Feature article Is the Dark Horse in Addressing Ecological and Human Health Threats?

By Kaleb Brownlow and Stephanie Renzi

In 2006, Guangdong Province recorded its worst air pollution in decades despite continued government promises to address the problem. That same year, the average number of smoggy days (e.g., visibility below 10 kilometers) reached 120 in major cities such as . Not surprisingly the number of people suffering from respiratory illnesses spiked in 2006 as well. Guangdong also confronts serious water pollution problems from poorly regulated industries and an abysmally low rate of municipal wastewater treatment. The provincial environmental protection bureau received about 80,000 pollution complaints in 2005, most of which were related to water pollution. In 2006, slightly more than 40 percent (22 million) of Guangdong’s rural population did not have access to safe drinking water. These poor air and water quality trends represent serious threats to economic growth and human health in Guangdong. In 2006, Guangdong invested more than 60 billion Yuan into environmental protection, which equals approximately 2.5 percent of the province’s gross domestic product (GDP)—a ratio significantly higher than that of most other provinces. Besides investment, there are signs of progressive environmental policies within Guangdong, such as growing partnerships with the research communities and government of to work on air qual- ity monitoring, pollution policy development, and even a pilot SO2 emissions trading program. Guangdong was entrepreneurial in pushing ’s free-market reforms, so it is possible (indeed crucial) that the province’s growing ecological crises will spark it to become the vanguard for protecting the environment and human health. This paper explores Guangdong, highlighting both signs of emerging leadership in the environmental health realm and the province’s failures to be green.

The City Industrial Park In mid-1999, two ecologically interdependent Case cities located in Guangdong Province found them- selves in a heated dispute over the construction of 19 hina’s environmental degradation is often electroplating projects to be built in the city of Sihui lamented as the byproduct of a dysfunc- within municipality. municipality, Ctional environmental governance system situated downstream from Zhaoqing, contested the mired in conflicts of interest and fragmented lines construction of the factories on the grounds it would of authority. There can be little disagreement that contaminate their communal water system, violat- China falls far short when it comes to the imple- ing two water pollution regulations. Foshan’s depu- mentation and enforcement of environmental ties in the Guangdong Provincial People’s Congress regulations. Evidence of this abounds at both the (PPC) spearheaded this charge, further arguing that national and the local level. Guangdong’s experi- construction of the factories should not have been ence with the Sihui industrial park pollution case approved in the first place because the local environ- provides yet another testament to weak enforce- mental protection bureau (EPB) had not conducted ment; yet the case also hints at a new kind of stricter an environmental impact assessment (EIA) (Wang & oversight by the provincial people’s congresses. As Wang, 2006). Months of congressional inquiries and such, understanding the events surrounding the infighting between the Foshan and Zhaoqing PPC Sihui case is critical to begin pondering whether deputies and the municipal EPBs and ­executive gov- Guangdong might prove to be a vanguard for ernments ensued, with each group jockeying for legal China’s environmental health. jurisdiction to determine the outcome of the case.

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 43 Figure 1: Investment in Industrial Pollution of environmental degradation, they have become Control increasingly aware of the negative impact air pollu- tion has on health and social stability (Cheng, 2006). Over the past few years, China’s central government

1998 has begun to promulgate more aggressive pollution Guangdong control laws—some even giving more power to the 1999 China public to monitor dirty industries—and recently developing an, albeit general, National Environmental 2000 Health Action Plan. Key to the success of such laws

2001 and environmental health initiatives will be the sup- port of local governments, which are often the great- ear Y 2002 est obstacles to environmental law enforcement. Ultimately, for China to make a breakthrough in 2003 halting the skyrocketing pollution levels threatening human health within—and even beyond—China 2004 there must be a major shift in the attitude and per- 2005 formance of local governments to fully implement environmental protection laws and regulations. This 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 paper explores Guangdong, highlighting both signs Amount (100 million yuan) of emerging leadership in the environmental health realm and the province’s failures to be green. Source: Drawn from 1999 to 2006 issues of the China Statistical Yearbook. Examining the Pollution and Health Nexus in China Although the PPC deputies on each side were asserting their constitutional right to inspect the Throughout the reform era, many health indices enforcement of the law, such congressional inquires have improved considerably: life expectancy rose had never before occurred around a pollution case from 60 in 1970 to 72 years in 2007; between 1991 in China (Wang & Wang, 2006). As such, these and 2003 infant mortality rates decreased from 50.2 actions represented a decisive break from the tradi- to 25.5 per 1,000; and during the same time period tional “rubber-stamp” role of the PPC. In the end, the maternal mortality rate decreased from 94.7 to the provincial government had the final say and 51.3 per 100,000 (Mao, 2005a). These marked health chose to allow the construction of nine out of the improvements have shifted the disease burden from original 19 projects, signaling that concessions were primarily infectious diseases to chronic, non-com- made on both sides of the dispute. Given this out- municable diseases (NCD), which include cardio- come, it is clear Guangdong’s local environmental vascular disease, respiratory disease, and cancer. An governance is still far from perfect. Nevertheless, aging population, changing lifestyles and behaviors, the case succeeded in elevating public awareness of and environmental pollution represent key factors environmental issues and pioneering new congres- contributing to increased NCD and mortality rate. sional practices (Wang & Wang, 2006). It is also One study found 131.39 million disability-adjusted likely that these nine new plants will be carefully life years (DALYs) were lost due to the disease bur- monitored for their emissions. den of NCDs in 2002, which is equivalent to 64.36 Despite debate over exact numbers, many Chinese percent of the total disease burden in China (Mao, and international environmental specialists agree that 2005b). This figure has grave implications for the two decades of a booming economy have drastically health of China’s society and its ability to sustain worsened air and water quality. Some of the pollut- an efficient labor force. In rural areas, respiratory ants contaminating air and water have contributed illnesses, many caused by indoor air pollution, are to declining health and increased non-communicable the leading cause of death. (See Table 1). disease (NCD) (e.g., cancer, cardiovascular disease, Large regions across China experience vary- and diabetes); morbidity; and mortality in China. ing degrees of air pollution. A 2003 survey of 341 As Chinese government officials, researchers, and major cities, undertaken by the Chinese Academy the public struggle to mitigate the harmful effects on Environmental Planning (CAEP), reported that

44 China Environment Series 2007 “27 percent suffered from serious pollution, 32 per- Table 1. Leading Causes of Death in China, cent had light pollution, and 41 percent enjoyed good air quality.” Moreover, CAEP claimed air pol- 2005 lution caused 411,000 premature deaths, mostly due to lung and heart-related diseases, while the World Bank claimed this number could be as high as Urban Rural 750,000 (McGregor, 2007). The study highlighted other pollution-linked illnesses such as increases in Disease % Disease % childhood and adult asthma, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), and a host of respi- Respiratory Malignant Tumor 22.94 23.45 ratory diseases afflict millions of Chinese. There Diseases are approximately 38 million Chinese suffering from COPD, with nearly 100,000 deaths each year Cerebrovascular Cerebrovascular 21.23 21.17 (“China sets up an alliance,” 2006). Diseases Disease Today in China there is an increasing prevalence of lung cancer, which now captures the greatest share Heart Diseases 17.89 Malignant Tumor 20.29 of cancer-related deaths. Between 2000 and 2005, the incidence of lung cancer in men and women Source: China Statistical Yearbook (2006). increased 26.9 and 38.4 percent, respectively (Yang, Parkin, Ferlay, Li, & Chen, 2005). Future projec- requirements, and experiments in SO2 emissions tions of lung cancer cases remain equally grim, with trading, many airborne pollutants were not reduced approximately one million Chinese expected to suf- to levels required in the Tenth Five-Year Plan fer from lung cancer by 2025. According to Zhu (2000-2005). Even the first-year energy efficiency Xiuyi, a director of a lung cancer treatment center, and SO2 emissions goals under the Eleventh Five- “Smoking and pollution are two major causes of the Year Program, which the party leadership had pri- high rate of lung cancer [in China]” (“Lung can- oritized, were not met. cer cases,” 2007). Air pollution, if controlled and China’s State Environmental Protection reduced, could ameliorate the situation and reduce Administration (SEPA) has been flexing its mus- the disease burden from lung cancer and a host of cles of late, publicizing its studies on highly pollut- other respiratory diseases. ing industries and becoming more forthcoming in announcing the economic and health costs associ- Environmental Health as a ated with pollution. In 2004, SEPA estimated the Growing Priority economic losses from pollution amounted to a stag- gering $61.8 billion or 3.05 percent of total GDP, Over the past few years, the Chinese government of which air pollution accounted for 42.9 percent or has increased its prioritization of environmental $26.54 billion (“Green GDP,” 2006).1 Other unoffi- projects, policies, and investment (see Figure 1) cial reports indicate the cost could be as much as 8 to with certain cities or regions making some strides 12 percent, which is roughly equivalent to the coun- in reducing and controlling pollution. In prepara- try’s annual economic growth (Landwehr, 2006). tion for the 2008 Olympic Games, has After decades of unfettered economic growth, the invested $12 billion over ten years to clean the city’s Chinese central government leadership is faced notoriously dirty air and water, shutting down or with significant challenges regarding environmental retrofitting 200 dirty industries in the city, and mak- degradation and health issues, which has galvanized ing plans to keep 1.3 million cars off the roads for them to more aggressive pronouncements and poli- the entire two weeks of the Games. While Beijing cies, and permit SEPA to take more stringent steps is experiencing many more days of blue skies, it is to address environmental problems. unclear whether all the efforts have been enough to While there are rumors SEPA will be elevated guarantee clean air for the Games, as regional pol- to ministry level in 2008, the agency is still small lution from coal and cars could nullify much of the and under-funded. Nevertheless, SEPA has become progress (Turner & Ellis, 2007). Beijing’s struggles resourceful in wielding increased power under the are mirrored nationwide, for despite increasingly new environmental impact assessment law, as well as progressive energy laws, stringent energy efficiency pushing public participation, information disclosure,

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 45 Figure 2. Total Industrial SO Emissions in which since 2005 has catalyzed a number of forums 2 in China. These forums have enabled China’s China & Guangdong (1999-2005) Ministry of Health (MOH) and SEPA to create an environmental health action plan for the coun- 2400 140 try and have prompted the two agencies to develop 127.2 130 information-sharing platforms and mechanisms to 2200 120 integrate inter-ministerial efforts on quantifying 2168.4 Vo lume (10,000 tons) environmental health indicators. The two agen- 2000 110 Guangdong cies also are designing joint responses to environ- 100 1800 mental health emergencies (Duan, 2007; “China’s 90 environmental,” 2007). In 2006, these two agencies 1600 80 sought to establish standards on the most prevalent 1460 China and harmful pollutants (cadmium, fluoride, arsenic, 70

lume (10,000 tons) Vo 1400 66.94 and mercury). Additionally, SEPA is currently try- 60 ing to establish specific standards for evaluating the 1200 50 impact of lead pollution on human health, particu- 1000 40 larly on children (“China to set,” 2006; Information 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 Office of State Council, 2006). Better coordination Year on environmental health could help provide a cata- lyst for entrepreneurial local governments to begin Source: China Statistical Yearbook, 1999-2006 to address this issue more constructively. Note: In 2006, The Guangdong provincial EPD reported that the emissions of sulfur dioxide dropped to 1.26 million tons from 1.29 tons in 2005 (Xinhua, 2007). Guangdong’s Downward Trend and green GDP accounting—all strategies that put more pressure on local governments. The ambitious Similar to China’s national situation, environmental green GDP effort failed, but it did raise the issue of degradation and declining public health are byprod- local government accountability to a higher level and ucts of Guangdong’s impressive economic success the National Development and Reform Commission and weak environmental enforcement. Particularly (NDRC) now has set energy efficiency performance evident are the effects air pollution (e.g., coal standards for local governments, with its Deputy smoke, suspended particulates, sulfur dioxide, and Director Zhu Hongren asserting that “we are left vehicular emissions) has on the respiratory system with no other alternatives but to meet the targets” (e.g., mortality and morbidity, hospital admissions, (“Energy saving,” 2007). As part of SEPA’s new and lung function changes) (Chen, Hong, & Kan,

and more aggressive stance, SEPA Minister Zhou 2004). Since 1997, sulfur dioxide (SO2) emissions in Shengxian promised that “the implementation of Guangdong have risen by 87 percent and are higher environmental policies will be as forceful as steel, not than the national average (“Sulphur dioxide,” 2006). as weak as tofu” (Yuankai, 2006). However, without (See Figure 2.) Likewise, incidences of respiratory- concrete action to prove otherwise, Zhou’s words will related ailments have also increased over time. prove as superficial as the countless government state- In 2006, Guangdong recorded its worst air pol- ments on environmental protection made before. lution in decades despite continued government The lead feature article in this issue of the China promises to address the problem. In 2006, the aver- Environment Series introduces many of the main age number of smoggy days (e.g., visibility below central government and international initiatives 10 kilometers) reached 75 in Guangdong, a 20 per- that are beginning to address the growing environ- cent increase over 2005 (Zhai, 2007). Major cities mental health challenges in China. Most of these such as Guangzhou experienced even higher levels efforts are uncoordinated, but we wish to highlight of smoggy days—120. Cars, power generation, and one, which offers promise of improving collabora- a new surge in heavy industry development by the tion among central government agencies to envi- provincial government in Delta (PRD) ronmental health problems. Namely, the WHO/ have exacerbated smog and acid rain problems. The UNEP Regional Initiative on Environment and fact the provincial government continues to focus Health in Southeast and East Asian Countries,2 on heavy industry development within the PRD

46 China Environment Series 2007 basin rather than spreading it throughout the prov- or chemical (e.g., heavy metals, fertilizers, and ince has greatly intensified air pollution problems oil). Infectious disease linked with water pollution (Zhai, 2007). remains a concern in Guangdong, particularly with Beyond air pollution, Guangdong must con- regards to chronic diarrhea in children. Other water front serious water pollution problems in its riv- pollution-related chronic health problems, in partic- ers and coastal areas. A recent water quality study ular digestive system cancers, represent a significant by the Guangdong People’s Political Consultative health burden in the province. A study conducted Conference (GPPCC) found higher pollution levels by the Population, Resource, and Environment in 42 of 111 rivers than a year previously, with 28 Commission of the GPPCC determined more than percent of all rivers experiencing severe pollution. 2.5 million people around Guangzhou face increased The severity of the pollution stems in great part health risks from contaminated drinking water due from the fact that wastewater treatment occurs in to heavy pollution at five water treatment plants in less than 2 percent of Guangdong’s cities and town- the municipality (“Polluted water,” 2007). ships (“Guangdong pledges,” 2006). Further, local Processing of domestic and illegally imported news media reported a rapid deterioration in the electronic waste is also a major contaminant of Pearl River’s water quality to a Grade V, the lowest Guangdong’s water and soil. (Editor’s Note: See grade, indicating water not even suitable for indus- Commentary by Choi in this issue on the topic). trial use (“Guangdong pledges,” 2006). In 2006, Continual exposure to various chemical pollutants the China Daily revealed that slightly more than 40 in Guangdong’s drinking and agricultural water has percent (22 million) of Guangdong’s rural popula- lead to “cancer villages” such as around Shangba tion do not have access to safe drinking water. The in , where one unconfirmed provincial environmental protection bureau received account indicates that nearly 250 out of 3,000 vil- about 80,000 pollution complaints in 2005, most lagers have died of cancer since 1987 (Griffiths, of which were related to water pollution. To begin 2007). Mines near the village, one owned by the addressing the dire rural water problems the prov- Guangdong provincial government, have been ince has allocated 7.2 billion Yuan ($900 million) releasing polluted water into local rivers, elevat- in the Eleventh Five-Year Program period (China ing the lead to 44 times the permitted level (“A Daily, 2006). great wall,” 2004; Griffiths, 2007). Like the rest of China, violent rural protests over pollution are Pollution and Health Linkages increasing in Guangdong. in Guangdong Current Environment and Health Research Located within the (PRD) region, Environmental health research within Guangdong the twin economic engines—Guangdong and Hong and the Pearl River Delta region has attempted to Kong—face increasingly polluted soil, air, and assess the exposure-response for varying air and water, with their cross-boundary exchange of pollu- water pollutants, as well as investigate soil, water, tion negatively impacting the region. Guangdong’s and air pollution. In-depth analytical research will, massive industrial/manufacturing complex and as expressed by a recent World Bank report on pre- the rapid increase in vehicles are degrading the air mature deaths related to environmental pollution quality for Guangdong and Hong Kong. In 2004, in Guangdong, reduce the information gap and exhaust emissions totaled over 1.7 million tons, produce a more comprehensive understanding of which represents a significant share of total air pol- the health and non-health consequences of pollu- lution in the region ( Jun, 2004). tion. The study focuses on the exposure-response Historical trends for lung cancer mortality rates relationship between drinking water contamination in Guangdong show a significant increase from and health effects in Guangdong (World Bank & 28.54 to 39.58 per 100,000 in the 1976-1979 and SEPA, 2007). Even though additional research must 1990-1992 periods, respectively (Zhao, Wang, be conducted, organizations across Guangdong Aunan, Seip, & Hao, 2006). While these figures are Province have investigated pollution sources, health slightly dated, they indicate the escalating trajectory outcomes, and the movement of air and water pol- of lung cancer cases in Guangdong Province. lution. (See Table 2). Health-threatening pollution from water can be categorized as biological (e.g., microorganisms)

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 47 Table 2. Select Research on Environmental and Health Issues in Guangdong & Pearl River Delta

Research Institutions Issue(s) Area Year

World Bank & SEPA Economic costs of pollution China, Guangdong 2007

Heavy metal contamination of Pearl River Delta Guangdong Institute of Ecology 2007 agricultural product region

Guangzhou Institute of Indoor air pollution and COPD Guangdong 2007 Respiratory Disease

University of Hong Kong & Air pollution costs and potential Pearl River Delta 2006 Civic-Exchange solutions region

UCLA, Jiangsu Provincial CDC Air pollution and case fatality of China, Guangdong 2003 & Fudan University SARS

Guangzhou Institute of Persistent organic pollutants Pearl River Delta Geochemistry & University of 2003 (POPs) region Macao

Hong Kong Polytechnic Modeling cross-boundary water Pearl River Delta 2003 University pollution transport region

Hong Kong Polytechnic Heavy metal contamination of Pearl River Delta University & Guangzhou 2001 agricultural land region Institute of Geochemistry

Source: Compiled by authors.

The Vanguard for continual economic growth and has helped the Environmental Health? province maintain an annual average GDP of over 10 percent since 1978 (Wing-Hung Lo & Tang, The Guangdong Phenomenon… 2006; “FDI inflows,” 2006). Measurements of Guangdong is the richest province in China pro- Guangdong’s economic development in 2005 and ducing about 12 percent of the national GDP, 2006 further illustrate its status as an economic higher than any other single province (Ruwitch, powerhouse. As a percentage of the country’s total, 2006) and its progressive economic policies and its foreign trade accounted for one-third; its for- successes have made it the focus of much inter- eign direct investment represented over one-fourth national scholarship and media attention. The (DFTEC, 2006); and its GDP equaled nearly one- province gained national economic prominence eighth (Yeung, 2007). These figures indicate how in 1980 when China’s first Special Economic Guangdong has national, as well as international, Zones were established (Guangdong PPC, 2004). economic stakeholders. Moreover, such economic Guangdong’s economic significance was further achievements readily translate into enviable politi- elevated in 1992, when visited it cal status and prestige. during his famous Southern Tour and called for In what has become known as the “Guangdong renewed economic liberalization (“Deng’s south- Phenomenon” (Guangdong Xianxiang), the provin- ern tour,” 2007). Such doting on Guangdong cial government has established a reputation for from the central government contributed to its being politically assertive, even in the ­environmental

48 China Environment Series 2007 sphere (Yang, 2004). For example, in response to society. In 2005, 32 polluting incidents broke out in international bans in the late 1990s on agricultural Guangdong, of which the North River’s cadmium products from Guangdong for excessive pesticide contamination is the most serious environment residues, provincial leaders, in partnership with its incident ever recorded since the 50s. As the situ- agricultural universities began to reorient the prov- ation worsened, Guangdong plans to invest RMB ince’s food production system to promote develop- 2.2 billion during the 11th five-year plan period to ment and certification of organic food. Guangdong set up an environmental monitoring centre. became the leader of this small, but growing, organic A counterbalance to the environmental dete- food market in China (Riggs, 2005). rioration is Guangdong’s increasing commitment Moreover, some experts view Guangdong to invest in environmental pollution control and Province as separate from the country, maintaining monitoring and to release environmental data from an “awkward relationship with Beijing.”3 Somewhat provincial and regional monitoring networks. In politically insulated, Guangdong operates with a the Tenth Five-Year Program, Guangdong’s unique degree of autonomy, which can potentially investment in environmental monitoring capac- lead to progressive as well as regressive polices. ity reached 700 million Yuan yielding a threefold The Guangdong Provincial Peoples Congress increase in data collected on various environmen- (Guangdong PPC) involvement in the Sihui case tal indices. With 22 environmental monitoring that opened this paper represents an important exam- stations certified by SEPA’s national laboratory, ple of the province’s environmental progressiveness. Guangdong ranks second after Jiangsu Province This congressional move substantially altered the in the number of certified stations (Consulate- Guangdong PPC’s de facto role as a “rubber-stamp” General of Canada, 2007). In terms of overall organization and pushed the envelope for further investment in environmental protection, in 2006 local government reform (Yang, 2004; Wang, 2005; Guangdong invested more than 60 billion Yuan, Wang & Wang, 2006). A few months into the Sihui which equals approximately 2.5 percent of the investigation, the Guangdong PPC adopted a new province’s GDP—a ratio significantly higher than regulation, which now requires all major develop- that of most other provinces (Zhan, 2007). ment programs within the province be submitted While pollution control and monitoring are cru- to the PPC for approval. While the regulation was cial, the central challenge is whether Guangdong adopted in conjunction with the Sihui case, it was officials are willing to undertake aggressive mea- actually in the making for five years and was previ- sures to address some of the political factors and ously rejected three times by the Guangdong PPC’s business investments that are driving the pollution. Standing Committee (“Local People’s Congress,” Most of Guangdong’s growth has been fueled by 2000). Clearly, the political implications of this case low-tech, highly polluting industries that require extend beyond the realm of environmental protec- cheap, unskilled labor. Today there are signs the tion; thus, it has attracted the attention of a diverse province is in a transition to shift to high-tech and range of China watchers. Guangdong also has been less-polluting industries and develop a bigger ser- a leader in promoting greater government openness vice sector (Ruwitch, 2006). One catalyst for this and public participation through e-government and is the 2007 central government campaign to crack other such forums, which are now common across down on the top 1,000 energy intensive industries— China’s central and local levels (Yang, 2004). particularly those in Guangdong—requiring them to make significant cuts in energy use and emissions …Or Just Phenomenal Pollution? (Greising, 2007). Guangdong’s environmental health degradation Air pollution in many of Guangdong’s cities provides both a challenge and an opportunity for has become so severe that some municipal gov- its provincial leaders. A January 2007 update from ernments are closing down or moving particularly the Consulate-General of Canada in Hong Kong dirty industries out of their city to clear the skies. assesses of the current dismal environmental situa- For example, while previously welcoming of any tion in Guangdong: and all industries, today the leadership in Foshan According to statistics from Guangdong (located on the west bank of the Pearl River next to Provincial EPB, Guangdong’s occurrence of envi- Guangzhou) claims they are rejecting highly pol- ronmental polluting incidents has intensified in the luting businesses, for the city’s smog is the highest recent years, causing considerable instability to the in the province, making it one of the most unlivable

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 49 places in Guangdong (Ruwitch, 2006). This trend concerns (“Local governments vow,” 2007). As an could ultimately mean some of the dirtiest industries indication of the province’s progressiveness in pol- move further inland to or Sichuan, where lution control, Guangdong is setting up an environ- the hunger for investment is great and willingness to mental monitoring and control station, serving five impose environmental standards low. In 2007, the additional provinces in the region. (“Guangdong mayor of took a unique, albeit superficial, reaches,” 2007). stance to curb air pollution by asking citizens in the bustling city bordering Hong Kong to stop buying Environmental Health Efforts in Guangdong cars (Greising, 2007). A more significant move to Province improve environmental quality in the city was when Local government officials have made implicit and in the late 1990s the Shenzhen government cre- explicit public statements on environmental health ated a water resources bureau, which brought key and its implications for economic growth. In a local agencies together to manage water quality and public address at the Third Session of the Tenth quantity problems better (Eng & Ma, 2006). Guangdong PPC, provincial governor Huang Despite these progressive efforts, continued Huahua, for example, reported that the govern- environmental degradation threatens to under- ment would pay more attention to ecological pro- mine Guangdong’s high-level economic growth tection (“GD expects,” 2005). In multiple public and development. Two recent cases reveal the eco- appearances, Huang reiterated air pollution is high nomic consequences of water pollution. First, the on the government’s agenda, although he did not cadmium contamination of Beijing River from the explicitly link air pollution to health concerns (“HK, Smelting Plant on 15 December 2005 Guangdong aim,” 2006). resulted in direct and indirect economic losses The Guangdong EPB website, on the other amounting to 150 million Yuan ($18.75 million) hand, dedicates multiple pages to informing the (Liang, 2005). Second, the U.S. FDA restrictions public on environmental health issues in general and in 2007 on certain seafood products are seriously air pollution/respiratory health issues in particular impacting China’s $35 billion aquaculture industry. (Guangdong EPB, 2005).4 Another key area of infor- Within Guangdong, companies such as the Xulong mation disclosure is the abundance of news media Eel Factory in Taishan city face restrictions due to reports on environmental health in Guangdong. shipments containing residues of banned antibiot- Admittedly, these reports vocalize mixed views on ics, which farmers must give their fish to keep them the efforts being made by local government actors. alive in the extremely dirty river and coastal waters. Some have favorably compared Guangdong’s pollu- In May 2007, the Guangdong Provincial Oceanic tion reduction achievements to those at the national and Fishery Administration reported that nearly 8.3 level, arguing that the province is poised to be a billion tons of sewage—most untreated—were emit- national leader in this area (“Guangdong reaches,” ted into Guangdong’s coastal waters in 2006, which 2007). Other articles, particularly those quoting local is 60 percent more than five years ago (Xinhua, residents, present a more negative assessment of the 2007). Fish stocks in the province’s coastal areas provincial-level government’s environmental per- are highly damaged by the heavy metal emissions, formance. As a demonstration of the distrust some which include lead, copper, and cadmium. Recent Guangdong residents have of the local EPB’s air pol- studies by the Chinese Academy of Sciences and lution index, one resident said, “the pollution should Guangdong scientists have detected seafood prod- be quite serious because I had problems breathing ucts contaminated with pesticides, including DDT, as I walked home… how dare the TV news tell us from eleven coastal cities in the Pearl River Delta the air quality was good” (Huang, 2006). Similarly, region (Barboza, 2007). Thus, bans on Guangdong’s another Guangdong resident attacked a highly pol- seafood will most likely continue. If contamination luting state-owned tire factory saying, “we don’t need of its lucrative aquaculture inspires Guangdong to GDP for blood.” He further stated that the factory’s significantly reverse water degradation trends, akin profits are “nothing compared with the health of to its actions on pesticide residues, it could become the citizens” (Wang, 2007). Similar concerns are a major provincial leader. fairly common throughout Guangdong and widely Recent pledges by cities within the province to reported in the news. As such, they demonstrate res- meet pollution reduction targets highlight emerg- idents are leveraging health issues in their criticism ing local government initiatives to address these of major pollution offenders.

50 China Environment Series 2007 Mirroring some of the national trends, there is a Within Guangdong, institutional cooperation is growing collection of laws, regulations, and standards also occurring between 21 municipal governments, in Guangdong focusing on environmental protec- which signed SO2 emission cap agreements with the tion and also considering the health implications of provincial government.6 According to Guangdong’s pollution. For example, the Guangdong Provincial vice-governor Xie Qinghua, the province intends to

Environmental Protection Ordinance, which came lower SO2 emissions to 1.10 millions tons by 2010, into effect on 1 January 2005, clearly states its inten- which is 15 percent less than 2005. To this end, the tion “to protect and improve the living environment municipal government officials will enforce stricter and the ecological environment, prevent pollution desulphurization standards of existing and develop- and other hazards, and protect human health [italics ing coal and oil dependent industries (“Reducing added].” While the Guangdong PPC is considering pollution,” 2006). environmental health, it is not an implementing agency and the lack of interagency coordination, especially Guangdong-Hong Kong and between the central and local offices of the Ministry the Pearl River Delta Region of Health and SEPA represent a significant barrier to Cooperation truly effective environmental health policies.5 Neighboring economic powerhouses, Guangdong

SO2 as a Catalyst for Interagency and Regional and Hong Kong, share environmental resources Cooperation and negative pollution impacts on air and water. The Environmental Framework Plan for Guangdong Both governments have acknowledged the shared (2006-2020) represents another legislative attempt responsibility for the Pearl River Delta region to address environmental health as a sub-issue and strive to collaborate. A notable example is within a broader environmental context. By 2010, the establishment of the Joint Working Group the plan aims to reduce SO2 emissions by 7.5 per- on Sustainable Development and Environmental cent from 2005 levels (“Sulphur dioxide,” 2006). Protection ( JWG), co-chaired by Hong Kong’s Although the prospect of achieving this ambitious Secretary for the Environment, Transport, and reduction target is in question, the plan neverthe- Works and Guangdong’s Director of Environ­ less demonstrates a strong concern with the adverse mental Protection. Formed in June 2000, the effects of SO2. Among other things, the plan cites JWG provides structured cooperation on a wide declining public health and potential economic loss range of environmental issues. In December as the main risks associated with SO2 and other air 2005, the JWG held its sixth meeting to review pollutants (Guangdong PPC, 2006). progress on current initiatives and discuss future While the formal interaction between gov- goals, with an emphasis on air and water pollution ernment officials, agencies, bureaus, ministries, (HKEPD, 2006). congresses, and councils on environmental health issues seems limited in Guangdong, the informal Air Quality Monitoring Network interaction of these institutional actors appears to Unique to China, the governments of Guangdong be growing. One prominent example is the ongoing Province and Hong Kong SAR established a regional cooperation between the Guangdong PPC and the network to monitor air quality throughout the Pearl Hong Kong PPC to address various types of pollu- River Delta Region. (See Figure 3). Joint efforts by tion, including air pollution. In 2002, Guangdong the Guangdong Environmental Protection Centre and Hong Kong launched the Action Blue Skies and the Hong Kong Environmental Protection Campaign to study air pollution and adopt mea- Department from 2003 to 2005 yielded the Pearl sures to improve air quality in the Pearl River Delta River Delta Air Quality Monitoring Network (the Region (Huang, 2006). Cooperation on environ- Network). The Network has been reporting data mental protection is one of the main aspects that from 16 automatic air quality monitoring stations both Guangdong and Hong Kong will empha- throughout the PRD in the publicly accessible size during the next five years. Significantly, their Regional Air Quality Index since 30 November shared objective is to reduce SO2 emissions by up 2005 (GPEMC & HKEPD, 2006). to 40 percent of their 1997 levels by 2010 (Huang, Previously, incomplete or poor information on 2006). This timeline obviously corresponds to the air quality characterized the region leading to an Environmental Framework Plan for Guangdong. inability to assess the true extent of its air quality

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 51 Figure 3. Air Quality Monitoring Network Particular concern should center on districts reporting air quality Grades IV or V, which indi- cates that China’s Class 2 National Ambient Air Quality Standards (NAAQS) have been significantly exceeded for the pollutants. Disaggregated air qual- ity data reveals environmental pollution hotspots and underscores the need to combine Guangdong Province or the PRD region into a single data point hides major trouble spots. Foshan municipality represents one area of concern for provincial and regional officials, since during approximately a third of 2006, its air quality declined to Grades IV or V. Thus, the Guangdong and Hong Kong govern- ments must prioritize must prioritize extensive data collection across the region, continued investment and expansion of the Network down to the county level and increasing the number of monitored pol- lutants in order to develop appropriate pollution Source: Figure adopted from GPEMC & HKEPD (2006). control policies.8 The central government and Guangdong Province investment into the PRD air monitoring and ­formulate appropriate control policies. Thus, projects totals 300 million Yuan ($38.4 million). Li the three primary objectives of the Network are Qing, Director of the Guangdong Environmental to: (1) provide accurate air quality data, (2) evalu- Protection Department (EPD), claims that “[the ate long-term effectiveness of pollution control network] has so far been the nation’s largest invest- policies, and (3) inform the public on regional air ment in an environmental project.” Furthermore, Li quality (GPEMC & HKEPD, 2006). Monitoring believes “this endeavor, which is the nation’s largest

stations collect and measure four air pollutants, SO2, scientific and research project in terms of regional

NO2, respirable suspended particulates, and O3, and air pollution control, will…help improve air quality permit site-specific monthly and annual averages as in the Pearl River Delta” (“China to create,” 2007). well as daily and hourly maximum and minimum Expansion of monitoring stations and improving averages. In early 2007, Civic Exchange, a Hong the detection of multiple sources of air pollutants Kong-based NGO, described the Network as a and continued release of collected data should help “major advance,” which systematically accumulates inform policymakers and provide the public with data year after year. Assessments by Civic Exchange accurate air quality information for the region. In observed how on an annual basis, everyone within addition to these efforts, the JWG also is making the area covered by the monitoring network is plans to increase its efforts to combat air pollution breathing air that is a danger to their health (Civic through the introduction of an emissions trading Exchange & Institute for Environment, 2006). scheme for thermal power plants in the Pearl River Such research analysis may pave the way for bold Delta region (HKEPD, 2006). strides in environmental health. The first year of data collection in 2006 has helped Water Quality Monitoring inform trends and depict spatial distributions of the Initial regional efforts to monitor and assess air four pollutants and reveal seasonal variations. Daily quality proved to be highly successful in informing reporting of the Regional Air Quality Index pro- governments and the public on regional air pollu- vides continuous information to the public on daily tion. Yet, equivalent efforts to monitor and assess air quality at the 16 monitoring stations.7 water quality, another serious cross-boundary prob- As seen in Table 3, air quality grades show sig- lem, have not accomplished a similar regional water nificant variation across the Pearl River Delta as quality monitoring network. Guangdong supplies well as within districts in two of the most pollut- nearly 80 percent of Hong Kong’s water needs, ing municipalities in Guangdong (Guangzhou and with the primary source being the . Foshan) and in Hong Kong. Since 1989, a cross-border agreement stipulated

52 China Environment Series 2007 Table 3. Regional Air Quality Index Grade for Selected Districts in Guangzhou, Foshan, & Hong Kong, 2006

District Grade I Grade II Grade III Grade IV Grade V

Guangzhou 16.33 42.86 34.4 4.96 1.46 Guangzhou 17.28 31.44 33.71 13.6 3.97 Guangzhou 35.5 47.34 14.2 2.96 0 Foshan 5.62 34.32 31.95 18.34 9.76 Foshan 0.92 32.62 32.31 18.77 15.38 Hong Kong 29.19 55.2 14.16 1.16 0.29 Hong Kong 39.48 55.33 4.61 0.58 0 Hong Kong 31.18 46.76 19.71 2.06 0.29

Note: Grade I represents high quality air and Grades IV and V signify extremely unhealthy air. Source: GPEMC & HKEPD (2006). that Guangdong Province must ensure water qual- ern China (centered on Shaanxi) are poor and even ity standards for raw water supplied to Hong Kong. more polluted than the PRD. In stark contrast In an event of poor water quality, the Hong Kong Guangdong, while highly polluted, is a wealthy, Water Safety Department will liaise with authorities politically powerful province, which has a unique in Guangdong to rectify poor water quality (Hong partnership with Hong Kong to help accelerate Kong WSD, 2000). its research and policy development in the pollu- Water quality in the PRD region remains a tion prevention and environmental health spheres. concern with the Joint Working Group, which has While Beijing remains weak in enforcing environ- placed several water quality control measures on the mental laws, continued prioritization at the central agenda. In 2006, several ongoing activities address level of environmental problems threatening human various water pollution issues include development health will play an important role in helping pro- of a water quality model for the Pearl River Estuary. gressive forces in Guangdong and other regions Similar to the Network monitoring air quality, the clean up their air and water. water quality model will be used as an analytical While it is perhaps too soon to claim that tool to inform and support appropriate measures to Guangdong is China’s vanguard for environmental control water pollution, such as conducting a needs health, there is reason to continue following devel- assessment of water pollution in Shenzhen Bay opments in the area with optimism. The success and analyzing strategies for protecting the quality of the Regional Air Quality Monitoring Network of Dong River’s water (HKETO, 2006; HKEPD, and other similar initiatives will require continued 2006). Both Guangdong and Hong Kong officials provincial government support and a commitment must confront lax enforcement of environmental for transparency—two issues which are by no means standards and government officials’ complicity in certain in China. Nonetheless, these initiatives rep- the release of untreated industrial and public waste resent a decisive step forward for Guangdong, the water throughout Guangdong. PRD, and China in general. Additional research on local progress in light of national developments will Cautious Optimism be needed to continue filling gaps in existing schol- arship on this topic. Discussions of China’s environmental health situa- tion must not portray it as a homogeneous picture, Kaleb Brownlow is a global program manager at for significant regional disparities exist in China. The National Alliance of State and Territorial AIDS For example, the coal-producing regions of north- Directors (NASTAD) in Washington, DC. He can be

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Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars 55 Yuan Beijing-Guangdong fight to cut smog.”South 4. This information ranges from explaining air pollu- China Morning Post. tion terminology such as total suspended particulates to Zhan Lisheng. (March 28. 2007). “Province vows clean identifying its negative health impact on the respiratory new industry.” China Daily, p. 4. system. The website also provides information on the Zhao, Yu; Wang, Shuxiao; Aunan, Kristin; Seip, Hans health risks associated with sulfur dioxide, which is the Martin; & Hao, Jiming. (2006). “Air pollution and largest component of Guangdong’s industrial emissions lung cancer risks in China–A meta-analysis.” Science (“Sulphur dioxide,” 2006). of the Total Environment, 266, 500-13. 5. Authors interview with Drew Thompson, June 28, 2007. notes 6. The agreement also considered chemical oxygen demand (COD), but given the focus of this paper, we 1. The figures are approximately 511.8 billion Yuan have omitted it from our discussion of institutional for total cost and 219.8 billion Yuan for air pollution- coordination. related costs. 7. For additional information on the Regional 2. For more information on this forum see: http:// Air Quality Index public website, please see www.rrcap.unep.org/envhealth/index.cfm. http://61.144.36.8/equality2/raqi/eng.aspx. 3. Authors interview with Drew Thompson, June 28, 8. Authors interview with Drew Thompson, June 28, 2007. 2007.

56 China Environment Series 2007