FINDING a ROAD to RECOVERY in LIBYA by Nyla Brewster

FINDING A ROAD TO RECOVERY IN LIBYA By Nyla Brewster

INTRODUCTION

In Libya today, there are an estimated 268,000 internally displaced people (Council on Foreign Relations 1). Largely caused by the two civil wars Libya has experienced in the past decade, political and military insurrection have become the norm. While the Second Libyan Civil War began in 2014, conflict was significantly worsened in 2019 due to a territorial struggle known as the Western Libya Campaign. It is estimated that there have been over 600 civilian casualties and 900,000 Libyans are currently in need of humanitarian aid (UNSMIL 1). Worsening this internal conflict is the great instability within Map of Libya and many surrounding countries, with 5 of the 6 nations that border surrounding Libya engaging in some form of war or conflict in recent years countries. (MSNBC 4). As such, in addition to its own displaced population, Alamy Libya serves as a temporary home for thousands fleeing danger and violence in their home countries. The appeal of Libya to refugees and asylum seekers is due to its unique geographic positioning. Libya, known as of Often referred to as the “Gateway to Europe,” Libya’s proximity to the “Gateway to Europe provides migrants with a clear, yet perilous, route to Europe,” is a southern Italy. Given the lack of many viable alternatives, a number migration hub for of major migration routes originating in West Africa, Central Africa, East Africa, and the Middle East all conclude in Libya (MSNBC 1). refugees and In recent years Europe, and Italy specifically, have increased asylum seekers restrictions on migration, returning over 1,000 refugees to Libyan across the MENA detention centers in 2020 alone (Ghani 1). region. Given the two very different sides of this problem, it is essential that both are addressed in any policy recommendation. Libya is in

HARVARD MODEL CONGRESS

the midst of great conflict, with thousands of civilians caught in the crossfire. Any path to peace must keep those affected in mind.

EXPLANATION OF THE ISSUE

Historical Development Fueled by the revolutionary spirit of the Arab Spring, Arab Spring – a thousands of Libyans took to the streets in February of 2011 to series of anti- demand more democratic rights and the removal of their leader government, pro- Muammar Gaddafi. While at the time, the Libyan economy was democracy protests rapidly expanding and the country had one of the highest literacy that swept the Arab rates in the region, there was a great lack of press freedom and world beginning in concerning levels of government corruption. In fact, Libya was December 2010. labelled the country with the most press censorship in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region in 2011 (Freedom House 1). Combined with other problems, such as the authoritarian nature of Gaddafi and the arrests of a number of political activists, the Libyan people demanded a change in power. With this context, the Libyan Libyan Civil War – Civil War began on February 15, 2011. seven-month struggle The path to liberation was not an easy one - Gaddafi refused to to overthrow Libyan step down despite the massive protests. Tensions quickly rose, leader Muammar leading to violent and deadly clashes between the protesters and the Gaddafi, ending in government. Largely due to this rise of civilian casualties, the October 2011. international community stepped in. The United States, along with the European Union and the UNSC froze Gaddafi’s assets and imposed a number of financial sanctions (CNN 1). With no signs of defeat and increasing concerns for civilians, over 40 countries and organizations formed the Libya Contact group, to coordinate and maximize their efforts in the “liberation” of Libya (CNN 1). Many members of this group played a significant role in the crucial implementation of a No-Fly Zone over Libya, enforced by NATO. 7 months after the start of the Libyan Civil War, the opposition group successfully gained control of the majority of Libyan territory, cornering Gaddafi and his remaining supporters. On October 20, 2011, Gaddafi was captured by rebel groups and killed (CNN 1). By the time of Gaddafi’s death, over 60 countries, Baskets filled with including the United States, Russia, and the United Kingdom, had bullet casings formally recognized the primary opposition group, known as the during the 2011 National Transitional Council (NTC), as the official Libyan Libyan Civil War. government (CNN 1). With the final defeat of Gaddafi, the NTC, The Atlantic along with many international allies, announce that Libya has officially been “liberated.”

Scope of the Problem While the ousting of Gaddafi was a major victory for the Libyan people, conflict was nowhere near over. In mid 2012, the NTC held their first elections and elected the General National Congress (GNC) by popular vote. Although this election was widely regarded as free, fair, and a major sign of progress in the country, the GNC inherited “a country without a state” (Wehrey 1). Libya lacked fully developed political parties, governmental procedures, and proper counterterrorism measures. It did not take long for terrorist groups to take advantage of the still fractured state with a series of attacks starting in mid 2012, just months after the election. As a result of Second Libyan the aforementioned issues and many other grievances, few were Civil War – (2014- surprised when the GNC began to fracture. And, when the GNC’s present) civil war in two-year term came to an end in 2014, the group refused to leave Libya with the overall office. This decision, made without the input of the people, caused a aims to reclaim massive uproar and catapulted the country into the Second democracy, counter Libyan Civil War – an internal conflict still going on today. active terrorist Although it began with calls for a stronger democracy and organizations, and increased protection from terrorist groups, it is important to create one centralized understand that the conflict in Libya is extremely complex. Not only government. does the turmoil involve territory, but it also touches on political, religious, and economic lines as well. For example, Libya is an oil rich country and this product remains the main driver of the country’s GDP, making control over the oil terminals intrinsic to every conflict. Since the start of the Second Libyan Civil War in 2014, there have been numerous groups involved, however there are two main players. Firstly, is the House of Representatives (HoR). Months following the GNC’s refusal to leave office, the delayed election took place and the HoR was elected, albeit with just an 18% voter- turnout (CFR 1). Currently, the strongest ally of the HoR is the Libyan National Army (LNA) led by prominent General Khalifa Haftar. Secondly, is the Government of National Accord (GNA). Created in peace negotiations to unify the opposing GNC and HoR, the GNA stands as the sole UN backed government in Libya today. The HoR officially removed their support of the GNA group in 2016, ensuring these two groups would battle over Libya for years to come (Grinin 202). Western Libya Campaign For the most part, the UN-backed GNA controls the majority of oil ports and cities in Western Libya, with the HoR controlling much of Eastern Libya. Beginning in 2019, General Haftar announced the LNA and HoR’s campaign to take over Tripoli, the capital of Libya, which is located in the GNA-controlled Western

region. This strategic advance, still going on today, is known as the Western Libya Campaign. At the campaign’s inception, Haftar controlled a significant amount of power and influence in Libya, though it was not enough to take Tripoli by force. As such, Haftar, along with the LNA, Western Libya employed a strategy they had prior success with in Eastern and Campaign – (2019- Southern Libya. By targeting smaller tribal communities present) advance of surrounding Tripoli, Haftar attempted to slowly advance on the the Libyan National capital. Due to these alliances, one being with an influential group Army, led by General of over 60 tribes known as the Tarhouna, Haftar initially Khalifa Haftar, on the experienced success in the Western Libya Campaign. Western region of As mentioned earlier, the GNA is backed by a number of Libya to gain control international players, one of these being Turkey. Facing initial of Tripoli, the Libyan blows at the start of the Campaign, the GNA turned to Turkey for capital. military aid. This, at times controversial, partnership has gained the GNA key victories, most notably the control of a series of small LNA controlled towns in Western Libya in 2019 (Pargeter 5). Although there have been a number of calls for a ceasefire, both domestically and internationally, conflict continues in Libya today putting millions of civilians at risk. With Haftar’s blockade of all oil terminals beginning in January of 2020, Libya is also facing an economic crisis. A path to peace in Libya, while complicated, is essential. Internal Humanitarian Crises From April 2019 to March 2020, there have been over 600 documented civilian casualties, with the real number likely much higher (UNSMIL 1). In Tripoli alone, there are 149,000 displaced peoples, with an estimated 345,000 civilians still in the frontlines of conflict caused by the Western Libya Campaign (UNSMIL 1). As a result, there is a great demand for stable housing and improved social welfare programs for those affected. Due to the conflict raging throughout the country, many of the social service offices are reported to not be operating at their full capacity, leaving many displaced people unserved. Adding to this problem is the great infrastructure damage Libya has seen in the past year. The United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) has received evidence of significant damage to “homes, hospitals, schools, and detention facilities” – allowing the effects of the conflict to reach into every aspect of life. While journalists, activists, and human rights defenders have highlighted the humanitarian crises going on within Libya, censorship and unjustified detention have been on the rise, making it difficult for them to properly document the damage. Lastly, due to there being essentially two separately operating governments, there are rising concerns with the lack of accountability in the criminal justice system and the denial of fair

process for those accused of a crime. From torture to extrajudicial killings, there have been numerous reports of both government and non-governmental actors committing crimes with impunity and with no one to be held accountable of. Migration Simultaneous to the internal humanitarian crisis, Libya also plays a large role in a global network of migration, largely for people fleeing conflict in their home countries. Due to its strategic geographic positioning and proximity to Europe, even amidst a war thousands flock to Libya every year. Libya’s current migration crisis is both internal and external. Internally, due to conflict many of the offices and institutions responsible for migration are in a state of collapse. Members of the Libyan Coast Guard, for example, stated they were not being paid as of February 2020 (Creta 1). Given that currently, there are an estimated 645,000 migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers in Libya, this presents an extremely large problem. In the absence of formalized institutions not only are these people left to fend for themselves, but it also leaves them more vulnerable to resorting to illegal measures to cross the Mediterranean. Independent of the

legality, the journey from Libya to Italy is extremely deadly without A packed boat of a proper ship. refugees from North Externally, Italy is sending back migrants who make the perilous Africa crossing the journey from Libya to their shores due to new, stricter migration Medditerranean policies. While Italy has made many past efforts to discourage Sea. migration from Libya, donating over $97 million dollars since 2017 Time Magazine to the Libyan Coast Guard to increase their efforts, sending thousands of migrants back to Libya in the midst of a civil war presents a new danger (Creta 1). Upon arrival back in Libya, these migrants are held indefinitely in detention centers, often criticized for their horrific conditions and lack of basic necessities such as food or healthcare. Since 2019, over 10,000 migrants have been sent to Libyan detention centers, leaving thousands in need of aid and migration assistance (Raghavan 1). Congressional Action Foreign intervention in Libya has become a common, though often criticized, practice. The US, along with its allies and international organizations, have been active in the region since the beginning of the First Libyan Civil War. More recently, in April of 2019, shortly after conflict reignited, the United States published a joint statement along with the governments of France, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the UAE calling for a ceasefire and end to Haftar’s advance (Boduszynski 1). The parties stress the lack of viability in military intervention, as it would likely prolong the conflict and place even more civilians at risk. Just one month after

this condemnation, U.S. president Donald Trump diverged from this stance after publicly praising Halftar’s counterterrorism and peace efforts during a phone conversation between the two leaders. Three days following the conversation, which sparked uproar in both the international community and in Libya, the US also threated to veto a UNSC resolution calling for a stop to Haftar’s incursion – a resolution which it voiced support for just weeks before. Given this disjointed stance on Libya, there has been little legislative progress within the United States Congress. Most recently, the Libya Stabilization Act was proposed in HR 4663 by Rep. Theodore Dutch (D-FL). As of November 2019, it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship and no further progress has been made. However, following a formal statement issued to the leadership of Libya in March 2020, calling for an immediate improvement of the internal conditions of Libya, it appears that future congressional action will likely center around aiding the civilians caught in the crossfires of the conflict. Other Policy Action The US acts through a number of international bodies to work for peace in Libya, including the United Nations, NATO, and the UNSC. Independently however, the US has expressed their interest in aiding the humanitarian crises going on in the region, donating over 31 million in 2019 alone to aid internally displaced peoples, refugees, and provide much needed humanitarian aid (USAID 1). While there is a long history of international military Every year, the intervention in the Libyan region, it has become more evident that United States adding foreign powers may heighten the conflict, rather than worsen it. As such, many large powers such as the United States provides millions and the United Kingdom, have shifted their presence in Libya to be in international aid one focused on aiding vulnerable populations and advocating for a to countries in need ceasefire, rather than aggressive military interventions. through the United States Agency for IDEOLOGICAL VIEWPOINTS International Development. Conservative View

Traditionally, foreign intervention has been an especially divisive topic between liberals and conservatives. While both largely agree the United States should have a presence beyond its borders, the goals of such an intervention differ greatly. For conservatives, maintaining a strong military presence, reducing threats of terrorism, and protecting US business interests are strong priorities when intervening abroad (PEW Research Center 1).

US actions in Libya specifically, which have been rooted in concerns for civilian safety, have faced a great deal of opposition from conservative legislators. In 2011, the House of Representatives passed a resolution stating that the US lacks sufficient justification for intervention in Libya, and going further, US troops should only be utilized to protect members of the armed forces in danger. This initial shift away from intervention in Libya has heightened with the election of Donald Trump in 2016 who has repeatedly advocated for a de-escalation of the conflict without further military intervention. Liberal View On the other hand, those who subscribe to more liberal ideologies generally prioritize aiding refugees fleeing violence, protecting human rights, and improving living standards (Pew Research Center 1). Even with this in mind, liberals do not necessarily support implementing a strong military presence in Libya, or any country in the MENA region. Due to critiques of past foreign interference, one example being the Iraq War, and the high number of exiting players involved in the Libyan conflict today, any intervention from the US will likely be met with intense scrutiny from both liberals and conservatives. However, this does not mean there is not a path to change. The US has been active through a number of international organizations such as the UN, UNSC, and NATO. As such, the country can still be invested in finding a path to peace in Libya. Liberals generally advocate for increased participation in groups brokering peace and providing aid to conflict zones, independent of US interests. Going forward, these partnerships will likely remain at the forefront of the conflict, for better or for worse.

AREAS OF DEBATE

Enhanced Peacekeeping Efforts Clearly, one of the main ways to improve the lives of civilians in Libya is to end the conflict causing their displacement and infrastructural damage. This, however, is an extremely complicated process therefore it is essential to understand that any solution There are currently must be far more complex than a mere ceasefire. The UN for 14 United Nations example, called for a global ceasefire for all parties involved in the peacekeeping conflict in March of 2020, but this was breached by both sides missions in 4 shortly after. As such, while peace must be a goal, it must be achieved in a comprehensive manner. different regions. A commonly proposed strategy for peace in Libya is the expansion of on the ground peacekeeping efforts from the UN. Currently, there are over 100,000 UN peacekeepers and 14 active

UN peacekeeping missions (United Nations). Creating a mission in Libya could allow for the facilitation of vital conversations along with providing a temporary support for the implementation of a ceasefire. Supporters hail the prior work of peacekeepers in a number of neighboring countries. Additionally, given the lack of success with international calls for a ceasefire, peacekeeping efforts can aid with maintaining any future agreement while also assisting in the rebuilding of infrastructure necessary to Libya’s future success. Those who oppose expanding into a UN peacekeeping mission cite the lack of reception for foreign forces within the country, especially the UN. As the GNA was created by the UN, and to this day is viewed as a foreign meddler by some, the introduction of a second international body may not be welcome. Political Perspectives on this Solution Traditionally, there has been less satisfaction with the United Nations among conservatives (Pew Research Center 1). Under the Trump administration, this has manifested into a number of limitations on funding, some of which directly impact the UN peacekeeping efforts. Given the lack of support of Trump among conservatives, this does not necessarily mean that all are dissatisfied with the UN’s work. As highlighted in the previous section, efforts to aid in the delivery of humanitarian aid and promote civilian safety are often looked favorably upon by liberals. Outside of the US, representatives from Germany, Great Britain, and the European Union have suggested the utilization of peacekeeping troops, should another ceasefire agreement be made. As of January 2020, however, members of the United Nations special envoy for Libya have been openly skeptical at the potential for UN peacekeeping troops to be welcomed into the country. Of course, as members of Congress, you cannot fiat action by the United Nations. You can, however, direct the State Department to pursue certain goals. Quick Impact Quick Impact Projects Projects have been One of the most damaging effects of the conflict in Libya is the utilized by a destruction of infrastructure essential to education, healthcare, and number of social services. While one of the current modes of addressing this international problem is through foreign aid, many advocate for more organizations to comprehensive assistance. Quick impact projects (QIPs) are a series promote recovery of rapidly scaled small projects aimed at addressing immediate needs while setting up for long term prosperity. QIPs have been in post-conflict utilized in a number of regions, however for Libya specifically they regions. would allow for the rebuilding of essential services and provide increased aid to internally displaced peoples and refugees. Rather than just a source of money, QIPs are goal oriented, rapidly

implemented, and contain a high level of oversight to allow each project to not only be successful, but they lead to the long-term prosperity of the country. Supporters of QIPs in Libya cite the extremely high demand for humanitarian aid in the country not currently being met. Schools, hospitals, and social service offices are also greatly damaged, creating a series of problems that can have fatal consequences. Combined with the many displaced peoples and refugees in the region, it is essential that any effort be quick, effective, and aid in long term progress – all key benefits of QIPs. Those arguing against QIPs will likely note the lack of a current ceasefire in the country, creating a serious threat to any aid program begun amidst the conflict. Additionally, QIPs rely on foreign actors, a practice that once again, may be poorly received in a region facing a great deal of foreign intervention already. Political Perspectives on this Solution While funding humanitarian aid in developing nations is often more appealing to liberals rather than conservatives, the oversight included in QIPs may provide more legitimacy than a typical monetary donation. Additionally, it is important to note that regardless of political affiliation, it is common practice for the US to provide a significant amount of foreign aid. For example, in 2020, the budget of USAID was set at 19.6 billion dollars. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) utilized QIPs to aid Libya in rebuilding previously, however they have not made plans to use them in their recovery from the most recent Western Libya Campaign. This past precedent can serve as a useful backing for any group hoping to implement QIPs in Libya going forward. Reformed Refugee Policies and Institutions Any path towards recovery in Libya must incorporate refugees, Since 2019, over migrants, and asylum seekers. As established, this problem is both 10,000 refugees rooted in internal failures within Libya and the external policies of were sent back European countries. In order to address both sides of this problem, policies dealing with refugees must be amended along with a formal from Europe to review of all Libyan institutions that deal with migration. Firstly, in Libyan detention terms of policy, migrants arriving in Italy are able to be sent back to centers, often with Libyan detention centers. As such detention centers have been horrific conditions. labelled by many, including the UN, as inhumane, the abolishment of such centers from any procedure has been advocated for. While the form of this policy change can come in a number of ways, such as an alteration of Italy’s procedures regarding returning migrants or an alteration of Libya’s procedures upon receiving those denied asylum in Italy.

Secondly, in terms of Libyan institutions, the Libyan Coast Guard is the main organization responsible for managing migration within the country. It is essential to note that the Coast Guard was created, and to this day remains funded by, European countries, with the aim of preventing further migrants from arriving on their shores. These countries have provided millions to the Libyan Coast Guard to date. With a lack of oversight however, there are many reports of mismanaged funds, corrupt guards, and extortion of the very people the group is meant to help. Some have advocated a complete upheaval of the Libyan Coast Guard. Those in favor of this policy will likely note the lack of resources and poor conditions within detention centers. As migration has been very common, especially with Europe as a destination, there are a number of other cases that can be used for inspiration when attempting to improve the Libyan refugee community. Those who oppose such policies are likely driven by a desire to prioritize ending conflict or addressing the internally displaced community first. Additionally, many countries have expressed a desire to keep migrants out, rather than accommodate them. Therefore, if there was a potential for such policies to end in increased migration it would likely face opposition. Political Perspectives on this Solution Issues dealing with migration are often especially divisive between liberals and conservatives. As mentioned earlier, conservatives often oppose high amounts of immigration and are less supportive of policies accommodating refugees or asylum seekers in large quantities. With this in mind, it is essential to find a balance that can appeal to both perspectives when crafting a reform. Furthermore, this issue goes beyond just US interests, and is largely rooted in the internal resources and interests of Libya and Europe. Expanded Affordable Housing in Cities The recent conflict in Libya has centered around the capital of Libya, Tripoli. Tripoli is the most populated region in the country, leading to the hundreds of thousands of internally displaced Affordable modular peoples. Even beyond those who have left their homes, many still housing created in Al reside in conflict zones and are actively attempting to relocate. One Khums, Libya. 29 way of addressing this is through expanding the amount of homes were created in affordable housing available in Libya’s other major cities, such as just 40 days, all with Benghazi or Tarhuna. The UNHCR expressed concerns about the the purpose of rising price of rentals and lack of sufficient properties in a 2020 increasing the report on Libya, placing affordable housing initiatives on the radar quantity of low rent for a number of stakeholders from the international community. homes. Those who support affordable housing will likely rely on the Karmod Europe harsh reality of the hundreds of thousands of internally displaced

peoples within Libya. Additionally, there are proven benefits of creating large amounts of affordable housing in post conflict regions that can be drawn from. Those who oppose, however, will likely cite the high costs associated with this intervention and its potentially short-term effects. And, once again, given the conflict that is still active, ensuring a safe environment for construction and sufficient oversight will likely remain a concern. Political Perspectives on this Solution This initiative is not particularly partisan; however as established, anything dealing with humanitarian aid can be divisive at times depending on costs and past involvement in the region. For affordable housing specifically, there have been a number of large international organizations who have expressed interest in the solution, therefore coordination among all parties must be a priority. Politically, funding the building of housing may be The World Bank unpopular on both sides of the aisle. has expressed Economic Programs interest in improving the In 2019, just a month prior to the start of the Western Libya Libyan economy Campaign, the World Bank announced their interest in supporting Libya’s economic recovery. Their plan was twofold, firstly, to aid the through improving new government in creating permanent mechanisms to properly government fund manage public funds and secondly, to develop the private sector management and and the financial sector. As we now know, conflict would reignite fully developing the shortly after this announcement, delaying the process. Due to the private and United States’ strong role in the World Bank, expressing interest in financial sector. restarting the execution of a series of economic programs may be influential.

Those who support increasing the number of economic programs, whether through the World Bank or another institution, will likely note the difficult situation Libya is in due to the oil blockade. One could argue, economic prosperity will be very beneficial in the effort to meet the basic needs of all Libyans. Given the uncertainty of the situation however, those opposing may see any economic investment prior to a ceasefire as too risky. Political Perspectives on this Solution Once again, dealing with humanitarian aid programs brings unique partisan concerns dependent on a number of relevant factors, such as the risks and benefits associated with intervening. One important concern that arises uniquely in this potential solution is the potential profit that may be gained through the recovery and growth of Libya’s economy. Oil in particular has been especially divisive throughout history as it is very valuable. As the main driver of Libya’s GDP, the complexities of aiding their economy will be largely tied to oil. A full understanding of the

stakeholders in Libya’s oil market will be necessary to effectively navigate this solution.

BUDGETARY CONSIDERATIONS

It is important to note that budgeting considerations must be done for both the United States and any external bodies

representatives aim to work with. Domestically speaking, for the Map of the word 2020-21 fiscal year the U.S. Department of State and the United colored by country States Agency for International Aid (USAID) have a combined contributions to the budget of 41 billion dollars. Such funds are utilized for foreign United Nations and its intervention and humanitarian aid, categories applicable to many of associated programs. the proposed solutions. In terms of external bodies, the US may Countries in green collaborate with, the United Nations allocates approximately 9 have paid their dues, billion per year for peacekeeping operations, however there is a countries in red have completely different budget for the UNHCR, UNSC, etc. Similarly, not, and countries in other international organizations, such as the World Bank, also orange paid late. manage billions every year, however, have segmented their funds Statista for different purposes. As such, once a solution is crafted, it is important to explore the multiple different avenues for funding there may be.

CONCLUSION

While the turmoil in Libya has endured for almost a decade, it is Above all, essential to utilize the knowledge of the conflict to better inform any representatives potential road to progress. Representatives must manage the needs must create policies of the internally displaced Libyans with the thousands of refugees with a deep residing in the country, many in inhumane detention centers. understanding of Additionally, the great need for humanitarian aid, both for displaced and non-displaced people, cannot be forgotten. With the their potential long history of the conflict and no clear roads to peace, managing moral, political, the needs of the civilians involved in the conflict must be a priority. and economic When crafting policy solutions for Libya, and any issue for that implications. matter, there is no one “right” answer. There are a number of different scenarios, some of which are provided in this briefing, that will provide a reasonable path to progress for the Libyan people. Above all, it is essential to approach any solution with the utmost respect and consideration for all relevant parties that may be impacted. Successful representatives will consider the larger implications of initiatives and be prepared to account for any potential ramifications. Overall, after a close reading of this briefing along with significant outside research, it will be up to each representative to determine which solution, or combination of solutions, will aid the Libyan people most effectively.

GUIDE TO FURTHER RESEARCH

Although this briefing offers a synopsis of the situation in Libya and possible routes to change, it is essential for representatives to expand their research further. The history of conflict within Libya is extremely complicated, therefore, to gain a full understanding of the situation it is essential to look into the role of oil, religion, language, tribes, international allies, and many other factors not discussed in depth in this briefing. Additionally, the situation in Libya is rapidly changing, therefore in the weeks, and even days, leading up to the conference it is essential to keep up to date on the new developments and interventions in the region. When doing research, adhere to reputable news sources such as The Washington Post or Politico. International conflict trackers, such as the one seen on The Council for Foreign Relation’s website, may be especially helpful for gaining an understanding of any recent developments in Libya. Overall, use this briefing as a launching pad– successful representatives will arrive at the conference with outside sources to better influence their policy decisions.

GLOSSARY

Arab Spring – a series of anti-government, pro-democracy protests that swept the Arab world beginning in December 2010.

Libyan Civil War – seven-month struggle to overthrow Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, ending in October 2011.

Second Libyan Civil War – (2014-present) civil war in Libya with the overall aims to reclaim democracy, counter active terrorist organizations, and create one centralized government.

Western Libya Campaign – (2019-present) advance of the Libyan National Army, led by General Khalifa Haftar, on the Western region of Libya to gain control of Tripoli, the Libyan capital.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

“2011 Libya Civil War Fast Facts.” CNN, Cable News Network, 3 Apr. 2020, www.cnn.com/2013/09/20/world/libya-civil-war- fast-facts/index.html.

Boduszynski, Miecyzslaw P, and Christopher A Lamont. “Analysis | Trump Changed U.S. Policy toward Libya. This Is Why It Matters.” The Washington Post, The Washington Post, 3 May 2019, www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/05/03/trump- changed-us-policy-towards-libya-this-is-why-it-matters/.

“Civil War in Libya | Global Conflict Tracker.” Council on Foreign Relations, Council on Foreign Relations, www.cfr.org/global- conflict-tracker/conflict/civil-war-libya.

Creta, Sara. “As War Drags on, Troubles Mount for Libya's Coast Guard and Migrant Detention Centres.” The New Humanitarian, 5 Mar. 2020, www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2020/02/26/Libya- migrants-refugees-Italy-EU-Europe-detention.

D’Agostino, Lorenzo. “Italy's Failed Migration Fix Has Led to Chaos in Libya.” Foreign Policy, 29 Jan. 2020, foreignpolicy.com/2020/01/29/italy-failed-migration-fix- capitano-ultimo-gentiloni-mogherini-chaos-libya/.

Ghani, Faras. “Nearly 1,000 Migrants 'Returned to Libya' This Year.” Libya News | Al Jazeera, Al Jazeera, 14 Jan. 2020, www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/01/1000-migrants-returned- libya-year-200114132748736.html.

Grinin, Leonid, et al. Islamism, Arab Spring, and the Future of Democracy World System and World Values Perspectives. Springer International Publishing, 2019.

“Haftar, Tribal Power, and the Battle for Libya.” War on the Rocks, 15 May 2020, warontherocks.com/2020/05/haftar-tribal- power-and-the-battle-for-libya/.

“How Libya Became the Gatekeeper of Africa's Migrant Crisis.” MSNBC, NBCUniversal News Group, 16 May 2016, www.msnbc.com/specials/migrant-crisis/libya.

“Libya.” Freedom House, freedomhouse.org/country/libya/freedom-world/2020.

“Libya: Disaster Assistance.” U.S. Agency for International Development, 6 Dec. 2019, www.usaid.gov/crisis/libya#:~:text=In%20fiscal%20year%20 2019%2C%20the,conflict%2Daffected%20populations%20thr oughout%20Libya.

“One Year of Destructive War in Libya, UNSMIL Renews Calls for Immediate Cessation of Hostilities and Unity to Combat COVID-19.” UNSMIL, 4 Apr. 2020, unsmil.unmissions.org/one-year-destructive-war-libya- unsmil-renews-calls-immediate-cessation-hostilities-and- unity-combat.

Raghavan, Sudarsan. “Carnage at Migrant Center in Libya Highlights Peril for Those Blocked from Europe.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 5 July 2019, www.washingtonpost.com/world/carnage-at-migrant-center- in-libya-highlights-peril-for-those-turned-back-by- europe/2019/07/05/05eaf1a8-9298-11e9-b72d- d56510fa753e_story.html.

“U.S. Foreign Policy Views by Political Party.” Pew Research Center - U.S. Politics & Policy, 30 May 2020, www.people- press.org/2018/11/29/conflicting-partisan-priorities-for-u-s- foreign-policy/.

United Nations. “QIPs.” UNHCR, www.unhcr.org/en- us/59f327d74.

“UN's Top Libya Envoy Ghassan Salame Opposes UN Troop Deployment.” Libya News | Al Jazeera, Al Jazeera, 21 Jan. 2020, www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/01/top-libya-envoy- ghassan-salame-opposes-troop-deployment- 200121134326291.html.

Wehrey, Frederic. “Why Libya's Transition to Democracy Failed.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 17 Feb. 2016, www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey- cage/wp/2016/02/17/why-libyas-transition-failed/.