FROM THE GROUND UP CASE STUDY NO.5 Public Policy and Legislation in Environmental Management: Terracing in Nyarurembo,

ELDAD M. TUKAHIRWA Institute ofEnvironment and Natural Resources Makerere University Kampala, Uganda

PETER G. VEIT Center for International Development and Environment World Resources Institute Washington, D.C., USA

Apri/1992

Edited by Center for International Development and Environment World Resources Institute, USA

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Public policy and legislation in environmental management: terracing in Nyarurembo, UgandalEldad M. Tukahirwa and Peter G. Veil. - Washington, DC, USA: World Resources Institute and Nairobi, Kenya: Acts Press, African Centre for Technology Studies, 1992.

(World Resources Institute (WRI) and African Centre for Technology Studies (ACfS) From the Ground Up Case Study Series; 5)

Bibliography: p.

ISBN 9966-41-044-9 Series Introduction

In 1987, the Center for International FROMTHE GROUND UP shares the Development and Environment ofthe World results ofits case studies and their policy Resources Institute, in collaboration with implications with other communities, African development institutions and Clark national policymakers, and the University's International Development and international development community. Social Change Program, initiated an Publications, conferences, workshops, ambitious program in known as training programs, radio, and video are all FROMTHE GROUND UP. The program used to reach these audiences. Over the seeks to increase local, national, and long term, these findings will promote international institutions' capacity to decentralized small-scale natural resource strengthen community management of management policies, influence the natural resources. The guiding beliefof allocation of development resources to the FROMTHE GROUND UP is that grassroots, and foster self-reliance and important insights can be gained by sustainability within the communities. analyzing effective community-level efforts in natural resource management. In WRrs FROMTHE GROUND UP case practical terms, taking this approach means study series is designed for professionals in identifying communities that are already the development community -­ pursuing ecologically sound governmental and nongovernmental self-development and analyzing the reasons development and environment planners and behind their success --local leadership, field workers, international and national viable institutions, suitable technologies, development assistance officers, and etc. Collaborating institutions in Africa concerned academics. The series is have studied and documented the cases in intended to inform policy-making, stimulate the series to date; manuscripts by other discussion on environment and African organizations on successful local development, and assist in training initiatives in sustainable development can programs for development officers. The be submitted to the Manager ofthe FROM African Centre for Technology Studies, THE GROUND UP program to be based in Nairobi, Kenya, and WRI are considered for publication. jointly publishingthe FROM THE GROUND UP series for distribution in Africa and elsewhere. Contents

Acknowledgments vii I. Introduction ~ .. 3 II. Nyarurembo Subparish: Terracing for Improved AgriculturalProduction 5 Location and Ecology •.•...... •..•.....•.•.• 5 Land Use Changes 8 Effective Resource Management 12 Limitations andAdaptations ...... •...... • 19 III. Core Elements of Effective Resource Management 21 Recognized Need and Proven Effectiveness ...... •....•.• 21 Legitimate Practices and Empowered Local Authorities ..•.....•... 22 Appropriate Technical Advice and Effective Extension S·eNices ...... •....•...... • . 24 Perceived Security in Land ...... ,..•.•.•...•.... 25 IV. Implications and Recommendations 27 Environmental Policies and Initiatives: An Overview ...... 27 Recommendations ...... •...... •. 29 Land Tenure Policies and Sound Environmental Management ....•.•.• 29 . Flexible District Guidelines and By-Laws ...... 31 Extension Services in Policy Implementation 33 V. Conclusions...... 35

References 36 AppendixA:Kigezi DistrictSoil-Conservation By-Laws 38

tfI v Figures Figure 1. Map ofUganda 6 Figure 2. Maps ofKisoro County and Mabungo Parish ...... 7 Figure 3. Band Terracing in County (Diagram and Photo) 14 Figure 4. Strip Terracing in Kisoro County (Diagram and Photo) ...... •. 15 Figure 5. Socioeconomic and Ecological Characteristics Influencing Terracing Type 16

vi Acknowledgments

This report reflects the contributions of the agricultural extension staffof Kisoro many concerned individuals and County, who gave their time to explain to us institutions. Foremost are Expedit Ndungo, the details oftheir agricultural practices a lecturer in the Department ofSociology, and to show the research team some sites Makerere University, and Arson Mbonye, where their efforts are protecting the an agroforester with the Joint Energy and natural resource base. Thanks go out to the Environment Programme, a local Mabungo Parish Chief, the retired nongovernmental organization. Mr. Bufumbira (now Kisoro) County Chief, and Ndungo and Mr. Mbonye participated in the the ex-agricultural extension officer for field research. Mr. Mbonye comes from the Nyarusiza Subcounty, who helped introduce area and helped introduce the research the terracing activities in Kigezi (now team to local authorities, sharing a personal ) District. Special thanks go to Mr. perspective ofthe region and activities and Charles Ntibakwira, the current translatingfrom the local Kinyarwanda agricultural extension officer responsible for language. Nyarusiza Subcounty, including Nyarurembo Subparish. Mr. Ntibakwira No less important are colleagues at took time offfrom his busy work schedule to Makerere University, especially Eliezer introduce the research team to the Kateyo, and at the World Resources communities in Nyarurembo and to share Institute, Tom Fox, David Gow, Kirk his most effective techniques for learning Talbott, Owen Lynch, and Kara Page. from and working with the farmers. Editorial and production assistance was provided by Kathleen Courrier, Hyacinth Makerere University's Institute for Billings, Sheila Mulvihill, Faye Kepner Environment and Natural Resources and Lewandowski and Lauren Morris at WRI, WRI's Center for International Calestous Juma at the African Centre for Development and Environment would also Technology Studies (ACTS) in Nairobi, and like to thank the World Bank, the United Alison Field-Juma at ACTS' Initiatives, also States Agency for International in Nairobi. The authors take sole Development, and the Pew Charitable responsibility for any errors or omissions. Trusts for their financial support ofthe FROM THE GROUND UP program in Most ofthe credit for this study goes to Uganda, of which this project is only a small the citizens ofNyarurembo Subparish, the part. local authorities ofMabungo Parish, and E.M.T. P.G.V.

vii l Nyarurembo Subparish. southwestern • Since 1939, district soil-conservation Uganda, several farming communities have by-laws, though not currently acted continuously cultivated steep hillslopes for upon, have legitimized soil • more than 50 years without significant conservation practices and losses in productivity. With the assistance empowered the local authorities to ofan enlightened agricultural extension implement and enforce practices officer, the farmers develop and implement approved by them. site-specific soil-conservation plans, including the use ofband, strip, and bench • Farmers have benefited from a good terraces. The terrace technology employed cooperative relationship with the depends on social, economic, and physical local agricultural extension officer, conditions. Although these terracing who helps them design activities do not conform with specific soil-conservation strategies that orders ofthe district soil-conservation meet local concerns and both by-laws, they stand out as some ofthe best subnational and national interests. soil-conservation practices in sub-Saharan Africa. • Farmers operate under a customary land-tenure system that provides Four key issues frame the effective them with a perceived security in soil-management practices ofthe farmers in their landholdings and the Nyarurembo Subparish: accompanying natural resources.

• The recognized need for This study has implications for other soil-conservation measures for farmers cultivating steep hillslopes, as well continued agricultural productivity is as for policymakers and program officers in evident in Nyarurembo Subparish the governments ofUganda and other and el~ewherein , African nations and in the international where the terrain is rugged and development assistance community. steep and the human population Recommendations regarding national- and density is high. district-level environmental policies and legislation are outlined in the Sections IV andV. I. Introduction

LandlockedUganda comprises 266,800 extensive network ofunderground square kilometers and 18.4 million people reservoirs. (WRI 1990). The country sits atop the east-central African plateau, north ofthe Uganda's economy relies on agriculture Lake Victoria basin and between the which in 1987 accounted for 76 percent of Central and Eastern Rift systems; 84 the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and over percent of the land is 1,000-1,500 meters in 98 percent of total export earnings. Coffee altitude, sloping gradually toward the contributed almost 97 percent ofthe export Sudan border (Muwonge 1977; University of total, and employed more than 80 percent of Arizona 1982). As the plateau meets the the working population (WRI 1990; World two rift systems, the land rises to form Bank 1990; UNDP/World Bank 1989). mountain ranges and elevated peaks, including the Ruwensori and Bufumbiro Following independence in 1965 and ranges in the west and Mount Elgon in the through 1970, Uganda's GDP expanded at east (University ofArizona 1982). an average annual rate of4.2 percentin real terms. Between 1965-73, agricultural Uganda is in one ofthe African regions production grew by an average of 3.6 least prone to natural disasters. The percent per year; the country was country enjoys generally rich soils and a self-sufficient in food production and had favorable climate for agriculture. Annual surplus to export (World Bank 1989, 1990; temperature variations are small, humidity UNDP/World Bank 1989). levels are moderate, and rainfall over most ofthe country is adequate and From 1971 to 1986, and especially during well-distributed. In nine out often years, the rule ofIdi Amin (1971-79), however, more than three-quarters ofUganda Uganda experienced a period ofsevere receives in excess of800 millimeters of political, economic, and social upheaval. In rainfall -- considered the limit for reliable 1971, nominal GDP began to decline; rainfed agriculture (Muwonge 1977; between 1973 and 1980, Uganda's Gross University of Arizona 1982). The central National Product (GNP) fell, in real terms, plateau is marked by numerous rivers, at an average rate of2.7 percent per year. lakes, and wetlands as well as by an (Agricultural and industrial production declined by an annual average rate of2.3 percent and 11.9 percent respectively.) upheaval and economic chaos severely During this same period, the population degraded the living standards ofthe rural grew at an annual average rate of2.8 people -- almost 90 percent ofthe total percent, translating into an average drop in population (WRI 1990). By 1990, national real per capita GNP of6.2 percent per year GNP had only inched up to $280 (WB 1990). (World Bank 1989, 1990; UNDPlWorld Bank 1989). This report presents the findings and policy implications of a case study on the In 1979, after Idi Amin was ousted, driving forces behind an effective Uganda enjoyed a briefperiod ofeconomic community-based initiative in resource growth; between 1979-83 real GDP grew by management and socioeconomic an average of9.9 percent per year. But development. It is intended for government with new outbreaks of social unrest leading policymakers and members ofthe to civil war in 1983, further declines were development assistance community recorded; from 1984 to 1986 GDP fell by an concerned with sustainable grassroots average of 6.1 percent per year. Despite development. Uganda's early economic successes, its GDP performance from 1961-87 -- the From June 3 to June 8, 1990, four independence period -- ranks as the poorest scientists from Makerere University's ofall sub-Saharan African nations -- an Institute for Environment and Natural average ofminus 2.2 percent per year. In Resources and the Department ofSociology, 1987, Uganda's GNP ofUS $260 per person the Joint Energy and Environment ranked it among the world's poorest Programme (a local nongovernmental countries (World Bank 1989,1990; organization), and the World Resources UNDPlWorld Bank 1989; WRI 1990). Institute in Washington, D.C., conducted fieldwork in Nyarurembo Subparish, In 1986, the National Resistance southwestern Uganda. The study examined Movement came to power and began to the area's terracing activities ofmore than address such priorities as rehabilitating the 50 years to protect soil, maintain soil agricultural and industrial sectors and fertility, and stabilize agricultural rebuilding the nation's infrastructure. productivity (see also Tukahirwa, E. 1991). These efforts contributed to an average The research team collected demographic, growth in GDP between 1987-90 ofmore socioeconomic, and environmental data than 6 percent per year. (WRI 1990; through farm visits and direct observations, UNDP/World Bank 1989). Although these interviews with key informants, discussions improvements are beginning to reach the with special interestgroups, and secondary countryside, the decades ofpolitical source reviews.

4 II. Nyarurembo Subparish: Terracing For Improved Agricultural Production

Farmors' terracing activities in hills range 30-152 meters above the area's Nyarurembo Subparish and their ecological, general altitude with peaks between 2,010 sociocultural, and economic contexts are and 2,130 meters above sea level. They are detailed below. volcanic in origin: raw ash and lava rocks are visible in some places. The hill slopes are generally fertile, but the soils are Location and Ecology shallow and highly erodible. In the valley bottoms and lowlands, the soils are mature, The subparishes ofNyarurembo and deep, fertile, and well-drained (Harrop Kabindi make up Mabungo Parish in 1960). Nyarusiza Subcounty, Kisoro County, Kabale District, in the mountainous The average annual rainfall in Kabale southwest corner ofUganda.1 (See Figures 1 town -- 34 kilometers from Kisoro town -- is and 2.) approximately 1,000 millimeters. Nyarurembo Subparish, five kilometers Nyarurembo, about 2-113 square from the Mgahinga Forest Reserve and kilometers, is dominated by two hills -­ Game Sanctuary watershed,2 probably Sagitwe and Karambi. A third -­ receives more rainfall. Rain falls Nyarurembo -- straddles the border between throughout the year, but there are two Nyarurembo and Kabindi Subparishes. The

1 Kisoro County was formerly Bufumbira County and later Kisoro County, one ofseven counties in ' andin 1986, Kabale District. In May 1991, Kisoro became Uganda's 35th district. This report uses the administrative units and nomenclature that existed during the time ofthe field work. 2 In 1991, the Mgahinga Forest Reserve and Game Sanctuary were gazetted the Mgahinga National Park. The new National Park is contiguous with the Pare National des Volcans in and the Parc National de'Virunga in Zaire. This area has been part ofthe public protected estate since the 1930's

\0~ 5 Figure 1. Map of Uganda

SUDAN N

ZAIRE

RWANDA

AFRICA Figure 2. MapsofKisoro County and Mabungo Parish

1·00' 29"~S·.E MABUNGO PARISH To K,soro

t " t ..... t , : t •... t : NYABWlsHENYA . t :...... :- . .. :' \ j...... / ., ..... f ~./ " t .... ~'..BUKIMBIRI '. I, ". \ \"\ ) '<,,>( \...\ ....:.: .. (./' ""BUsANZA \ ;,... : .'!J.....~./'IUlehe" ~ "./'Iutandar· • .\.\... TO'KI1bale t 'W: ,\ .... v··· .....··...... '\ '.15'S I ':'~\ J.. : ",,' : , .: :. NYARUSIZASUBCOUNTY Kisoro ..... '05 U eCOUNTV 'T-- To ~: HEADQUARTERS Gitenderf i

~BunogonQ .....•...• . . , HABUNGO I t PARISH J' " f NVARUs/ZA SUBCOUNTY ;"-T' -~. f " .0'::'•••••'" .•••••••.••••••• ...... ~/ Ruhengen\ "'.. "loC, ;.+ and I(igoli ,.. ", W$p;;;r/ ...... - 29°45' E ••••••• _ •• Parish boundary _._._ Subparish bounder\ ~ -+ .... Inttrnationa[ boundary --- Rood:' -'- District boundary ! Hills ...•...... ~ Subc.ounty boundary Mobungo PariSh o 1 2 5 10 I I , (iJ District Headquarters oI , , km km --- Road~ 'J ~~ \~ , distinct periods ofincreased precipitation: Land Use Changes March to May and Septemberto October. An Historical Perspective No permanent streams or springs flow through Nyarurembo, and digging wells or As recently as 200 years ago, the drilling boreholes in the volcanic rock is not predominant economic activity in southwest practical. Runofffrom the Mgahinga Uganda was pastoralism. The original Reserve/Sanctuary, which residents collect pastoralists were organized within a small and store in tanks and pipe to Nyarurembo kingdom that had several levels of through a gravity-fed faucet, is an semiautonomous chiefdoms; their leaders important source ofdomestic water. had loose, sometimes hostile relationships However, the system often breaks' down and with each other and with the larger, more the tanks run dry. As a result, most water organized Tutsi kingdom in Rwanda and is collected from seasonal wetlands in the Burundi. low-lying areas, but during the long dry season -- especially in June and July -­ In the mid-1800s, emigrants from more people must sometimes travel 10 kilometers densely populated Rwanda began flowing or more to or other into southwest Uganda.3 The Tutsi permanent sources for water. . pastoralists, in search of grazing lands for their cattle, settled in the valleys and Nyarurembo's three hills were originally plains, while the Hutu agriculturalists, in covered with open-canopy montane rain search offarmland and political freedom, 4 forest (as found in the Mgahinga farmed the hillsides. By the late 19th Reserve/Sanctuary) and the lowlands with century, the Watutsi and Hutus had bamboo and small shrubs and grasses displaced or absorbed virtually all the area's (Langdale-Brown at. al. 1964). Today, most original inhabitants. When the Germans land in Nyarurembo is cultivated or in took over the area in 1899, this region was fallow; no natural forests remain. considered part ofRuanda-Urundi, though Depressions and wetlands are not after World War I, it became part of British cultivated, and they are covered with East Africa. (Rwanda and neighboring papyrus reeds and palm trees. Most Burundi and Zaire were administered by households have plantedeucalyptus . Belgium.) woodlots, sometimes including Blackwattle (an acacia) and temperate pines. For this In the early 1900s, Kisoro was a thriving reason and despite local fuelwood shortages market town. The economic disparity and high prices, Nyarurembo probably has between Rwanda and southwest Uganda more trees today than 50 years ago.

3 R da has the highest human population ofany nation in Afiica •• 280.1 per square kilometer in 1:sa:-. compared to 89.2 in Uganda and 14.4 in Zaire (~I 1990). .. .. In Ruanda·Urindi •• now Rwanda and Burundi -- the SOCIal and polItical system by which the TutSl 4 ruled over the majority Hutu has been likened to feudalism (Maquet 1961). In Uganda, the Hutus had greater autonomy and control oftheir land.

\0; 8 encouraged additional waves ofRwandans In 1939, after widespread famine in to relocate to the Kisoro region. Chiefs, Rwanda, another large wave of emigrants appointed by the British as administrative arrived in Kisoro. The same year, the heads, encouraged immigration since their then-Kigezi District authorities passed a income was based on the number of series of soil-conservation by-laws detailing taxpayers in theirjurisdictions (Denoon how farmers should protect their lands. (See 1972). Appendix A) The by-laws stipulated that farmers construct bunds -- soil mounds no As the population increased, the need for less than three feet wide (1 meter) -- across arable land forced the farmers to cultivate cultivated hillslopes at intervals not the steeper hillsides. Anitq.al husbandry exceeding 16 feet (5 meters).5 The by-laws gave way to farming. By the mid-1920s, were well-implemented and were enforced population pressure was damaging land by the well-supported agricultural officers resources. Overcultivation and and local chiefs. By 1945, virtually all the inappropriate farming methods were communities in the district were complying denuding the hillsides, causing soil erosion with the by-laws, and, by 1949, the area had and contributing to declining agricultural reached a standard of soil conservation performance. Land prices rose and land perhaps unsurpassed anywhere in Africa inheritances declined, increasingland (Uganda Protectorate 1949). fragmentation and making land acquisition more difficult (Denoon 1972; Tindituuza and In 1953, the British initiated a Kateete 1971). Fuelwood shortages forced resettlement program, encouraging the people to burn cow dung or to purchase or residents ofKisoro to move to other parts of barter for wood from neighboring areas. Uganda. Those who migrated received up to 10 acres ofland (4 hectares), free The British established several district transport, subsidized food, and a six-month farm institutes and, in 1935, organized tax exemption. To discourage newcomers training courses for extension officers (and and land fragmentation, those who left had some chiefs) on improved agricultural to leave their land with immediate techniques. The courses emphasized relatives. This action reduced the region's improved practices for subsistence (i.e., population growth rate. beans, wheat, sweet potatoes) and cash crop production (i.e., castor oil, coffee, bananas), More recently, population growth in the tree planting, and livestock grazing. An Kisoro region has been most influenced by agricultural officer from Kisoro was among periods of civil unrest in both Uganda and the first to receive the training. In turn, he Rwanda. In 1959, when the Hutus in trained a cadre of local agricultural officers Rwanda overthrew their Tutsi overlords in who then taught the local farmers. a bloody revolt, many Watutsi fled to

5 Uganda adopted the metric system in 1969.

9 Uganda, some to the Kisoro area. During people. Many chiefs appointed to the Kisoro Uganda's period ofpolitical instability region were Baganda leaders from central (1971-86), including the war with Tanzania Uganda -- the nation's largest ethnic group. (1979-80), the tide ofmigrants reversed; The British worked closely with the Ugandans and Rwandan refugees fled into Baganda and gave'them significant internal Rwanda. With the return ofpolitical responsibility during the precolonial period, stability and improved socioeconomic Buganda was the region's dominant conditions in Uganda, Rwandans and kingdom. Although traditional ex-Ugandans began moving again to community-level authority was retained, Uganda.6 the local leaders were undermined and their capacity to supervise and mobilize people Local Authority and Institutions was hindered, including for such efforts as bulungi bwansi labor efforts (self-help). During the German colonial period of Because traditional local leadership was not "indirect rule" (1899-1919), the indigenous hereditary, it eventually died out. authority structure was formally recognized, supported, and, as a result, The policy of appointing chiefs to meet strengthened. The Hutus were organized political objectives continued after around extended families, and sometimes independence. During Idi Amin's regime the patriarchs ofextended families came (1971-1979), chiefs were recruited from the together in loose councils of elders. The ranks of soldiers. Later, they were selected dominant position which the Watutsi had . from among party functionaries and enjoyed in Rwanda did not persist in sycophants and became nominees ofthe Uganda. party in power. Many chiefs abused their positions by functioning more as security This traditional political structure and and recruiting agents than as responsibility in Uganda was significantly administrative officers. The local people modified by the British colonial powers. grew increasingly suspicious ofthe chiefs The British established new levels ofpublic and less supportive oftheir leadership. administration and appointed chiefs for each subparish, parish, subcounty, and In response to the decline ofpublic county (the latter answered to the District authority, when the National Resistance Commissioner). Chiefs were responsible for Movement came to power in 1986, it local administration, tax collection, established a five-tiered system of development, law enforcement, and Resistance Councils (RCs) and Executive adjudication. Committees -- community, parish, subcounty, county, district (Government of The British strategically selected chiefs to Uganda 1987,1988, 1990b, 1991a). The ensure their control and influence over the chiefs and the RCs are responsible for

6 In late 1990, civil war broke out in Rwanda. The fighting spilled over into Risoro, leading to some outmigration. security and development in their Current Land-Use Practices administrative zones and are a principal channel of communication between the At the time ofthis study, Nyarurembo government and the grass roots. Subparish included five communities with a Community RC members (RCl) include all total population of867 (284 taxpayers, adult residents 18 years and older; higher-level men) and a density of about 375 people per RCs include all Executive Committee square kilometer. Most residents are Hutus members of the RCs immediately below and speak Kinyarwanda; under 10 percent them and in their area of influence. Only are Tutsi. RC4 and RC5 members are paid. Mabungo Parish -- 10 square kilometers Conflicts over authority, roles and -- comprises 10 communities and 1,955 responsibilities soon arose as a result ofthe people (562 households, 640 taxpayers). dual administration ofRCs and chiefs. The average family size in Mabungo is Strong government support ofthe RCs has about 3.5 per household, compared to the fostered their growth in power, often at the national average of six to seven. The high chiefs' expense. Local administration, population density and limits on land have arbitration, and the mobilization ofpeople led to relatively high rates of outmigration, for community development have high levels ofmonogamy, and small increasingly become the responsibility of families. An estimated 25 percent of RCs. Some RCs have even made rules that Mabungo's households are headed by have not gone through the formal women. procedures for enacting by-laws but that, because of RC influence, are enforced and Farming is the basis for most economic implemented. Today, the chiefs' principal activity in the region; most Nyarurembo responsibilities, inspecting programs and land is continuously double cultivated. The initiatives, are mainly ceremonial. average land holding per family in Nyarurembo is 1-1.5 hectares, above the In addition to these local-government average ofless than 1 hectare for Kabale institutions, other organizations are active District as a whole. Family landholdings in Nyarurembo. For example, several are usually fragmented into five to ten groups of20 or more women sew, knit, and parcels, often five to six kilometers apart; market their handicrafts. They also do over 80 percent ofMabungo's farmers own farm work for pay -- tilling, sowing, land outside the parish lines. weeding, and harvesting, traditionally considered women's work. Men and women Sorghum, beans, and Irish potatoes are organize into short-term working groups the most common crops cultivated in the and rotate to the members' farms during fertile valleys and lower hillslopes along peak labor periods. Institutions of another with cowpeas, maize, bananas, and kind in Mabungo Parish include three plantains. Sweet potatoes and cowpeas are primary schools, one secondary school, and the principal crops grown on the hills. two churches. Maize, beans, and both sweet and Irish potatoes are grown on raised beds; peas are broadcast with minimum tillage. Most

11 families also cultivate vegetable gardens agricultural periods to take advantage of and several fruit trees near their home. these seasonal differences. In another example, in Mabungo Parish, Nyarurembo Few Nyarurembo families grow wheat, Subparish produces more plantain, sweet even fewer barley and millet. Most ofthe potatoes, and peasthan does Kabindi wheat is produced on Nyarurembo Hill and Subparish, where more sorghum, beans, illegally in the Mgahinga Reserve I and Irish potatoes are grown. Sanctuary and sold in neighboring Rwanda. During this study, 10 families from In Nyarurembo, farmers derive most of Mabungo Parish farmed in the protected their cash income from crops. Many area. Typically, farmers invest little labor families produce :five to six bags ofboth and few resources in their wheat farms, Irish potatoes and sorghum in each ofthe especially the illegal ones. The illegal farms two annual cropping periods and sell two to are rarely weeded, protected from soil three bags of each crop after every harvest. erosion, or safeguarded from marauding In 1990, a bag ofsorghum sold for Shs birds and other wildlife; onfarm losses are 20,000 (US $67; $1 =Shs 300 at the time of usually high and yields low. the study); one bag ofIrish potatoes sold for Shs 6,000 ($20). Excluding other income, Most households in Nyarurembo own a the average family earns Shs 100,000 few goats, sheep, and chickensj under 5 - 140,000 ($333-467) per year from the sale percent own cattle. Animals graze on ofproduce, well above the GNP per capita fallowed cropland, around homesteads, ($280 in 1990).7 along access paths and the roadside, or on the few remaining communal grazing areas. Four such areas remain in Nyarusiza Effective Resource Management Subcounty, none in Mabungo Parish. For 50 years, Nyarurembo Subparish Because ofthe region's ecological farmers have practiced soil and water variability, agricultural seasons and management. The most visible practices cropping priorities also vary. For example, are the terraces on Nyarurembo's hills. The in Nyarusiza Subcounty, the principal consistency of the terracing in Nyarurembo planting season begins in August or has gained the farmers recognition. September and the secondary season starts Nyarurembo won the Nyarusiza Subcounty in February or March; in neighboring Chahi soil conservation award in 1962 (the last Subcounty, the major planting season is in time the competition was held). In recent January and February and the minor one in years, more than 100 visitors come each August and September. Farm laborers year from government and development ­ move from area to area during the peak assistance agencies interested in their

7 Despite the active market in surplus subsistence crops, the level ofcommerce in Kisoro today is low compared to the early 1900's. During this study, nearly 80 percent of the town's shops were closed. Most were owned by Asians, and they were closed in 1972, when Ida Amin expelled all foreigners.

\"12 terracing activities. At least three forms of hillside along contours. The width and terracing are practiced in Nyarurembo -­ depth of the steps vary with the available band, strip, and bench terraces. labor, the hillslope, and soil depth; in Nyarurembo, they are usually less than five Band terraces are contoured bands of feet wide and deep (1.5 meters). The level land, in this case, 26 feet wide (8 meters), land is continuously double cultivated. In that encircle the hill and are alternately Nyarurembo, the terrace steps are not cropped and fallowed. A three-foot (1 systematically reinforced with stones, grass; . meter) path is cut between each two bands or trees. (every 52 feet; 16 meters). (See Figure 3.) Nyarurembo farmers rotate the fallowed The type of terracing depends on and cropped areas every six or 12 months. interacting ecological and socioeconomic The natural growth on the fallowed band factors. Below, these are discussed captures soil that erodes from the more separately for Nyarurembo's three hills. exposed cultivated band above it. (See Figure 5.)

Strip terraces are also contoured bands Sagitwe Hill. Sagitwe Hill was probably offarmland 26 feet wide (8 meters) that first cultivated in the 1920s. Each ofthe six encircle the hill. Between the bands, the farmers who originally owned it farmed a farmers plant a three-foot (1 meter) strip of strip ofland extending from the base to the napier grass. (See Figure 4.) The grass top of the hill. The hill was demarcated in strips trap soil eroding down the slope; over 1939 and first terraced in 1941. Today time, a natural terrace builds up in and about 200 farmers from three communities above the strip. Farmers continuously practice band terracing on the hillslopes, plant two crops per year on the bands. still using the 1939 delineations. The farmers -- many descendants ofthe original In Nyarurembo, the terraces are knocked six -- now own sections ofbands; many own down every eight to nine years, when the several, though not necessarily adjacent accumulated soil threatens to collapse the plots. All hill farmers also own and terrace and the area immediately below the cultivate land in the low-lying areas; a few grass strip becomes bare. The soil is farm on other hills in the subparish. redistributed and the grass strips are redemarcated 13 feet (4 meters) above and Band terracing is not an effective soil below their previous locations. The management practice unless one-halfofthe farmers, with assistance from the hill is fallowed at all times. Sagitwe Hill agricultural extension officer, use a rope farmers use a six-month rotation cycle and knotted at 26-foot (8 meter) intervals to grow two crops per year, one on each band. mark the new strip locations and farm Over the year, the entire hill is cultivated. boundaries. In contrast, the original farmers cropped only one time per year, intercroppingfields Bench terracing, the most labor oftraditionallong-duration crops on the intensive form ofterracing, is the least entire hill. The current crop/fallow rotation common in Nyarurembo. Bench terraces system has several advantages. In addition consist of permanent level steps cut into the

13 Figure 3. Band Terracing in Kisoro County

Trees and Grazing Land

A)..:======:- Path ~.======- Path 26' fallow

n======Path ~======- Path I I 26' fallow 26' crops I I I I 26' fallow )Ij;:. I 26'crops ~ I ~:::t:======- I Path r I :=:t:======- Path '1 I 6 or 12 months later

photo of Sagitwe Hill - Eldad Tukahirwa \rl\ 14 Figure 4. Strip Terracing in Kisoro County

Trees

I I ~<----~iofIIF:: 1P:::-::-~-'---'..ll-oG I L...:...... :::::..;:;".;:c..:;.o.:.:.:.;.r:-+-: >'------'-+-=-t"'-- I Terrace Buildups Redemarcated 8-9 years later beginning in first season

photo ofhill in Kisoro County - Eldad Tukahirwa

15 ...;.... Figure 5. Socioeconomic and Ecological Characteristics Influencing Terracing Type ~

Name of HIli Type of Farmers! Average Slope Soli Coordlnatloll Crop Cycle PrIncipal Terracing Villagers Land Necessary Problems Holding In Hectares

Sagltwe Band (on hill 200/3 1.5 -35% sandy type of crops peaslbeans 6 month fallow period slope) grown complex crop; 6 necessary month fallow

sagltwe Bench (in <2.51? 1.5 -25% deep loam bench sweet continuous labor crater) maintenance potatoes, intensive peaslbeans complex

Nyarurembo Band 250/5 1.5 -35% loam type of crops sweet 12 month fallow period grown potato, Irish crop; 12 necessary potato, wheat month fallow

Karambl Strip 32/1 0.5 -25% sandy, loam demarcation sweet continuous no grazing; potatolbean rats, birds complex to the soil-conservation and water-retention labor intensive and would strain the small effects of the fallow bands, double cropping households; the terraces would be difficult usually means more food, less severe to maintain, considering the hill's sandy hungry seasons, and dispersed labor soils, and reinforcement with stones, grass, patterns with lower labor peaks. or trees would be needed.

To ensure synchronized crop/fallow The few owners ofland in Sagitwe Hill's rotations, all crops must be harvested by the small crater have cut permanentbench end ofeach six month cropping period. terraces into the deep loamy soils on the Meetings ofthe hill farmers or their crater slopes. The terraces are continuously representatives (village elders, RC double cropped, usually rotatingbetween a chairmen) and the agricultural extension monoculture of sweet potatoes and a officer prior to the beginning of each pea/bean complex. The legumes help ensure planting cycle are important to reach soil fertility. Crops are grown on the crater consensus on the crops to be cultivated and bottom; the rim is reserved for pasture. to coordinate planting and harvesting Eucalyptus is grown on the crater rim, schedules. Twice a year for the past 20 slopes, and bottom. years, virtually all farmers have grown a pea/bean complex. Peas and beans are Nyarurembo Hill. Nyarurembo Hill is productive, they mature in three months, the largest and highest of the three hills. and they fix nitrogen in the soil. Farmers Cultivated by about 250 farmers from five with insufficient seed or labor have been communities in Mabungo Parish and a few assisted by the village leaders and from adjacent Chahi Subcounty, it was first agricultural officer in acquiring the inputs. demarcated in the late 1930s and terraced Sometimes, farmers have had to plant an in the early 1940s. For reasons similar to alternative short-duration crop; rarely have those for Sagitwe Hill, farmers prefer band they had to leave their fields fallow during terracing. (See Figure 5.) The average the cropping cycle. landholding is also about 1.5 hectares; the hill soils are loamy butthin, and the slopes Band terracing was selected by the are steep. farmers because they recognize it as an effective soil-conservation measure. In Unlike Sagitwe Hill, Nyarurembo addition, the average landholding ofeach farmers operate on a 12-month crop/fallow Sagitwe Hill farmer is relatively large (1.5 cycle; the bands are cultivated twice before hectares), and farmers can afford to leave they are left to fallow for one year. The some of their land in fallow. (See Figure 5.) longer cropping period and more fertile soils (Band terracing in fact restricts farming by allows for longer-duration and requiring fallowing.) Strip terraces would nonleguminous crops. Green manuring and build up too quickly owing to the loose soils the 12-month fallow periods help ensure soil and steepness of the slope. The terraces fertility. would need to be broken down every few years and the hill redemarcated, a laborious Nyarurembo's farmers plant sweet task made more difficult by the need to potatoes in February, harvest them in coordinate 200 farmers. Bench terracing is September/October, and immediately

17 broadcast wheat, which is cut in January. The agricultural extension officer called They then switch to the fallow bands and meetings to discuss the increasing neglect of duplicate this crop rotation, leaving the soil conservation, butfew farmers attended formerly cropped bands in fallow. Sweet or complied with his requests for better potato is the preferred first crop because it practices. The ensuing food aid gave commands a high price in the Kisoro farmers even less reason to heed the market. Nyarurembo sweet potatoes agricultural officer's advice. mature later (six months, as opposed to four) but are "sweeter" and firmer than Late in 1984, uncommonly heavy rains those from other regions. Because most caused severe soil erosion on the exposed buyers prefer Nyarurembo sweet potatoes, hillsides. At the suggestion ofthe they command a higher market price. agricultural officer, the local chiefclosed Nyarurembo Hill to all agricultural and Wheat is the preferred second crop. It livestock activities. The farmers responded thrives on Nyarurembo's loamy soils and by intensifying agricultural activities on cooler climate (characteristic of the higher their valley plots, but because most sweet elevation and the second agricultural cycle), potatoes -- an important cash crop -- were requires minimum labor, and matures in grown on the hill, household cash income three months. Ifthe farmers do not have earnings declined appreciably. Conflicts enough wheat seed, they plant Irish also arose because the farmers who had potatoes, sometimes intercropping them continued their terracing practices argued with a second crop ofsweet potatoes. (Irish that the hill was closed because ofthose potatoes mature one to two months earlier who had not. than sweet potatoes.) Five years later, in November 1989, the During this study, only a small portion of agricultural officer judged the hill to have the hill was cultivated. In the midst of recovered from overuse, and the chief Uganda'S political and economic hardships, agreed to reopen it. But during the closure, the soil conservation practices of some the terrace intervals and farm boundaries Nyarurembo farmers began to degenerate. were lost. Redemarcation began Some began shortening or abandoning the immediately, and, by February 1990, fallow cycle and allowing livestock to graze several plots had been marked and some on the hill and cause crop damage. By the farmers were able to plant crops again. early 1980s, soil fertility on certain plots Redemarcation will require several seasons had appreciably declined. In 1984, a to complete; most ofit is done during the drought hit the region, disrupting the short periods after harvest and before the agricultural cycle and increasing the next planting. prevalence ofpests, particularly in the valleys. Crops were stunted, damage was Karambi Hill. Karambi is the smallest significant, and harvests were poor. The ofthe subparish's three hills; its slopes are value ofhillfarms appreciated, and, less steep and its soils are sandy, shallow, threatened by famine, more farmers felt the and less fertile. The hill was first cultivated need to double crop all land continuously. in 1924; strip terracing has been practiced there since 1936. Today 32 farmers, all l{7 18 from Karambi village, own and continuously productivity has not declined in the more double crop their small hillplots scattered than 50 years the hill has been continuously on the hillside. double cropped. For example, sweet potato productivity remains stable at 2.5 - 3.1 Karambi farmers prefer strip terracing metric tons per hectare. because it allows continuous double cropping on all hill land (except the grass In Karambi, soil fertility is maintained by strips). (See Figure 5.) The average controlling erosion through strip terracing, landholding per household in Karambi is incorporating a legume into the crop only about one-halfhectare; the farmers can rotation, fallowing the land for one to three ill afford to leave any land out ofproduction. months after each harvest, To maximize production, farmers even crop mulching/green-manuring crop residues and the area immediately below the grass strip grass cuttings, long-term resting and and the terrace side. Most farmers cultivate redistribution of soil trapped in the strips, pole beans from February to April, and redistribution ofthe fallowed soil on the sweet potatoes from September to plots, and shifting farms onto the former November, principally because of their strips through redemarcation. market value. Strip terracing has some shortcomings. Although seasonal farming activities on Farmers complained ofpests (i.e., rats, strip-terraced hillsides are not coordinated, birds) that shelter in the grass strips and redemarcating the hill requires significant cause crop damage, especially to the pole collaboration. Strip-terrace redemarcation beans. (The grass stalks are needed to shifts household farm plots up or down the provide the poles for the beans.) Cattle and hill 13 feet (4 meters). Coordination is other livestock must be carefully watched, needed to remark the hillslopes and or they will eat the grass and trample the reallocate farmplots. The customary tenure terraces. Unl~ke band terracing, which can of strip-terraced land offers rights to use a tolerate some controlled grazing on the certain amount ofland instead of rights to fallow bands and hilltops, no grazing is certain plots. allowed on Karambi. For this reason, strip terracingis usually practiced on farmland Effective strip terracing is possible on near human settlements or where the Karambi Hill because it is comparatively livestock can be closely monitored. small and requires coordination among only 32 farmers from a single community. Hill redemarcation is necessary only every eight Limitations andAdaptations to nine years because natural terrace build-up is relatively slow on the Although Nyarurembo's farmers have moderately sloped hillsides. Karambi Hill effectively addressed the threat ofsoil was last redemarcated in 1985. erosion through terracing, two pressing problems remain: land shortage and land Despite the small landholdings, most fragmentation. Kabale has the fourth Karambi farmers produce surplus crops for highest human population density (197 per sale. According to many farmers, /~~

19 square kilometer) of Uganda's 34 districts. observe land-consolidation programs in As land became scarce, household Kikuyuland. In his report, he recommended landholdings shrunk in size and became consolidation for Kisoro. Farmers rejected fragmented. When holdings became so the idea, concerned that their consolidated small that families had difficulties meeting farms might not be as large or ofthe same subsistence needs, several changes quality and their personal use and disposal occurred. The population growth rate ofthe land might be restricted (Tindituuza declined, and the inheritance pattern began and Kateete 1971). to favor leaving aU land to the eldest son, thereby increasing outmigration and Fragmentation has both shortcomings decreasing household size. The average and benefits. Much time is spent traveling landholdingcontinued to decline and to and from plots, making it more difficult fragmentation increased, but their rates to intensifY production either through slowed (Kateete and Tindituuza 1971). increased labor or certain improved Today, Kabale's population growth rate is techniques with an economy ofscale. With one ofthe nation's lowest --1.9 percent in multiple plots, it is more difficult to survey 1988, compared to 3 percent for the nation. landholdings for acquiring government ­ granted leases. On the other hand, working Nyarurembo's population density _. 375 several locations spreads the risk ofcrop per square kilometer _. is high compared to failure and makes it possible to cultivate a the district and national averages (85.6 for greater variety of crops. In Kabale District, Uganda). Mabungo Parish's is 200 people however, fragmentation levels are so high per square kilometer; Nyarusiza, at more that the disadvantages probably outweigh than 400, is among the most densely the advantages. Consolidation of some populated subcounties in Kisoro; and Kisoro household plots would save time and is the most densely populated county in resources without a loss ofmultiple farm Rabale District. benefits. At any rate, land shortage and fragmentation are issues that need further The fragmentation problem was first attention. formally addressed in 1959, when the Kisoro County chiefwas sent to Kenya to

~ 20 III. Core Elements of Effective Resource Management

Severalfactors contribute to fertility, and agricultural production, and Nyarurembo Subparish's success with they recognize the potential for soil loss terracing. through erosion on their hillplots. Many have witnessed landslides and gully erosion on poorly managed hillfarms. Before Recognized Need and Proven Nyarurembo Hill was closed, some Effectiveness experienced soil loss and yield declines as a result of waning conservation practices. The farmers' recognition ofthe need for Most Nyarurembo Hill farmers feel the soil conservation on hillside farms, coupled five-year closure was too harsh a with the proven effectiveness ofterracing in punishment for their infractions. But they controlling erosion and maintaining,soil also believe that they would have suffered fertility, has helped ensure continuation of more in the long term from consistently terracing for more than 50 years. poor harvests had the hill soil not been fallowed and had they not recommitted In Nyarurembo, the high rural population themselves to soil conservation. density has forced farmers to cultivate steep hillsides. The soils there, though fertile in Band, strip, and bench terracing are some places, are fragile and highly recognized locally as effective susceptible to wind and water erosion. soil·conservation techniques; most Significant amounts of soil can quickly be Nyarurembo farmers credit terracing with lost from hillsides that are bare of ensuring soil fertility and maintaining vegetation and unprotected by terraces. agricultural productivity on hill farms. As Indiscriminate farming could make in other sub-Saharan Mrican nations where productivity plummet. Hillside farming is colonial governments,forced soil • risky and has increased the threat of conservation practices -. often terracing -­ environmental degradation. on the people, Kisoro farmers initially considered the measures unnecessary Nyarurembo's farmers understand the interferences by the British authorities relationships among soil erosion, soil (Thomas-Slayter et. a1. 1991). But early on, J#b 21' farmers in Kabale and the surrounding Legitimate Practices and areas (where the threat ofsoil erosion is Empowered LocalAuthorities particularly high) acknowledged the effectiveness ofterracing, and incorporated The Kabale District soil-conservation the practices with minimum resistance by-laws have been a driving force behind (Bagoora 1989; Bytes 1986; Ford 1990; effective terracing in Nyarurembo Harrop 1960; Nyamulinda 1988; Subparish.8 Their principal impacts have Tukah~rwa, J. 1991). been to legitimize soil conservation and to empower local authorities -- the agricultural In essence, people in Nyarurembo extension officer, chiefs, RCs -- to transformed officially imposed implement and enforce conservation soil-conservation requirements into practices that they have approved (i.e., not community practices that they clearly value necessarily those specifically ordered in the and implement. With the exception ofthe Nyarurembo Hill closure, in the last 15 by-laws). years, only two people in Mabungo Parish During the colonial period, the British have been warned or otherwise distinguished between Mrican and reprimanded for not practicing soil " -Mrican" land and created different conservation, and no one has been fined or non legislative approaches to implement its imprisoned. soil-conservation policies. On "non-Mrican" lands, the central government imposed a In the more than 50 years ofterracing in . Nyarurembo, the practices have been legal duty on the land owner/occupier to institutionalized within the agricultural prevent soil erosion, and created strategy ofevery hill farmer and soil-conservation committees to facilitate sound management.9 In areas occupied by enculturated within the prevailing socioeconomic value system. This Mricans, soil-conservation was left largely to local authorities. In the late 1930s, internalization, coupled with the appropriateness and effectiveness of district administrators began adopting more-or-less standard by-laws for soil terracing, suggests that these soil ­ conservation; by independence, all had conservation practices are sustainable and that they will continue. approved such by-laws.

8 AKat~hale tiDi'~e of this ~tiIl;g, the,newly established continues to operate under the e stt;ct pohCles, ~ncluding the soil-conservation by-laws. 9 Thblnderl~ng assumption ~as that the oc~upier of "non-African" land appreciated soil erosion as a pro er an only needed adVIce from the SOlI-conservation committees as to how to prevent or contro It. O~ the other han~, African occupiers had to be subjected to specific orders and threatened Wlth penal sanctlOns for them to practice sound soil conservation (MUIENR 1992). ~ 22 In 1939, the Kigezi (now Kabale) District Bagoora 1989; Tukahirwa, J. 1991). In the Council, together with the District Team late 1980s, the central government and Planning Committee, drafted and launched several initiatives to strengthen approved such soil-conservation by-laws. local administration and facilitate Kigezi numbered among the first districts in community development. (See below.) Uganda to have such by-laws in place. Concurrently, many districts toughened These Kabale district by-laws have been their soil-conservation by-laws, including amended several times. Although specific Kabale. With RC assistance, the extension' conservation provisions are virtually officers and local chiefs have been able to unchanged (Appendix A), the punishment implement and enforce the by-laws more for failure to comply with the by-laws has effectively. periodically increased. Through independence, first offenders could be fined In Nyarurembo, however, the district up to Shs 5 (US $0.02; $1:;: Shs 300) and soil-conservation by-laws governing multiple offenders up to Shs 10 ($0.04) terracinghave not been implemented or and/or imprisonment ofup to 15 days. In enforced.ll The farmers have never 1969, the first offense fine was increased to established contoured three-foot soil bunds Shs 1,000 ($3); in April 1989, it was at 16-yard (14.5 meters) intervals on their increased to Shs 3,000 ($10) and/or 30 days hillfarms. Bund terracing is not practiced, in prison.10 in part because the agricultural officer does not recommend it, and the sanctions are not Several institutions are responsible for enforced because he has not advised the executing the soil-conservation by-laws. local chiefs, RCs, and police to do so. Agricultural extension officers (Ministry of Alternative terracing forms are endorsed by Agriculture) supervise the farm practices the local authorities who recognize their ordered in the by-laws, an'd local RCs, effectiveness and appropriateness. chiefs, and administrative police (Ministry Villagers follow the guidance and orders of ofLocal Government) enforce the by-laws. the agricultural officer, chiefs, RCs, and police because they perceive their power During the colonial period, the strength of and actions to be legitimate and because the extension services and policing efforts few farmers know the specific mandates and ensured strict compliance with the by-laws, implications ofthe by-laws. From a legal but after independence extension services perspective, however, these civil servants received less support and local authority should be reprimandedfor not performing declined (Dganda Protectorate 1949; their duties.

10 District by-laws must be approved by the Minister for Local Government. The backlog ofdistrict by-laws at the ministry has meant long delays in the approval process. During the study, the 1989 revision ofthe Kabale soil conservation by-laws had not been gazetted by the central government but was being implemented. 11 Other aspects ofthe by-laws are not'practiced or enforced. For example, few paths and access roads are protected by water runoffchannels, and annual crops are often planted within 9 feet (3 meters) ofwater courses and roads. .

23 The legitimacy ofthe local authorities in two five-day training courses in Kabale on the eyes ofthe farmers has also enabled improved farming techniques. Since he them to impose sanctions not prescribed in became an agricultural officer, he learned the by-laws, such as the five-year closure of extension skills and other improved farming Nyarurembo Hill, even on activities not practices from his colleagues and prescribed in the by-laws. Because the predecessors. (In fact, he was taught by the closurejeopardized the livelihood ofthe first agricultural officer from Kisoro to people and adversely affecting their receive training from the colonial well-being, it probably will deter future government in 1936.) lapses in soil-conservation practices. The farmers said they will adhere to the The agricultural officer's effectiveness can crop/fallow cycle even iffamine again be attributed to his genuine interest in the threatens. Since the hill closure, people's welfare and his good relations with community vigilance ofterracing practices Nyarurembo's farmers. The close proximity has increased, further ensuring that ofhis home allows him to visit frequently farmers' conservation efforts will not wane. and to develop long-term professional relationships and personal friendships. The officer's skills include listening, negotiating, Appropriate Technical Advice mediating, and strategic planning. His and Effective Extension Services confidence in his knowledge of agriculture and local socioeconomic and ecological Another principal force behind matters enables him to work outside by-law Nyarurembo's terracing success is the orders. efforts ofthe Nyarusiza Subcounty agricultural extension staff. Although The agricultural officer performs at least responsible for all agricultural activities in two functions critical to effective terracing the subcounty's seven parishes, the current activities -- facilitating the planning and officer -- in his position since 1975 -- focuses implementation ofhill-specific terracing on terracing Nyarurembo's three hills. He practices and linking farmers with local hopes to develop them as model soil ­ authorities and development agencies. conservation sites where farmers from other areas can come to learn about terracing. The extension officer recognizes that His first priority is Sagitwe Hill, then farmer participation in decision making is Nyarurembo and Karambi. critical to effective soil conservation. He helps organize and facilitate meetings ofhill The current agricultural officer, now an farmers to develop hill-specific terracing elderly man, was born, raised, and still lives strategies that best meet local needs and in a subparish neighboring Nyarurembo. constraints and district/national interests in Although not formally educated in the soil-conservation, to reach consensus on agricultural sciences, he comes from a critical terracing actions, and to coordinate farming background and his family terracing and related activities. (See Figure continues to farm. Years ago, he attended 5.) rS\ 24 The local farmers actively seek the Perceived Security in Land agricultural officer's advice and assistance. They even refuse to undertake some The largest portion ofland under human activities without them. For example, occupation and use in Nyarurembo and Karambi Hill farmers will not redemarcate throughout Uganda is held in customary their hill without the agricultural extension tenure (MISR 1988,1989; Slade and Weitz officer, who not only helps mark the hill but 1991). But unlike much land in Uganda, acts as an arbitrator to ensure that each which is held communally, most land in farmer's plot is as large and good as his Nyarurembo is held by individuals or previous farm. households. This is the case for the fixed land tenure on Sagitwe and Nyarurembo The agricultural officer is also an Hills and the rotating land use system important link between the farmers and practiced on Karambi. local authorities. He is effective in this role because of his good working relations with The current customary land tenure the local chiefs, RCs, and other civil 12 system in Nyarurembo provides owners . servants. He has often facilitated visits to with access to and control ofland, as well as Nyarurembo and participation in farmer the right to inherit, rent, or sell the land meetings by representatives of development and its resources. Decisions by traditional assistance agencies and by local leaders. leaders and local government authorities The backing oflocal authorities has further regarding land and resource conflicts have legitimized the officer's recommendations been based on the rights ofcustomary land and proposed actions (e.g., closure of ownership. Farmers have little experience Nyarurembo Hill) and helped mobilize with the possible loss of rights to their land. people for soil conservation. His close They feel secure in their land and other relationships with local leaders have also holdings and in their customary tenure. led to direct support for Nyarurembo. Through his contacts, the agricultural The farmers' perceived security in their officer has mobilized resources and other land has encouraged ecologically sound external assistance to provide inputs critical land-use management with long-term goals to local agricultural activities. In so doing, and discouraged unsustainable farming he has become a local leader. practices and the mining of natural resources for short-term objectives. Farmers practice band terracing which requires that they forgo cultivation on their

12 Prior to joining the Ministry ofAgriculture, the current offi~er was the Ki~~ro Town Clerk. As such, he worked closely with a wide range oftraditional and pubhc local authontles.

/.1~... ;(/1

25 hillplots during the fallow cycle to ensure But they have had limited impact on local soil fertility for future production. They customary tenure patterns. (See below.) also invest significant time and effort in coordinating crop production and hill Today,land in Nyarurembo is one ofthe redemarcation for effective terracing, often most important productive resources. Ithas at high opportunity costs to individuals and become a valuable commodity for sale and is households. These efforts stand in stark the cause ofmost common law suits and contrast to the neglect and mismanagement .other legal concerns, whether regarding ofthe land illegally farmed in the Mgahinga inheritance or sale. During this study, 0.5 Reserve/Sanctuary.13 hectares was selling for more than Shs 200,000 (US $667), more than twice the The customary land tenure systems in average per capita GNP in Uganda. Nyarurembo have evolved considerably since the precolonial period as local Customary tenure systems continue to circumstances and needs changed. The high evolve. For example, a father would population density and traditional traditionally divide his land equally among settlement pattern ofextended families his sons, but, with the growing shortage of living on dispersed compound farms led to land, many now give their entire holding to customary tenure systems that emphasized the eldest son to ensure minimum landholdings for extended families, instead landholdings and limit fragmentation. ofethnic communities. As a result ofthe Further, women in traditional society rarely waves ofemigration, a family's neighboring held land rights and were not much compounds often house unrelated families. involved in decision-making regarding land With further increases in population and land use. Today more women are pressure and commercialization ofland, obtaining land rights, often through decreasing landholdings and increasing purchases, and are exercising newly land value, the extended family system acquired rights to protest against, for evolved into systems based on household example, the sale ofland by husbands. (A and individual tenure. And, as local woman's veto is increasingly often being government authorities recognized recognized by elders, chiefs, RCs, and customary tenure, household heads judicial courts.) strengthened their. position as landowners.. After independence, alternative state ­ designed tenure systems were introduced.

13 The government approved gazetting ofthe Mgahinga National Park in early 1990. Farmers . expected that this change would lead to immediate further restrictions on local use and to stricter enforcement. This policy, however, was not implemented until late 1991. During this study, the number offarms in the protected areas was higher, they were larger, and farmers' investments in them lower than in previous years. The rate ofecological degradation was accelerated. IV. Implications and Recommendations

~e factors behind effective soil develop and implement programs to meet conservation in Nyarurembo have Uganda's most pressing resource implications for other farmers, government management needs.14 In 1987, Makerere policymakers, and development assistance University's Institute ofEnvironment and officers supporting. sustainable agricultural Natural Resources was formed to conduct production and resource management. environmental research. The government also encouraged the establishment and work ofenvironment and development Environmental Policies and nongovernmental organizations (Slade and Initiatives: An Overview Weitz 1991). !

Since assuming power in 1986, the The MEP has initiated several National Resistance Movement has made environmental policy and programming strides to address natural resource exercises. In 1987, in collaboration with the management and local development issues United Nations Environment Programme, it (Government of Uganda 1990a, 1991a). prepared nine issue papers on the state of Particular attention has been given to the environment (UNEP 1989a). These national natural resource and reports backed a 1990 government request environmental policies, legislation, and for World Bank assistance in preparing a institutions and to strengthening National Environmental Action Plan decentralized administrative and political (NEAP). The NEAP's goal is to define authority for local development and policy/legislative actions, institutional environment purposes. strengthening guidelines, and activities/investments for a more In 1986, the government established the environmentally sustainable national Ministry ofEnvironment Protection (MEP) development strategy (Kramer et. a1. 1989; to formulate environmental policies and to USAID 1991; Slade and Weitz 1991; Government ofUganda 1991b).

14 In 1991, the MEP was merged with other ministries to form the Ministry of Energy, Minerals and Environment Protection. '

27 The government is updating existing users in environmental management and policies and legislation and is developing has worked toward devolving political and new policy, as needed. Between 1989 and administrative authority for development 1991, the national wildlife and forestry purposes and strengthening the responsible policies were revised and a new wetlands subnational institutions. These efforts policy drafted (MUIENR 1992). In 1991, include a new constitution sensitive to these the government upgraded the status of issues (UCC 1990), and the strengthening of several protected areas, including the districts to be more responsible for and gazetting offour new national parks, to control local administration and expand the nation's fully protected area. As development. District authorities now have part of the NEAP effort, a draft national the support ofthe central government to environmental policy was prepared and is establish district policies and by-laws on now in review (UNEP 1991). Many district local issues to meet these goals. authorities are also reviewing and updating their guidelines, policies, and by-laws. In addition to establishing the five-tier structure ofResistance Councils and At the international level, Uganda is a Committees, the government is reviewing member of many United Nations and and redefining the various units of Organization ofMrican Unity-related administrative levels to make them more regional and subregional environmental and efficient managerially and more responsive development organizations and is a to local circumstances. The new units are signatory to several international geographically smaller and include fewer environmental conventions. In June 1989, people than the old. They also reflect recent the government hosted the first Mrican demographic and land use changes and Inter-Ministerial Conference on better recognize ethnic groupings and Environment and Sustainable Development. ecological conditions. Coupled with increasing support, the new structure can Mterindependence, the 1962 constitution respond to local environment and provided for decentralized government. A development needs. system ofplanning was established at the district level based on District As part ofits multipronged program to TeamIPlanning Committees consisting of strengthen local administration, the representatives ofthe central ministries Ministry ofPlanning and Economic and departments at the local level. But for Development and the Ministry of Local various reasons, the Committees were not Government launched an effort in 1989 to effective planning and implementation develop a methodology for district organs. In 1967, a'new constitution put into development planning and to identify place a highly centralized system of financing options (Government ofUganda government which remained until the 1990a, 1990c, 1990d). Pilot planning National Resistance Movement came to exercises were conducted in three districts. power in 1986. In addition, the government, as part ofthe NEAP, expects to prepare district The new government recognizes the role environmental profiles and action plans. ofits rural people as principal resource RECOMMENDATIONS Leaseholds entail an exclusive right to " use and occupy land. Use is strictly controlled by the conditions set forth in the Government efforts have advanced local agreement as well as by national and natural resource management and district statutory regulations, such as the development issues. Following are several soil-conservation by-laws. Most lease options for policy-makers to further agreements contain "development. strengthen these initiatives. conditions" intended to promote building and industrialJagriculturaldevelopment. Land Tenure Policies and Sound Much land has been degraded in the name Environmental Management of development; few ifany leases have been granted for subsistence farming (MISR 1988,1989; LTC 1990). The relationship between public policy and local natural resource management is The Land Reform Decree allows the not well-understood. Yet, it is recognized system ofoccupying land by customary thatland-tenure policies influence local tenure to continue but significantly resource management (McAuslan 1967; denigrates its status by failing to provide Barrows and Roth 1990; Bruce and customary rights holders with national legal Fortmann 1989; Roth et. al. 1989; LTC protection oftheir land and investments. 1990; Lawry 1990). Nyarurembo farmers' The Land Commission can terminate perceived security in land and resources is a customary tenure and lease occupied land primary reason for their effective soil without even giving notice to the customary conservation. This security is based on occupants. An evictee is entitled to be customary tenure, but national laws permit resettled on other land and to be the government to take away customary compensated -- but, only for structures rights at any time with no advance notice erected, other developments or growing and only minimum compensation. crops. At present, labor-intensive improvements, such as bench terraces and The Land Reform Decree of 1975 declared irrigation systems, are not recognized as that all land (including most resources) is developments and thus do not warrant public land administered by the Uganda compensation. Land Commission (Government ofUganda 1975). With the exception oflimited free Customary rights can no longer be passed licenses for short-term land use, the on from one person to another, whether by leasehold became the only land estate succession or sale, though lease rights and legally permissible in Uganda. All forms of land developments can be transfered for private ownership were abolished or by value. New customary tenure can be default, became customary tenancies on acquired only with the Land Commission's public land that should be converted into consent. leaseholds -- 199 years to public and religious bodies, 99 years to individuals. The decree assumes that customary . tenure and private ownership invite poor land management and that static customary

A' IA.'/.· /71" , 29 rights and obligations are "incapable of and a land policy workshop in 1989 rising to the challenges posed by the recommended a repeal ofthe 1975 Land modem needs ofconservation and Reform Decree and the establishment ofa development" (UNEP 1989b, p. 18; but see uniform national system of private also Migot-Adholla 1991). Customary rights ownership. These recommendations, after are perceived as obstacles to development, further discussion, were incorporated into a and private ownership is thought to make proposal, including a legislative draft, and centralized control ofland difficult. are currently before a senior government Centralized control assumes that state committee for review and approval prior to ownership ofland -- through lease submission to Cabinet (Paul conditions and statutory regulations -- is the Bakashabaruhanga, Permanent Secretary best way to control land use and achieve ofthe Ministry ofLands, Housing and "optimal utilization ofthe land" (UNEP Urban Development, and Lawrence Eturu, 1989b, p. 6). Director ofthe Agricultural Secretariat of the Bank ofUganda, pers. com.). Despite the decree, customary tenure predominates in rural Uganda. Farmers Uganda's land-tenure policies and perceive security in their land because they practices should facilitate the evolution of have confidence in their customary tenancy. tenure systems that protect farmers' access to Further, few know many details ofthe land and resources, encourage sound land decree or its implications; and many use and management, and contribute to recognize the government's inability to socioeconomic development. Based on this implement and enforce it effectively (MISR case study, three recommendations are 1988,1989; LTC 1990). At the time ofthe proposed to strengthen Uganda's legal land study, only two Nyarurembo farmers had tenure system: sought and acquired government leases. ' First, the government ofUganda should As the need for land increases, land repeal the Land Reform Decree of1975. The values will continue to rise. Competition for decree does not ensure that people have available land will intensify, and the access to land or adequate protection from number ofrequests for leases on rural land eviction. Itdiscourages sound land use, occupied by customary tenants will interferes with local resource management, increase. Increasing levels ofsupport for and, thus hinders agricultural development. the Land Commission and its subcounty It also assumes that the government can land committees would enable them to effectively manage all land and resources, expedite lease applications and many administer all leaseholds, and enforce all customary rights holders could be evicted. land use regulations. In fact, the tenure Poor land use and civil unrest would policies in many African nations ensure probably ensue. state jurisdiction over most land and resources, butfew governments, ifany, have Sensitive to these and other potential effectively managed all public lands land problems, in 1987 the government (Mugerwa 1966; Lawry 1990; LTC 1990). began reviewing its existing land policies Other African countries' experiences and legislation. The results ofthese studies suggest that lease conditions and sanctions do not necessarily promote sound property and the rules and obligations of agricultural development or resource land use should be based on local customary management (MISR 1988, 1989; LTC 1990). tenancy and traditional land use. For example, the legal form of private property Second, Uganda's government should in Nyarurembo should emphasize consider converting most types oflegally ownership at the individual and household constituted andpracticed land tenure into levels. While among the pastoralists in some form ofprivate property. Private semi arid and arid northeast Uganda, the property includes a range of rights legal system should recognize the regarding the use and disposal ofland and traditional tenure system based on resources at various ownership levels -­ communal ownership and use of grazing individual, household, extended family, land. community, and village cluster, for example. Private property offers real security in land Conditions for conversion to private and investments and enables people to use property will vary, depending on the nature their land as collateral for obtaining credit. ofthe existing tenure system in practice. Local resource management is more Many customary tenants on public lands effective and efficient than centralized could be formally recognized and granted control, and it frees scarce government title to their land. Public land legally leased resources for activities that better by smallholders could simply be converted contribute to socioeconomic development to private property at the individual level. (Chambers 1983,1985,1988; Leonard and In Buganda, where the British established Marshall 1982; Uphoff 1986). To facilitate mile-square estates (maUD) for members of the switch to a private property regime, the Buganda nobility -- many ofwhich are relevant governme.nt institutions will need now leased to smallholders -- the to be strengthened. Incentives could also be government should return the land to the developed to encourage customary tenants family ofthe original customary to initiate conversion and the private sector owner/occupier or give it to the current to participate in land surveys and other tenant, and the current owner compensated aspects ofthe titling process. for the lost interest. When public interests would, in fact, best be served ifthe Third, Uganda's government should enact government controlled certain tracts of a flexible legal tenurial system in which the occupied land, compensating the current existing customary tenure systems, if users/owners for the land, its resources, and appropriate, are recognized in the the developments at market values will institutionalized form ofprivate property. need to be considered. No single form oftenure is suited for all people. Legal tenure systems should recognize and incorporate the variability of Flexible District Guidelines and customary rights to land and resources By-laws (Shipton 1989). When appropriate (i.e., when the customary system meets the Private property does not necessitate above stated tenure policy objectives), the state relinquishment ofland use regulation. form and level ofownership of private

31 Statutory regulations, such as zoning alternative actions that may be equally or restrictions on private property at the even more effective in conserving or national and subnationallevels are a managing soil for sustained agricultural well-established means of controlling some productivity. For example, in addition to land and resource uses that have the terracing activities undertaken thatfall undesirable effects on public welfare. outside the by-laws, many Nyarurembo Equally effective are incentives (e.g., such farmers also practice good soil husbandry -­ as land taxes) to encourage resource such as using organic fertilizers, green management and discourage unsound manures, legumes, and crop rotations. development, land monopolization,land Because most district soil-conservation speculation, and landlessness. by-laws are similar to Kabale's, all districts should carefully review their range of In Uganda, the district -- already legally environmental policies and by-laws. empowered to establish policy and enact laws to regulate local affairs, including land The central government ofUganda and use -- is an appropriate,level for controlling the Kabale District authorities should most environmental externalities. The establish policies that encourage farmers to colonial policy ofleaving soil conservation to adopt effective soil-management practices. local authorities persists, butfew districts Uganda's national policies should articulate use their power well to manage local soil central goals and provide a framework for resources (MUIENR 1992). Like all districts to develop locally appropriate districts, Kabale has opted for more-or-Iess policies. District policies should offer standard soil-,conservation by-laws to flexibility in specific actions to meet the implement and enforce its soil-management national/district interests and enable policy policies. These by-laws, which are limited implementors to work with the grassroots to to soil conservation instead ofmanagement, develop subdistrict strategies and action order specific practices instead ofa suite of plans that address local needs, resources, options for farmers to select from and focus and constraints. To date, however, there is on punitive sanctions rather than no national soil (or land use) policy in incentives. Several recommendations follow. Uganda to encourage, guide, and legitimize district-level soil policies and by-laws The Kabale District soil-conservation (MUIENR 1992). by-laws should be repealed. The Nyarurembo experience indicates that, even If, for instance, the goal of national and within a small geographical area, district soil policies is improved and socioeconomic and ecological variability sustained agricultural production, extension warrants use ofmultiple soil-conservation officers would work with farmers to develop strategies and practices. Bund terracing, locally appropriate soil-management ordered in the Kabale by-laws, is not among strategies and action plans. The policies the most appropriate forms ofterracing for and perhaps by-laws could include a Nyarurembo. The by-law sanctions, schedule for the development and full periodically stiffened in real and absolute implementation ofthe plans. Incentives terms, are not implemented or enforced. and sanctions would encourage early There is no flexibility in the by-laws for adoption ofmultiple practices that exceed )1 32 minimum government requirements and (particularly at the local level) as there are discourage the use ofinappropriate requisites for effective policy practices. (Incentives could also be put into implementation. Many sound policies exist place that reward local authorities and on paper, but they are not implemented extension officers for their work in largely because political will, personnel, facilitating adoption.) Further, certain or funding, equipment, and other resources are all agricultural activities could be restricted lacking. Others are not implemented on highly erodible land until appropriate simply because extension officers and local soil-management techniques are developed authorities are not well-informed about both and can be implemented. the policy benefits and their responsibilities and thus elect not to implement or enforce The specific terms ofthe government ­ them. approved soil management plans would depend on the local socioeconomic and The Nyarurembo experience suggests ecological factors, the threat of soil that ill-conceived policies and laws are degradation or loss, and the potential for sometimes not implemented because local sound management. Governments can authorities know they are culturally or increase the likelihood ofearly and effective environmentally inappropriate. The implementation ifthey offer farmers and position of civil servants responsible for extension officers packages ofscientifically implementation and enforcement is then proven practices that meet districtJnational difficult. Extension officers are required to requirements. Farmers can review the implement public policy, and they are range ofoptions in consultation with the evaluated at least in part on their ability to agricultural officer and with each other (see promote and facilitate change toward policy below). In this way, the farmer-developed, directives. But, extension officers are extension officer-facilitated, and criticized for forcing inappropriate change government-approved soil-management on rural people, even though they did not plans are sure to meet local circumstances, help write the policy they are enforcing. needs, and opportunities, as well as district Flexible policies, coupled with sufficient objectives and national goals. ground support and appropriate performance evaluation criteria, will help cultivate commitment amongextension. Extension Services in Policy officers and enable them to be more effective Implementation agents ofchange.

Policymakers and development Nyarurembo's agricultural officer is an professionals generally agree that an effective agent ofchange because, in appropriate policy and legislative addition to his technical competence, he framework is a necessary but not sufficient possesses important interpersonal skills. . condition for sustainable resource Although many extension officers are management. There are as many reasons technically well-trained and sensitive to why some policies are not translated into local needs and issues, few can effectively effective natural resource management listen, resolve conflicts, arbitrate, and negotiate compromises. This study

33 supports the conclusions ofother research The Nyarurembo agricultural officer, that extension officers would benefit from familiar with the customary tenure systems training to develop the skills that facilitate as well as with the boundaries ofhousehold better working relationships with the rural landholdings, could help survey land, a first people (Benor and Harrison 1977; Howell step in titling. The good working 1988; Oakley and Carforth 1985; Roberts relationships he has with the local people 1989; Safo et. al. 1990). and their trust and confidence enable him to deal effectively with such sensitive matters Policy is made more appropriate when as land titling. rural people are involved in its formulation. and the implementation ofsound policy is Farmer-to-farmer contact is another way more effective when they know its to disseminate information, create implications. Extension officers, chiefs, and awareness, and facilitate change (Benor and RCs are important in facilitating two-way Harrison 1977; Howell 1988; Roberts 1989; communication between policy-makers and Rahm 1988). It can also significantly local people. They are well-positioned to reduce the workload of extension officers. share insights with district policymakers By working to establish Nyarurembo's three about local priorities and options, and can hills as model sites in soil conservation, the provide information to farmers about agricultural officer will create opportunities existing policies, legislation, as well as their for farmers and development officers from implications. neighboring areas to view various soil-conservation techniques in practice, Agricultural extension officers could also interact with participating farmers directly, contribute more to the formulation and and discuss the advantages and implementation ofpolicies that are disadvantages oftheir practices. Such traditionally outside the agricultural sector. exchanges could help visiting farmers For example, the agricultural officer can evaluate alternative soil-management inform local people about current practices and develop appropriate land-tenure policies and their effect on soil-management plans for their farms. farmers' security in resources and can Model sites can also be used in training new discuss with the subcounty land committee agricultural and other extension officers in the problems that could arise from legal soil-management issues. tenure policies. He can also help in the process ofgranting land leases or titles. v. Conclusions

~e farmers ofNyarurembo Subparish's Second, the Nyarurembo experience accomplishments in soil conservation are indicates that public policies and legislation significant. Although the enormity and at both the national and subnationallevels, complexity ofenvironmental difficulties in can have significant local impacts. Africa dwarfNyarurembo's success, the Although most projects and programs are lessons that emerge have implications for geographically, sectorally, or otherwise communities, governments, and bounded, public policies --,whether international donor agencies across the environmental, social, or economic -- often continent. have broad impacts, including many unforeseen and potentially detrimental Foremost among these lessons is a effects to community-level natural resource recognition that many resOUrce management. The socioeconomic and management problems and options can best environmental diversity in many parts of be addressed by activities organized at the Africa is large even within a small community or.village-cluster level. geographic area. This factor argues for the Traditionally, local leaders coordinated devolution ofpolitical authority to the level collaboration within and among ofpublic administration that can most communities. Given the modern overlay of effectively evaluate implications of government-sponsored administration and alternative policy and programming options authority, many local leaders may no longer and address local variability. be capable ofor able to perform these functions effectively. Community Local policies and by-laws that are clear cooperation today may need to be facilitated on goals and objectives and are flexible with by an external institution. For regard to specific actions will enable policy Nyarurembo, the agricultural officer is the implementors and enforcers to work better principal facilitator for community ­ with rural people to meet community needs community collaboration and linking and policy objectives. African nations can villages with local authorities and external follow Uganda's lead in reviewing its agencies. Decentralized government existing policy and legislation for gaps, authorities throughout Africa can better inconsistencies, and missed opportunities. catalyze change ifthey take responsibility for facilitating such coordination.

l~Ai'i(l.iU;.·1.,; " 35 References

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ttl!} 39 APPENDIXA Example ofKigezi District Soil Conservation Bye-laws that also Operated in Kisoro, Modified from Those Enacted in 1939

Legal Notice No. 1961. Appendix "B"

THE DISTRICT ADMINISTRATION (DISTRICT COUNCILS)

ORDINANCE 1955

(NO. 1 OF 1955)

THE KIGEZI DISTRICT COUNCIL CONSTITUTIONAL REGULATIONS, 1956

BYE-LAWS

(Under regulation 20 of the above mentioned Regulations)

THE KIGEZI SOIL CONSERVATION BYE-LAW 1961

1. These Bye-laws shall be called the Kigezi Soil Conservation Bye-Laws 1961.

2. All land under cultivation or cleared for cultivation, or land planted to Black Wattle trees, shall be provided with bunds across the slope at intervals not exceeding 16 yards apart.

3. Bunds shall be a minimum width ofthree feet.

4. On land planted to annual crops, trash lines consisting ofthe vegetation shall be laid parallel at the top end ofgarden.

5. When crops are planted in lines, the lines shall be across the slope. In the case of sweet potatoes, planting shall be done on soil ridges across the slope.

6. ~No fields or plots shall be demarcated by furrows or gulleys.

7. No annual crop shall be cultivated within 9 feet of any perennial or seasonal water course or any maintained road.

8. All paths, cattle tracks, ditches and access roads shall be protected against erosion by run off channels, soak away pits or stakes to prevent erosion.

9. Paths or tracks may be closed by a Gombolola Chiefto prevent erosion and alternate routes provided. 10. All house compounds, except the winnowing area and compounds around buildings, shall be grassed over with a low-growing grass.

11. Land planted to bananas or coffee shall be covered with a mulch, where possible.

12. All Black Wattle trees, whether in lines or plantation, shall be thinned in the year of germination to four and a halffeet apart, and at the age ofthree years, to a minimum of nine feet apart.

13. Any person disobeying the provisions ofthese bye-laws shall be guilty of an offense and shall on first conviction be liable to a fine not exceeding Shs: 5/= and shall on any subsequent conviction be liable to a fine not exceeding Shs: 10/= or to imprisonment not exceeding 15 days or to both the fine and imprisonment.

Made under the common seal ofthe Kigezi District Council this _ day ofAugust 19...

SECRETARY GENERAL

KIGEZI DISTRICT COUNCIL

Approved this __day of 19....

PROVINCIAL COMMISSIONER,

WESTERN PROVINCE.

U(,1 ! 41