daly sides in three villages, the most recent being and Mitchell 2000), and confirming data has Nova Esperan,a ("New Hope"), constructed in been collected concerning the families Mora- an attempt to take up traditional values of the ceae, Sapotaceae, Leguminosae, Euphorbiaceae, culture. Piperaceae, Annonaceae, and others. In addition, The Kaxinawd indigenous group is the largest 2003] CAMPOS & EHRINGHAUS: PALM USES IN SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA 327

in the state of Acre with about 2000 members Acre to earn their living with rubber. A last re- in several indigenous areas. The Kaxinawa com- surgence occurred during the Second World War, munity Praia do Carapana ("Mosquito beach"), when access to the rubber supplies from South with which we worked, is located on the Tar- East Asia was cut off. Most people came from auaca river, a tributary of the Jurua River. Ex- the arid Brazilian Northeast, in the hope for bet- cept for one family, the Kaxinawa resettled in ter conditions; some came from other areas of these ancestral lands since 1991 and the area the Amazon region (Dean 1987). Rubber lords was declared an indigenous territory in 1998. allocated the seringueiros (rubber tappers) to The area comprises about 66 000 ha, with a pop- seringais (rubber tapping areas), where they ulation of about 300 people (Aquino and Iglesias lived in family nuclei and worked on the estra- 1994). das de seringa (rubber tapping trails) in almost Originally, the Yawanawa and Kaxinawa were feudal conditions for the rubber lords. Rubber semi-nomadic, living in communal houses in extraction was the main source of income, other villages. Today, both groups live in family-sized activities were limited to cassava planting and houses on stilts, the Yawanawa in villages and hunting. Additional goods only were available the Kaxinawa in family nuclei along the river, through barter systems that kept the rubber tap- in rubber tapper fashion. Both groups practice pers in constant debt to the rubber lords. With swidden agriculture for subsistence, the Kaxi- the decline of the rubber prices, the Brazilian nawa holding a stronger agricultural tradition rubber system collapsed and the seringueiros than the Yawanawa. The main staples are cas- started to diversify their spectrum of resource sava (Manihot esculenta Crantz, cultivars, Eu- use toward agriculture and other forest products, phorbiaceae), banana (Musa X paradisiacaL., such as Brazil Nuts (Bertholletia excelsa Bonpl., cultivars, Musaceae) and corn (Zea mays L., Po- Lecythidaceae). Today, despite the search for aceae). In both communities they also hunt, fish other non-timber forest products as economical- and meet other needs with extraction of forest ly viable altematives in a forest setting, the ser- products. The communities commercialize a few ingueiro identity remains focused on rubber ex- agricultural and extractive products, such as rub- traction, although it does not yield their main ber, in the small urban centers. Both groups still income anymore. During the last century, rubber hold a diverse material culture; the Kaxinawa tappers have acquired a diverse body of folk lore have maintained their rich weaving craft alive, about resources in their forests, despite the erosion of many other traditional initially learning from the local customs. indigenous peoples and adapting from their own For a long time, the Yawanawa and Kaxinawa knowledge of other systems. In the late 1980s, the rubber tapper have interacted with each other and other indig- union leader, Chico Mendes, who enous groups of the area, particularly the Katu- was assassinated ten years ago, championed kina and Ashaninka. At the end of last century, territorial rights of rubber tappers against indigenous territories were first invaded with the large scale cattle ranching and settlement emergence of the 'rubber boom' (Tastevin projects. In this context, the first extractive 1925a,b). Since then, the Yawanawa and Kaxi- reserve "Reserva Extrativista Chico nawa were continuously exposed to rubber tap- Mendes" was founded, with almost 1 000 000 pers and missionaries, often working in semi- ha the largest of its kind in the Amazon region. slavery for rubber barons, or seringalistas. The It is known as the first model attempt to recon- interaction with rubber tappers had a great influ- cile community development and forest conser- ence on the indigenous societies, bringing about vation (Allegretti 1990, 1994; Anderson 1994; changes in the traditional customs, religious Murrietta and Rueda 1995) and is administered concepts, style of living, and mode of resource by the Federal Environmental Protection Agency utilization with them. Both groups have ab- (Conselho Nacional Popula,6es Tradicionais- sorbed many of the rubber tapping customs and CNPT/IBAMA) and the rubber tapper organi- their economic activities. zations within the reserve. The rubber tapper community we worked with lives in the Seringal FOLK COMMUNITIES: THE SERINGUEIROS Dois Irmaos of the "Reserva Extrativista Chico AND RIBEIRINHOS Mendes." The families live in "coloca,6es" During the "rubber boom" at the beginning (family nuclei) in houses made of palm products of the century thousands of people migrated to or timber. Today, most people in the area extract [VOL. 57 328 ECONOMIC BOTANY

Brazil Nuts, practice agriculture, hunt, and ersidade Federal do Acre Herbarium (HPZ) and sometimes raise a few cattle. the New York Botanical Garden (NY). The ma- The ribeirinhos (river dwelling people) are terial was identified by Evandro Ferreira and the most "acculturated" community we studied. Andrew Henderson, both from the New York Ribeirinhos come from a variety of racial, cul- Botanical Garden. Appendix 1 lists of all the tural and geographic backgrounds, and live voucher specimens. along the rivers near the urban centers of Acre. To test the hypothesis that indigenous peoples They generally represent people or descendants know more about palm uses than folk commu- of people that came to Acre more recently, col- nities, we used only data concerning the 17 onists that gave up settlement projects, or former shared palm species to the four communities. All rubber tappers and people formerly involved the uses mentioned by the informants were re- with the rubber trade. Access to these areas gen- corded and grouped in seven use categories: erally is relatively easy by road and by river, and food, medicine, construction, ritual, technology/ they often produce goods that are sold in the crafts, not known and not used. We calculated products or regional market such as agricultural the proportions of uses in each established cat- precatoria the fruits of the a,ai palm (Euterpe egory as well as the proportions of uses of dif- of the families also raise cattle, or Mart.). Many ferent plant parts, such as roots, spines, trunks, ranchers in the region. are caretakers for cattle palm hearts, leaves, flowers and fruits. We clas- METHODOLOGY sified uses at three levels: (1) general uses, to designate the possible types of different uses of We compared the known uses of palms in the palm resources in general, regardless of the spe- four Southwestern Amazonian communities as a cies; (2) species-specific uses, to designate all measure of cultural variation of traditional uses possible associated with each specific palm knowledge about natural resources. We used and (3) cited uses, to determine the palms as a model system for this case study be- species, determined use is mentioned cause of their great spectrum of utility, their di- number of times a species. For ex- versity in the area, and the relatively large set by the informants for each palm the same of species common to the study areas. ample, in the case of three mentions of To determine the species known by each com- use for two different species, we considered it munity, we used a free listing method (Weller one general use, two species-specific uses and and Rommey 1988) with some older informants three cited uses. in each community. This procedure resulted in To compare the four communities in terms of a checklist of the known species in each area specificity of knowledge about the palms they and their common and indigenous names. The use, we calculated the average number of uses indigenous names were pronounced and written cited per informant per species in each com- with help of the indigenous school teachers in munity. We compared the averages for the 17 the communities. We obtained complementary shared species in the four communities using the information about the species occurring in the Tukey Multiple Comparisons test (Sokal and area by consulting the relevant literature (Hen- Rolf 1981). Using the similarity index of Jaccard derson 1994). (Brower and Zar 1978) based on the number of in each We gathered data about palm use general and species-specific uses for the 17 interviews community in 140 semi-structured shared palm species, we calculated the similarity above 18 years old (n = with men and women between communities and compared use speci- n 20 Kaxinawd, n = 35 ser- 50 Yawanawa, ficity of a certain resource. ingueiros and n = 35 ribeirinhos). Using the To test the hypothesis that a large part of the "checklist-interview" technique (Alexiades uses known in the indigenous communities were 1996), we asked informants about all the acquired during the last century from folk cul- known uses about each palm species docu- older informants in the indigenous com- mented in each community. Moreover, we col- tures, the species-specific uses as lected botanical material from all native species munities classified the propor- mentioned by the communities, following stan- indigenous or folk. We compared each dard botanical procedures and deposited vouch- tions of traditional vs. acquired uses within er specimens at the Parque Zoobotanico/Univ- indigenous community. 20031 CAMPOS & EHRINGHAUS: PALM USES IN SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA 329

RESULTS about the cultivated palms from other Brazilian regions. THE PALMS AND THEIR USES We classified the cited uses for the 17 shared During our work with the four communities, palms in use categories and plant part categories we documented 31 palm species distributed in (Tables 4 and 5, respectively). The proportions 19 genera, of which 26 are native and 5 are ex- in which all uses occur in these categories give otics or cultivated (Table 1). Carludovica pal- an indication of the main needs that are covered mata Ruiz & Pav. (Cyclanthaceae) was consid- by the use of palms and the principal palm parts ered to be a palm by the indigenous communi- used for these purposes. In all the communities, ties. The cases of 'maraja' (3 Bactris spp.) and the proportions of uses, measured by the number 'ubin' (4 Geonoma spp.) represent a classic case of cited uses, were highest for food, construction of underdifferentiation (Berlin et al. 1974) by and technology/crafts, food being most impor- the communities and we treated them as one, tant (Table 4). In indigenous communities, technology/crafts, according to the traditional classification. The then construction, and to a small extent ritual uses are most species-rich genera were Attalea (5 spe- of importance, whereas in folk communities the palm uses are cies), Bactris (4), Astrocaryum and Oenocarpus more associated with construction of houses and less (3 each), Cheylocarpus (2) and the remaining with technology/crafts and rituals. Very genera had one species each. rarely indigenous informants did not know a palm or did Considering all 31 species, we encountered not cite uses for a palm. Folk communities, par- the total of 143 distinct general uses in all com- ticularly the more acculturated ribeirinhos, men- munities. Although the Yawanawa have fewer tioned unknown palms or palms with no uses palm species in their community, they shared the more often than the indigenous groups. highest number of general and species-specific The four communities also use the parts of uses (Table 2), followed by the Kaxinawa. Ser- palms in similar proportions (Table 5). All com- ingueiros and ribeirinhos know more species, munities cited fruits most frequently, which is some of them cultivated, but the number of gen- directly associated with their importance as a eral and species-specific uses is lower than that source of food (Table 4). The fruits of primarily in the indigenous communities. Euterpe, Oenocarpus spp. (Fig. 2), Attalea spp., Of the 31 encountered palm species, 17 spe- and Astrocaryum spp., are consumed raw, as cies are common to the four communities (Ta- "wine," boiled, roasted, mixed in with other bles 1 and 3). Overall, the species with the most foods or processed to oil. The trunks, primarily known species-specific uses are: Euterpe pre- of Iriartea and Socratea, as well as Euterpe and Oenocarpus catoria, Mauritia flexuosa, Attalea phalerata, mapora, are used as structural elements in house Attalea butyracea and Phytelephas macrocarpa, construction. Leaves are very important as thatching material, the species although the different communities use the spe- em- ployed including Attalea spp (Fig. 3), Phytele- cies for different purposes (Table 3). The indig- phas, Cheylocarpus spp. to Geonoma spp. In ad- enous communities know more uses about the dition, leaves of Attalea spp. and Astrocaryum native Attalea spp, particularly A. tessmannii, spp. are important materials for the manufacture the Astrocaryum species and Phytelephas ma- of indigenous crafts and domestic tools. The crocarpa. The folk communities know most main difference in palm part use is the more uses about Euterpe precatoria, Attalea phaler- frequent consumption of palm hearts by the folk ata, Mauritiaflexuosa and Cocos nucifera. The communities. Only indigenous communities number of species-specific uses known for all mentioned spines of Astrocaryum spp. as a tra- palms is higher in the Yawanawa and the Kax- ditional painting tool, a practice abandoned to- inawa community than in the seringueiro and day. Flowers and roots are little used by all com- ribeirinho communities (Table 3). Exceptions munities, roots being used primarily for medi- are the palms Euterpe precatoria, Mauritiaflex- cines or grating tools and flowers as perfuming agent. uosa, Attalea phalerata, Cocos nucifera, Geon- oma spp, Chamaeodoraanguistisecta, for which SPECIFICITY AND DIFFERENCES IN the seringueiros and ribeirinhos know as many RESOURCE USE or more uses than the indigenous groups. The We calculated the average number of cited seringueiros and ribeirinhos know more uses uses per species and informant to examine the 330 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 57

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TABLE 2. COMPARISON OF ALL PALMS KNOWN this is comparing the number of general, spe- AND THEIR KNOWN USES IN THE FOUR COMMUNITIES. cies-specific and cited uses of the common species in each community (Table 7). The indige- Known Native Total Total Community Ni palms palms GU Su nous communities cited more general, species- specific and use citations Yawanawa 50 20 18 94 247 than the folk commu- Kaxinawa 20 24 21 82 191 nities, although the cited uses as such depend on Seringueiros 35 26 23 64 146 the sample size, which is largest in the Yawan- Ribeirinhos 35 25 21 60 164 awa community and smallest in the Kaxinawa community. The average number of species-spe- Ni = number of informants; GU = general uses; SU = species-specific uses. cific uses per palm also shows that the indigenous communities, as a whole, know more uses per species than the folk communities. We also different use patterns among the communities tested this hypothesis though a statistical com- (Table 6). For most native species more uses are parison of the average number of cited uses mentioned on average in indigenous communi- (ACU) per palm and informant. The ACU of the ties than in folk communities. In both indige- 17 shared palms was significantly higher in the nous communities, the species with highest av- indigenous communities than in the folk com- erages of use citations was Attalea tessmannii munities (P < 0.05, Tukey Multiple Compari- (Fig. 4). This species does not occur in the east- sons test, Table 7). ern region of Acre, but plays an important role In general, indigenous communities knew and as a source of food, construction and craft ma- cited more uses of palms per species than did terials in the indigenous communities. Apart folk communities, supporting the second hy- from this species, the Yawanawa mentioned pothesis of this paper. The Kaxinawa ACU was many uses for Phytelephas macrocarpa and significantly higher than that of the folk socie- Bactris macana and the Kaxinawd mentioned ties. The Yawanawa ACU was also higher than many uses for the other local Attalea species and that of the folk societies, but this difference was Astrocaryum murumuru, an important craft ma- not significant (Table 7). The mean number of terial. uses cited per species for 6 of the 17 shared The focus in folk communities is on other species (Bactris macana, Bactris maraja, Maur- palm resources. In most cases, the seringueiros itia flexuosa, Oenocarpus mapora and Phytele- mentioned more uses per species than did the phas macrocarpa) was significantly higher in ribeirinhos. In both communities, E. precatoria the indigenous communities than in the folk had the highest average of known uses, although communities, while the inverse was true for only the seringueiros mentioned more uses for this one species (Euterpe precatoria). The mean palm than the ribeirinhos (Table 6). In both number of uses cited for Attalea butyracea was communities also Attalea phalerata and the ex- significantly different in each of the four com- otic Cocos nucifera play an important role. The munities. It is interesting to note that the mean seringueiros also frequently mention Socratea number of uses cited for Bactris gasipaes, a cul- exorrhiza and Oenocarpus spp. tivated species, was the same for the four com- All the communities studied showed a great munities (Table 6). specificity in the utilization of palm resources The number of uses cited per species is not (Table 6), having a distinct emphasis on one or only similar in indigenous communities, but also two species. For example, the Yawanawa and tends to be similar in the two folk communities. the seringueiros, mentioned uses of Attalea tess- According to Tukey's Multiple Comparison Test mannii (8.80) and Euterpe precatoria (5.43), re- (Table 6), the mean number of uses per species spectively, to a much higher degree than other was not significantly different for 10 species in species, highlighting the cultural importance of the two indigenous communities, and for 12 spe- these species within their communities. cies in the folk communities (Table 8). To test whether the level of knowledge about palm use is higher in indigenous communities SIMILARITY OF KNOWLEDGE OF PALM USE than in folk communities, as the results about IN THE FOUR COMMUNITIES the use of all species indicate, we compared the The number of cited uses in the different com- uses of only the shared species. One way to do munities gives a quantitative indication of how 332 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 57

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0Z 0) 0) 0.5~0 00~z 2003] CAMPOS & EHRINGHAUS: PALM USES IN SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA 335

I V I 0 much knowledge exists within the communities, A= z 2 but it does not yield information about the sim- C" ilar quality of this knowledge. We used 1 1 1 1 the Jac- card similarity index, based on general uses to determine the similarity of general knowledge on how to I use palm resource. Using similarity indices based on species-specific uses, we tried z - - cI '44) to determine whether the know-how on palm use z X 00 is similarly applied to the different palms in the ZC. four communities. In general, similarities co between groups are low, ranging between 0.326 II and 0.588 for general uses and between 0.189 and 0.341 for species-specific uses (Table 9). The general dissimilarity points to distinct pat- tems of palm use within each of the communities. The fact that similarities based on general uses are higher than those based on species-specific uses supports the hypothesis that each community uses different palms of their ttC)C C) C ,) preference to satisfy the same general needs and purposes. The four communities share knowledge and know-how about palm use in general, but use M C~'C, Cg r C bO different palms to fill these purposes, each mak- C4 ing different choices on how to satisfy their 'cC needs. 0 0 U As expected, the similarity analysis shows that the most similar communities in terms of palm uses were the seringueiros and ribeirinhos to and the Yawanawa and Kaxinawa respectively r0 (Table 9). The most dissimilar communities 3 0 ~0CC o vr*C'0 ~' 'W CC(U were ribeirinhos and Yawanawa. Surprisingly, e C to r the seringueiros and the Kaxinawa showed a rel- CC¢ ,U~~- aQ M U) C CCm0 atively high similarity, possibly due to the con- ID ~ ~ C- struction style that these indigenous peoples 0 C) have adopted from rubber tappers. U, < > r , e 0 t CC .5 CHANGES IN TRADITIONAL PLANT C) LORE: ACQUISITION OF NEW PRACTICES I) To investigate the incorporation of new plant C) knowledge into traditional knowledge systems, C-C we compared the proportions of traditional and acquired uses in the two indigenous communi- S ties (Table 10). Although the number of known uses is higher in the indigenous communities, S we identified part of this knowledge as acquired ~s from folk Amazonian populations. The origins of these acquired uses are probably in serin- '.28110 gueiros and ribeirinhoscommunities, who in _i re- C tum have brought these practices from other Amazonian regions and the Brazilian Northeast. 0 0Z CC 'C C~ The traditional uses mentioned by both com- 'CC C. ()5 .*12 z 03 j~ munities are mainly related to the technology/ craft category, including baskets, mats, ham- [VOL. 57 336 ECONOMIC BOTANY

ON THE 17 SHARED TABLE 4. PROPORTION OF CITED PALM USES IN DIFFERENT USE CATEGORIES, BASED PALM SPECIES.

Tec-hnology! No use Unknown Total Community Food crafts Construction Medicinal Ritual Yawanawa 36.0 34.3 21.3 1.5 3.8 1.5 1.6 100 Kaxinawg 40.5 33.5 17.0 2.3 4.2 1.7 0.8 100 Seringueiros 39.9 15.5 34.9 1.4 1.6 4.6 2.0 100 Ribeirinhos 39.7 12.4 33.1 1.8 0.5 5.7 6.7 100

mocks, weapons (Fig. 5), domestic tools and uses known about each palm, the proportions of medicines. Acquired uses are mostly associated uses in the different categories and of the palm with the construction of houses in the rubber parts used in the different communities are very tapper style with floor panels, walls, thatching, similar. Food is the most important category, and structural elements. mostly fruits and less frequently palm hearts. In About a fourth to a third of the uses encoun- indigenous communities also the varied technol- tered were acquired in recent times during con- ogy/craft category is important, using all palm tact with folk populations, and this holds true parts, particularly leaves, trunks and fruits. In for all use levels (GU, SU, and CU, Table 10). folk communities the construction category is The Kaxinawa cited a slightly higher proportion more important using trunks and leaves. of traditional uses than the Yawanawa, which DIFFERENCES probably is due to the higher number of uses CULTURAL related to crafts, especially the rich weaving tra- The spectra of palms used within each com- dition. Thus, the current stock of truly 'indige- munity differ slightly, but the uses attributed to nous' plant uses is about the same as the folk each species differ considerably among the cul- knowledge, if one subtracts the acquired uses of tural groups. We detected that indigenous and the indigenous general and species-specific uses folk communities use different palm resources (e.g., Yawanawd 62% of 87 is 53, about the to satisfy their various needs and show a high same as the seringueiros [56] or ribeirinhos degree of specificity, focussing on key palm spe- [54]. cies. The Kaxinawa and, particularly, the Ya- wanawd have a strong cultural focus on Attalea DISCUSSION tessmanii and other Attalea species. In the case THE ROLE OF PALMS AND THEiR USES of Attalea tessmanni, this may be due to the The bulk of species used by the communities great usefulness of the species, and to the great is native to the region, although also a few ex- abundance of the species in the area, although otic species are known, particularly in the folk many other useful palms are present. The ser- communities. Due to their great variety and use- ingueiros and ribeirinhos both focus on Euterpe fulness, palms play a central role in the daily precatoria, which occurs abundantly in all areas. lives of the four communities we studied. The This shows that the mere existence of a natural main uses of palms in the communities are as- resource in an area does not necessarily imply sociated with basic necessities such as food, that all communities would exploit this resource house construction, as well as technology and to a large extent. craft implements. Despite the differences in the The low similarities in species-specific uses of

PALM SPECIES. TABLE 5. PROPORTIONS OF USE CITATIONS OF PALM PARTS, BASED ON THE 17 SHARED

Total Roots Trunk Spines Palm heart Leaves Flowers Fruits Yawanawa 1.0 27.9 0.2 0.9 28.2 1.7 40.2 100 Kaxinawa 1.5 22.0 1.1 4.5 29.2 1.2 42.5 100 Seringueiros 0.4 27.1 0.0 7.4 17.2 1.3 46.6 100 Ribeirinhos 0.7 25.7 0.0 5.6 23.7 0.6 43.8 100 2003] CAMPOS & EHRINGHAUS: PALM USES IN SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA 337

Fig. 2. Preparation of a,af (Euterpe precatoria) wine (non-fermented): a. harvest of fruits, fruits, and c. wine. b. mashing of

Fig. 3. Thatching in different cultures: a. Yawanawa thatching with cocao (Attalea tessmannii), b. Serin- gueiro thatching with ubim (Geonoma deversa). [VOL. 57 338 ECONOMIC BOTANY

PER TABLE 6. AVERAGE NUMBER AND STANDARD ERROR OF TOTAL USE CITATIONS CITED PER INFORMANT PALM.

Yawanawd Kaxinawa Seringuciros Ribeirinhos Average StEr Average StEr Palm species Average StEr Average StEr

Species in common ±0.17 Astrocaryum aculeatum 1.50a ±0.43 2.95b ±0.61 1.80a t0.20 1.22a 5,55b 1.51la 0.97' -0.26 Astrocaryum murumuru 2.14a +0.33 ±0.63 ±0.29 1.80d ±0.20 Attalea butyracea 2.84" ±0.28 7.50b ±0.43 0.80sc ±0.26 2,97b ±0.25 Attalea phalerata 3.42a +0.38 5.80b ±0.55 2.63b t0.24 ±0.19 Bactris gasipaes 1.32" ±0.17 1.75a +0.29 1. 71' t0.20 1.43a +0.18 1.03b ±0.27 Bactris spp. 3.28a +0.18 2.55" ±0.30 1.26b 0.43b 0.40b +0.21 Bactris macana 4.70a ±0.30 4.35" ±0.38 ±0.14 0.20' ±0.10 Chameodora angustisecta 0.76a +0.12 1.10" ±0.07 0.57b ±0.17 5,43b 3.77a +0.38 Euterpe precatoria 3.24a +0.25 2.45a ±0.29 ±0.53 1.69b 0.97a --0.12 Geonoma spp. 0.32a + 0.1 1 1.20b ±0.23 +0.15 -0.24 Iriartea deltoidea 2.46" ±0.25 3.65b ±0.34 2.49a t0.15 1.80a 2.17b ±0.27 Mauritiaflexuosa 3.68a +0.27 4.70a ±0.51 1.75b +0.22 1.97b ±0.31 Oenocarpus bataua 2.88"" +0.33 3.75a ±0.30 2.83"b ±0.31 1.43b ±0.21 Oenocarpus mapora 2.78a +0.21 3.00" ±0.29 1.94b t0.30 1.00b 0.57b ±0.23 Oenocarpus sp. 1.66a ±0.23 ±0.14 ±0.15 ±0.22 Phytelephas macrocarpa 5.14" +0.41 5.85a ±0.43 2.31b ±0.24 1.346 1.89b ±0.34 Socratea exorrhiza 2.84"" +0.25 3.50a ±0.23 2.97a ±0.31 Species not in common Aiphanes aculeata 2.10 -0.16 0.40 +0.10 Astrocaryum jauari 0.25 +0.09 0.10 ±0.05 0.09 ±0.05 _0.09 Attalea maripa 0.40 ±0.15 0.30 ±0.16 Attalea speciosa 0.30 +0.13 +0.40 Attalea tessmannhi 8.80 ±0.36 8.60 ±0.65 Bactris acanthocarpa 0.1 ±0.05 Carludovica palmata 1.94 +0.13 Cheylocarpus chuco 0.64 ±0.08 2.55 +0.27 _0.11 Cheyocarpus ulei 3.35 -0.41 0.40 _0.10 0.54 -0.21 Cocos nucifera 2.10 ±0.31 2.90 ±0.20 2.97 ±0.16 Copernicia prunifera 0.10 ±0.05 0.23 0.06 ±0.04 Desmoncus mitis 1.05 +0.23 0.20 ±0.08 0.05 +40.11 Elaeis guineense 0.10 ±0.05 +0.09 Syagrus sancona 0.10 --0.07 0.10 ±0.05 0.06

""'.c Grouping according to Tukey's Multple Comparison Test.

as a food resource. palms among communities suggest that each and Astrocaryum aculeatum the use of an- culture has its distinct way of using these re- Hence, one species can replace context, depending sources. It also suggests that, although commu- other in a different cultural history, the va- nities share knowledge and know-how on how on the cultural preferences and its abun- to use palms in general, the resources employed rietal characteristics of that species, used to process to fill these purposes, are not the same, depend- dance, the specific technology and ing on the choices of each community. In each that resource, the access to new materials, in the market culture, other resources fill in specific cultural the insertion of each community niches, e.g., in the indigenous cultures Attalea economy. Huastec spp is used for many cultural thatching and food Similarly, Alcorn (1981), studying that the needs, Phytelephas macrocarpa for thatching, Mayan resource perception concluded is a result and Astrocaryum murumru for crafts. Whereas use of a determined plant as a resource dynamic factors, in the seringueiros use Geonoma spp. and Phy- of the interplay of several and physical; telephas macrocarpa for thatching and Euterpe which she classified as biological and social. It is oleracea, Oenocarpus spp., Attalea phalerata, cultural; economic; and personal 2003] CAMPOS & EHRINGHAUS: PALM USES IN SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA 339

and use. Thus, the differences in palm use by the studied communities are not merely reduc- ible to "cultural" differences but to a more com- plex set of influences from both the social and natural realm.

LEVELS OF KNOWLEDGE ABOUT NATURAL RESOURCE USE Our data fully supports the hypothesis that indigenous communities have more knowledge about palm uses compared to the folk communities we studied. This holds true for general uses known about palms, species-specific uses on how to use each of the palms, and also for the average number of cited uses, that reflects the level of knowledge within the community. We believe that the larger indigenous knowledge about palm use stems from the longer history in the area, during which they could accumulate more knowledge, most of which survived the periods of semi-slavery and acculturation. In contrast, the folk communities have started Fig. 4. Uses of cocao (A. tessmannii) fruits by in- learning about the local resources less than a digenous communities: a. Parasitic beetle larvae are century ago. eaten, b. oil extracted from seed is used for cooking However, and as skin medicine. a high number of known uses does not necessarily mean that they are mentioned frequently, i.e., that the uses are known through- the interrelation of all these dynamic factors that out the community. Although the Yawanawd, as shape resource utilization. She states (1981) that a community, cited more general and species- plant "use" must be analyzed as a text that de- specific palm uses than the Kaxinawa, the dis- rives part of its meaning from the cultural, nat- tribution of the existing plant lore seems to be ural, and social context in which it occurs and distributed more evenly within the Kaxinawa serves its function." Moreover, she mentions community, as they mention more uses on av- that "uses" and "behavior responses" to plants erage. It seems that the Yawanawa have a great- are not as simple as they have been understood er breadth of knowledge, held by different in- by many ethnobotanical investigators, because dividuals within their community, whereas the changes in the personal and social lives of peo- Kaxinawa have a narrower, but a more homog- ple as well as variations and changes in the nat- enous distribution of that knowledge. A similar, ural environment (e.g., due to absence of the re- less pronounced, pattern can be detected with source) can influence the resource perception the seringueirosand ribeirinhos.

TABLE 7. COMPARISON OF KNOWN USES OF THE 17 PALMS SPECIES SHARED BY THE FOUR COMMUNITIES.

Community GU SU TMC-Test CU ASU ACU (P < 0.05) Yawanawa 87 208 2295 12.11 ± 1.63 2.64 + 0.31 a,b Kaxinawa 72 177 1208 10.58 ± 1.16 3.75 + 0.45 a Seringueiros 56 119 1167 7.35 + 1.03 1.95 + 0.28 b Ribeirinhos 54 144 928 8.47 ± 0.84 1.53 + 0.22 b GU = general uses; SP = species-specific uses; CU = cited uses; ASU = average species-specific use per palm; ACU = average cited use per informant and palm; TMC-Test based on ACU. [VOL. 57 340 ECONOMIC BOTANY

(NOT SIGNIFI- TABLE 8. NUMBER OF TIMES THAT THE AVERAGE NUMBER OF CITED USES WERE SIMILAR CANTLY DIFFERENT) AMONG THE FOUR STUDIED GROUPS (TMC-TEST, SEE TABLE 6).

Yawanawa Kaxinawa Seringueiros Ribeirinhos 7 Yawanawa - 10 7 3 Kaxinawa 10 - 5 12 Serigueiros 7 5 - Ribeirinhos 7 3 12

clubs (Fig. 5), CHANGES IN THE USE PATTERNS AND THE such as bows, arrows, spears and ACQUISITION OF NEW KNOWLEDGE used for hunting, fishing, and also in the warfare among groups. The palm heart also was an im- We were able to show that part of the uses portant source of food in indigenous communi- mentioned by the studied indigenous communities, but they abandoned this practice with ac- ties is not "traditional" to their culture. Accord- cess to new crops. Therefore, acquisitions as ing to elders in both indigenous groups, even well as losses have largely shaped the knowl- before the contact with rubber tappers, indige- edge encountered at a particular moment. nous groups interacted through intermarriage, indigenous peoples have incorporat- kidnapping of women and slaves as well as war- Not only lost ecological knowledge. We also can fare and sorcery with other groups. The coex- ed and observe the incorporation of new uses in the ser- istence with folk groups after the rubber boom and ribeirinho communities. Since their has largely influenced both the Yawanawd and ingueiro less than a hundred years ago, the Kaxinawa cultures. During this period, they arrival in Acre, learned about local resources were forced to drastically modify their tradition- they have not only incorporated exotic palms from al lifestyle and consequently incorporated new but also have and even other continents knowledge, but also lost traditional practices. In- other regions of Brazil Cocos nucifera and teraction with missionaries has also brought into their plant lore (e.g., changes in the traditional customs, religious Elaeis guineense). of uses orig- concepts, family structure, life style and re- The discovery and incorporation is a phenomenon source use. inating in other cultural groups people else- In the past, palms might have had an even also documented for Amazonian knowledge more important role in indigenous communities, where. The acquisition of recent medicinal plants in the due to the existence of more traditional customs about new, often exotic, has been doc- and the lack of commercial substitutes for forest treatment of old and new diseases folk products. A few species, such as the wild peach umented for a number indigenous and Prance palm (Bactris macana) and B. maraja were groups (Alexiades 1999; Bennett and widely used in the manufacture of weaponry, 2000; Milliken and Albert 1996, 1997a; Prance

FOLK COMMUNITY, BASED ON TABLE 9. JACCARD SIMILARITY INDICES BETWEEN EACH INDIGENOUS AND THE GENERAL AND SPECIES-SPECIFIC USES OF THE COMMON SPECIES.

Yawanawa Kaxinawa Seringueiros Riberinhos General Uses Yawanawa - 0.495 0.348 0.326 Kaxinawa 0.495 - 0.422 0.392 0.588 Seringueiros 0.348 0.422 - Ribeirinhos 0.326 0.392 0.588 - Species-specific Uses Yawanawa - 0.332 0.211 0.189 Kaxinawa 0.318 - 0.327 0.249 0.341 Seringueiros 0.211 0.327 - Ribeirinhos 0.189 0.249 0.341 - 2003] CAMPOS & EHRINGHAUS: PALM USES IN SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA 341

TABLE 10. PROPORTIONS OF TRADITIONAL AND ACQUIRED USES (GU, SU, AND CU) FOR THE COMMON PALM SPECIES.

Yawanawa Kaxinawa

Uses Traditional Acquired Traditional Acquired Cited Uses (CU) 62% 38% 77% 23% Species-specific Uses (US) 64% 36% 73% 27% General Uses (UG) 64% 36% 69% 31% and Plana 1998). Milliken and Albert (1997b) and loss of knowledge in contact with other Am- also point out that adaptive changes in house azonian populations. construction are a common phenomenon A number of authors have recently revealed amongst tribal peoples entering sustained con- concrete evidence that the so-called indigenous tact with outside societies. The changes of cir- knowledge is not so "purely indigenous" and cumstances, faced especially by indigenous peo- actually is of hybrid origins. These studies show ple, might result in the incorporation of new that indigenous knowledge is dynamic and habits that might be beneficial in a new set of eclectic, as well as unevenly distributed within conditions. The exchange of know-how between populations. Most importantly, these studies cultures can result in an increased repertoire of demonstrate that indigenous knowledge is not resource uses, which is an advantage if you de- isolated and inert, but subject to change and con- pend on natural resources for survival. We there- stant incorporation of outside knowledge. As re- fore believe that today's "indigenous" knowl- sult of this "new" view of indigenous and tra- edge is a mixture of two non-exclusive process- ditional knowledge the call for a more "realis- es: the accumulation of knowledge along the tic" and less idealized and romanticized view of course of many centuries in the process of trial traditional communities, traditional knowledge and error experimentation, and the acquisition and traditional practices (Ellen and Harris 2000).

Fig. 5. Traditional uses of pupunha (Bactris spp.): a. Bactris gasipaes, b. spears made from Bactris trunk wood by Yawanawa Indians, white arrow tips are made from bamboo, Guadua sp., c. Kaxinawa girl weaving, using Bactris wood for loom and leaf petioles from Attalea spp. and Oenocarpus bataua as guiding help. 342 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 57

A number of authors argue that the strong fo- Therefore, the body of knowledge within a given cus on indigenous knowledge in opposition to culture includes three different levels: 1) known non-indigenous or western knowledge systems uses that are currently practiced, 2) known uses creates artificial dichotomies. Agrawal (1995), that are no longer practiced, and 3) formerly for instance, tries to uncover contradictions and known or forgotten uses that have been extinct conceptual weakness in the concept and litera- from a cultural group. ture related to indigenous knowledge and sci- The loss of traditional knowledge is one of the entific knowledge and argues "this distinction of biggest problems in Amazonia and elsewhere, as knowledge between indigenous and western is many rural populations have not yet learned the flawed because of the heterogeneity among their skills necessary for survival in a developed set- elements and because of the status of knowledge ting, but are losing the traditional knowledge that as a transferable, flowing entity." The blurring equips them with know-how to exploit the re- of the boundaries between indigenous, folk and sources in their forest. Repeatedly, older people other knowledge systems is also supported by complain about the youth's lack of interest in Sillitoe (1998), who argues for a continuum of learning the traditional customs of their culture. knowledge in which the indigenous knowledge In this light, the participation of community and scientific knowledge represent the extremes. members of all generations and the incorporation The results of our research support an under- of traditional knowledge systems into resource standing of heterogeneity in traditional knowl- management projects are crucial for its success edge systems and the notion of a continuum. (IES 1995, Davis 1993). Thus, the understanding Therefore, while the indigenous communities we of the dynamic nature of indigenous and folk worked with definitely hold more knowledge knowledge about natural resource use is of fun- about palms than folk communities, the mixed damental importance in the planning of devel- origin of this knowledge does not justify a "pur- opment and natural resource management pro- ist" understanding of that knowledge. grams and the active participation of the communities in these processes (Borrini-Feyerabend THE STATE OF THE ART OF PALM USES: 1996). Furthermore, the recognition of the hy- KNOWN VS. PRACTICED USES bridity, flexibility and creativity within traditional In light of this dynamic, constantly changing knowledge systems should provide support for knowledge system, it is important to distinguish local response mechanisms and decision-making between known uses of plants and those uses that (Kaplan and Kopische 1992). are actually practiced in daily life. Our study is CONCLUSIONS based on the known uses and not on the observed uses that are truly practiced today within the com- Our research on differences in palm use by in- munities. This would require an extensive study digenous and folk communities of South Western with monitoring of actual uses over time. An ex- Amazonia leads us to four conclusions. First, ample of this knowledge/actual use distinction is palm resources are used differently in the indig- the indigenous abandonment of their traditional enous and folk communities we studied, although housing style in the last century, to adopt the rub- the same basic necessities for food, housing and ber tapper house based on a different use of palm tools are covered. Second, dissimilarities between resources, although they still know the species communities exist not only on a general level for used for the traditional housing style. Similarly, different types of uses, but the communities also seringueirostoday are gradually replacing the tra- use different species to satisfy their specific ditional rubber tapper houses usually made with needs. The choices on how to use a resource de- different palm species, in favor of houses built pend on the cultural preferences and history, the with timber species boards (e.g., Swietenia ma- variety characteristics and abundance of the re- crophylla King. and Cedrela odorata L.) and alu- source, the processing technology, access to new minum roofs. As more and more families adopt materials that substitute that resource, and to the the new housing style information about this type market economy. Third, as expected, the indige- of plant use is increasingly incorporated into the nous communities know more about the uses of knowledge of the seringueiro community, while palms than the folk communities, although a larg- know-how of traditional house construction be- er breadth of knowledge does not imply a ho- comes an increasingly theoretical knowledge. mogeneous distribution of this knowledge within 20031 CAMPOS & EHRINGHAUS: PALM USES IN SOUTHWESTERN AMAZONIA 343 a cornmunity. Fourth, part of today's indigenous field manual. Advances in Economic Botany 10. knowledge includes elements of folk lore that New York Botanical Garden, Bronx, N.Y. were recently incorporated in the course of ad- . 1999. Ese Eja ethnobotany: plants, health and aptations to changed conditions. Therefore, cur- change in an Amazonian society. PhD. dissertation, rent indigenous knowledge is a rmixture of two City University of New York. Allegretti, M. H. 1990. Extractive non-exclusive processes: the accumulation of reserves: an alternative for reconciling development and environ- knowledge over many generations and the ac- mental conservation in Amazonia. Pages 252-264 quisition of new know-how originating from the in A. P Anderson, ed., Alternatives to deforesta- contact with other Amazonian populations. Tra- tion. Columbia University Press, New York. ditional indigenous and folk plant lore is in a - . 1994. Reservas extrativistas: parametros para dynamic state where acquisition of knowledge uma politica de desenvolvimento sustentavel na and loss of traditional practices interplay and the Amaz6nia. Pages 17-47 in A. Anderson et al., 0 boundary between traditional 'indigenous' and destino da floresta: reservas extrativistas e desen- 'folk' knowledge becomes blurred. volvimento sustentdvel na Amaz6nia. Relume Du- The changing nature of traditional plant lore mara, Rio de Janeiro. Anderson, A. B. 1977. Os nomes e os is particularly important for natural resource usos de palmeiras entre uma tribo de fndios Yanomama. Acta management, regarding not only the manage- Amazonica 7(l):5-13. ment of traditional forest resources but also the - . 1994. Extrativismo vegetal e reservas exrativ- introduction and adoption of new crops, uses istas. Pages 227-246 in Anderson A. et al., 0 des- and technologies. A better grasp of the hybrid tino da floresta: reservas extrativistas e desenvol- and dynamic nature of traditional knowledge vimento sustentdvel na Amaz6nia. Relume Du- systems becomes particularly important in the mara, Rio de Janeiro. planning and implementation of development Aquino, T. V., and M. P. Iglesias. 1994. Os kaxinawa and resource management programs in which do alto Rio Jordao. Comissao Pro Indio-Acre. Balee, the active participation of the communities is W., and D. Posey, eds. 1984. Resource management in Amazonia: indigenous imperative, and local people decide which prac- and folk strategies. Advances in Economic Botany tices to adopt or to reject. Vol. 7. The New York Botanical Garden. Balick, M. J. 1986. Palms and ACKNOWLEDGMENTS development in the humid tropics. Anais do I°Simp6sio do Tr6pico We thank first of all the comnmunities with which we worked for their Umido. Volume VI: 121-140. willing participation and hospitality; the students Nadia Waleska Pereira and Ana Maria Guimaraes for helping with the data collection; the botanists . 1988. The use of palms by the Apinaye and Evandro Ferreira and Dr. Andrew Henderson for the identification of the Guajajara Indians of Northeastern Brazil. Advances palm species, most important for this work; Dr. Daniel C. Nepstad for in Economic Botany 6:65-90. The New York Bo- innumerable suggestions for the manuscript; Dr. Douglas Daly for his con- tanical Garden. stant support of ethnobotany projects in Acre; Leonildo Alves de Lima for the collection of botanical material; the Parque Zoobotanico/UFAC for the Bennett, B. C., and G. T. Prance. 2000. Introduced infrastructure durtng this work; the Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento plants in the pharmacopeia of northern South Cientifico e Tecnol6gico (CNPq) for the DCR fellowship to Marina T Cam- America. Economic Botany 54(l):90-102. pos; the Sculley Foundaeon for the fellowship to Chisfiane Ehringhaus; Berlin, B, D. E. Breedlove, and P. H. Raven. the State University of New York (SUNY), Albany Brazil Training Program 1997. for the training fellowship (3 months) to Marina Campos at New York Principles of Tztzal plant classification. Academic Botanical Garden and Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Mexico; to the Press, New York. Centro de Desenvolvimento Sustentado de Populacoes Tradicionais (CNPT/ Boom, B. M. 1988. The Chacobo Indians and their IBAMA) for financing the Yawanawa fieldwork. palms. Advances in Economic Botany 6:91-97. The New York Botanical Garden. LITERATURE CITED Borrini- Feyerabend, G. 1996. Collaborative man- Agrawal, A. 1995. Dismantling the divide between agement of protected areas: tailoring the approach indigenous and scientific knowledge. Development to the context. IUCN, Gland. and change 26:413-439. Brower, J. E., and J. H. Zar. 1981. Field and labo- Alcorn, J. B. 1981. Factors influencing botanical re- ratory methods for general ecology. Wm. C. Brown source perception among the Huastec: questions for Company Publishers, Dubuque, Iowa. future ethnobotanical inquiry. Journal of Ethno- Conservation International. 1991.Workshop 90: Bi- biology 1(2):221-230. ological priorities for conservation in Amazonia. Alexiades, M. N. 1996. Collecting ethnobotanical Map. 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TITLE: Plant Virtues Are in the Eyes of the Beholders: A Comparison of Known Palm Uses Among Indigenous and Folk Communities of Southwestern Amazonia SOURCE: Econ Bot 57 no3 Fall 2003 WN: 0328803497002

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