LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS MONOGRAPH SERIES B FRONTIERS IN LINGUISTICS
Series Editor: William S-Y. Wang
Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica
2006-2-003-001-000087-1
LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS MONOGRAPH SERIES B FRONTIERS IN LINGUISTICS III Comparison of Languages in Contact: The Distillation Method and the Case of Bai by Wang Feng (汪 鋒)
Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica
知之為知之，不知為不知，是知也。 ────孔子《論語》
We can imagine that this complicated array of moving things which constitutes “the world” is something like a great chess game being played by the gods, and we are observers of the game. We do not know what the rules of the game are; all we are allowed to do is to watch the playing. Of course, if we watch long enough, we may eventually catch on to a few of the rules.
────R. P. Feynman 1963:2-1
Foreword
When Wang Feng came to Hong Kong to work with us, we had several discussions on what would be a suitable topic for his dissertation. We agreed that a fundamental question in the study of linguistic evolution and language relationships is the separation of the results of vertical transmission from those of horizontal transmission. The child must base the construction of his language on the incomplete and mixed samples provided by his environment. So each construction is as unique as the child, and the vertical transmission is never perfect.
At the same time, languages are constantly coming to contact with each other, and sounds, words and phrases are copied, or ‘borrowed’, from one language to another─in various degrees of code switching and mixing. The further back in time the copying took place, the more difficult it is to separate such horizontal results from the vertical ones. The learner of the language, be it child or adult, pays no attention to the pedigree of what has been copied, but will homogenize as much as possible for ease of learning. Yet, traditionally the family tree of languages must be grown on only vertical transmission, separating out the many stages of copying each language inevitably goes through.
Research on this fundamental question must proceed along two inter- dependent dimensions. Locally, we must select a group of languages to study in great detail, with the goal of reconstructing its past as accurately as possible. In the process of reconstruction, we aim to separate the copied items into various chronological strata, distinguished from the original inheritance. Globally, we hope that some of the procedures for separation will be of general validity, to become part of a theory of language evolution and applicable in any language group.
The Bai group of languages that Wang Feng selected is particularly interesting because its genetic position has been much debated in the literature. Some scholars place the group within Sinitic, as a dialect which
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diverged early from the main stock; others propose that Bai is Tibeto-Burman, though considerably Sinified due to extensive horizontal transmission. To make the empirical base secure for his historical reconstructions, Wang Feng made numerous trips to many parts of Yunnan for detailed field work. I have always believed that one should ‘live’ the language one is studying as much as possible. The reader of this monograph can feel comfortable that the author is drawing conclusions from reliable first-hand data.
At the same time, the author is conscientious in reviewing the scholarly literature of historical linguistics, and in building upon it in a cumulative fashion. In particular, he has developed further the concept of ranking basic vocabulary, as proposed by Chen Baoya of Peking University. As a result, the monograph is written from a global perspective that transcends the individual facts of Bai linguistics and Chinese linguistics, and approaches the question of vertical and horizontal transmission from a general theoretical viewpoint. To researchers involved with the question in any language area, the procedures of distillation the author outlines in this monograph are directly applicable.
It is therefore a great pleasure for me to see Wang Feng’s efforts over the years, fieldtrip after fieldtrip, chapter by chapter, finally come to fruition in the form of the present monograph. This work will not be the last word on that fundamental question which was the initial impetus─many more case histories need to be studied and compared, and many more theoretical possibilities need to be explored and verified.
As an example, the status of Sino-Tibetan as a monophyletic taxon is very much a controversial one at present. Is the traditional view tenable that Chinese traces all the way down to the root of a Sino-Tibetan family tree, and is coordinate with all the hundreds of Tibeto-Burman languages? Or, should the topology be quite different, with Chinese splitting off much later in the development of this family? How this taxonomic issue will eventually be resolved will probably affect how we understand its constituent languages.
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Nonetheless, at the present stage of our knowledge of Bai and Chinese, and their surrounding languages, I have no doubt that this monograph is an important and solid contribution to the fundamental question of language transmission. For this, Dr. Wang Feng deserves our hearty congratulations!
William S-Y. Wang August 2005
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Acknowledgements
This monograph is a modified version of my PhD thesis. I owe my supervisor Professor William S-Y. Wang a debt so great that all the words in this volume do not suffice to thank him. It was him who brought me to the rich data mines of Bai, and it was him who gave me the clear objectives of investigation that helped me navigate through the sea of confusion. His wisdom and insight have been as inspirational as his guidance and support have been essential. In fact, I have adopted as my motto his requirement to “work locally and think globally”.
While the City University of Hong Kong ensured my survival with three years of studentship, I would not have lasted that long if not for the advice and help from the following professors: Cheng Chin-chuan, Thomas H.-T. Lee, Chen Baoya, Wang Hongjun, Randy LaPolla, Gong Hwang- cherng, Ting Pang-hsin, Jackson T.-S. Sun, Laurent Sagart, George van Driem, Robert S. Bauer, Benjamin K.-Y. Tsou, Zhu Xiaonong, Eric Y.-Y. Zee, Zhengzhang Shangfang, Pan Wuyun and Godfrey Liu. For making visits to Yunnan possible, I am indebted to Professor Mu Jihong of Yunnan University and two local officials, Yang Xinqi and Li Jianglong. For providing all the logistics to make field trips memorable, I am grateful to Yang Haichao, Guo Jianbin, Wei Jiang, Liu Zhao and Li Hongjun. For their patience and generosity, I am deeply grateful to my language consultants and their families: Yang Guohong, He Jianhua, Zhang Yumei, Yang Jiquan, Li Qingmei, Li Jiayu, Wang Renlie, Zhao Jiarong, He Jianguan, Zhang Fenmei, Hua Sibo, Sang Yibo and Gao Zezhang.
Life would be seriously boring if not for a number of friends around the Language Engineering Laboratory. So evergreen shall be our friendship that years from now, I believe we can still claim that “the friendship is old, but the friends are young.” To exact vengeance for bringing him to the Great Wall when it was under -11°C, Tiu-Tiu-Foo Christophe painstakingly scrutinized every sentence of my thesis. Other affectionately annoying friends include Lian-Hee and Liang Yuan who hovered above my head
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with all kinds of counterarguments, saving me from many embarrassing mistakes. Nourishment has been supplemented by Liang Yuan’s delicious soups. Mahé’s elegance in her speech and thoughts are clearly the most incisive scalpels against lazy historical linguists. Joyce complemented Mahé’s anti-laziness arsenal with her many fantastic activities that kept me physically healthy. Zhao Tong and Sun Zhiyang opened the “WFD (abbrev. of Wang Feng Dissertation)” hotline several months ago so that I can reach them 24/7. My fellow “lab rats”, James Minett, Peng Gang, Ke Jinyun, Au Ching Pong, Charles Chen, Gong Tao, Marco Caboara and Zheng Hongying gave me all the support that would almost par familial ties.
Without Professor Chen Baoya of Peking University, I would never have pursued linguistics. Without the unselfish love from Liu Yan, I would never have known that even adversities can be overcome by sweetness. Without my family, I would never have been.
My friends made efforts to polish this monograph. They are Rachel Jolly, Bian Weizhen, James W. Minett, Marco Caboara and Sheng Xiaoming. Their kind help is appreciated. I also thank Professor Dah-an Ho and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments. I would also like to thank Joyce Chun-yu Kuo for her help in editing this monograph.
P.S. Professor Chen Baoya led Yang Haichao and me to Mazhelong to check the data on this dialect in the summer of 2005. I am grateful for Professor Chen’s instruction and Yang Haichao’s companionship.
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Abstract
This study proposes the Distillation Method for the comparative studies on languages in contact. This method is applied to the Bai language, which comes under heavy contact with Chinese. The distillation method consists of the following steps: (i) Intra-comparison; (ii) Inter-comparison; and (iii) Recognition. The intra-comparison may exclude later borrowings and recent innovatios in the Bai dialects after their separation from Proto-Bai. The second step, inter-comparison is used to exclude some early borrowings before Proto-Bai. Therefore, the data on the genetic transmission of the Bai language may be made cleaner. In the recognition part, the Inexplicability Principle and the Rank Theory can be made use to recognize the inheritance status of the lexical items in the cleaner data.
Intra-comparison uses the first-hand data from nine different Bai dialects to reconstruct a Proto-Bai system, including the phonological system, some morphosyntactic structures and some basic words. In principle, Proto-Bai contains only the elements of the Bai dialects inherited from their common ancestor. Nineteen innovations, including phonological innovations, semantic innovations and lexical replacements are selected as criteria for subgrouping the nine modern Bai dialects. Two phylogenetic algorithms, PAUP and PENNY, are used to generate the tree for the nine Bai dialects based on the nineteen characters. This work proposes a subgroup structure for the Bai dialects─Western Bai vs. Eastern Bai.
Inter-comparison mainly stratifies the Sino-Bai related words thus allowing the exclusion of borrowed layers in Proto-Bai from Chinese. The rest of the Sino-Bai related words after this distillation are accumulated as the “oldest” layer, which represents the cleaner data.
Two ways, namely, the Inexplicability Principle and Chen’s (1996) Rank Theory are then used to recognize the refined Sino-Bai related words as cognates rather than borrowings.
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Table of Contents
Foreword ...... i Acknowledgements...... v Abstract...... vii Abbreviations...... xi List of Figures...... xiii List of Tables ...... xv
1. Language Contact and Language Comparison...... 1 1.1 The Distillation Method ...... 1 1.2 The Case of Bai ...... 2 1.3 Goals and Methodologies...... 3 1.3.1 Intra-comparison...... 4 1.3.2 Inter-comparison...... 18 1.3.3 Recognition ...... 27 1.4 The Distillation Method and Other Methods in Historical Linguistics...... 29
2. Intra-comparison...... 31 2.1 Modern Bai Dialects ...... 31 2.2 Reconstruction of Proto-Bai ...... 44 2.2.1 Phonological Reconstruction...... 44 2.2.2 Morphosyntactic Reconstruction ...... 80 2.2.3 Reconstruction of Basic Words...... 106 2.3 Subgrouping ...... 115
3. Inter-comparison...... 125 3.1 Inter-comparison between Bai and Chinese...... 125 3.2 Sino-Bai Related Words in the Oldest Layer...... 126 3.2.1 Correspondences of Tones in the Oldest Layer...... 126 3.2.2 Correspondences of Initials in the Oldest Layer...... 128 3.2.3 Correspondences of Finals in the Oldest Layer...... 145
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4. Recognition...... 165 4.1 Implementation of the Inexplicability Principle...... 165 4.2 Implementation of the Rank Theory...... 171 4.3 Reinterpretation of the Sino-Bai Hypothesis ...... 172
5. Concluding Remarks ...... 175
Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai...... 179 Appendix 2: Sino-Bai Related Words ...... 205 Appendix 3: Layers of Sino-Bai Related Words within Swadesh 200 Basic Words...... 213 References...... 219
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Abbreviations
Clas. 量詞 Classifier Demo. 指示 Demonstrative DS 大石白語 Dashi Bai EG 俄嘎白語 Ega Bai EPB 早期古白語 Early Proto-Bai EQ 恩棋白語 Enqi Bai GX 共興白語 Gongxing Bai JM 金滿白語 Jinman Bai JX 金星白語 Jinxing Bai MC 中古漢語 Middle Chinese MN 定中結構 Modifier + Noun MZL 馬者龍白語 Mazhelong Bai Neg 否定標記 Negative marker NNum 數量結構 Noun + Numeral + Classifier OC 上古漢語 Old Chinese OV 賓動結構 Object + Verb PAUP Phylogenetic Analysis Using Parsimony. cf. Swofford (1993) PB 古白語 Proto-Bai PENNY A parsimony algorithm, cf. Felsenstein, J. 1986- 1993 PL 古彝語 Proto-Loloish P. P. 人稱代詞 Personal Pronoun Pron. 代詞 Pronoun PST 原始漢藏語 Proto-Sino-Tibetan RelN 關係句 Relative + Noun Res. 敬稱 Respectful address ST 漢藏語 Sino-Tibetan SVO 主動賓 Subject + Verb + Object
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SWM 西南官話 South-western Mandarin TB 藏緬語 Tibeto-Burman TL 妥洛白語 Tuoluo Bai WT 藏文 Written Tibetan XS 西山白語 Xishan Bai ZC 周城白語 Zhoucheng Bai <> 對應 corresponding to Æ 演變為 change into > 演變為 change into (only for two states of a cognate)
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List of Figures
Figure 1: Semantic innovation according to Wilkins (1996) ...... 13 Figure 2: Internal transmission ...... 17 Figure 3: External transmission ...... 17 Figure 4: Systematic match between Language A and Language B at T1 .....23 Figure 5: Systematic match between Language A and Language B at T2 .....24 Figure 6: The nine Bai dialects ...... 31 Figure 7: The most parsimonious tree for Bai dialects, Camin-Sokal algorithm, 19 characters ...... 117 Figure 8: The two most parsimonious trees for the 9 Bai dialects, 19 characters...... 118 Figure 9: The consensus of the two equal parsimonious trees by PAUP, 19 characters...... 119 Figure 10: Majority-rule consensus of bootstrap trees (1000 replicates), 19 characters ...... 120 Figure 11: The tree topology for the 9 Bai dialects...... 121 Figure 12: Consensus tree for Bai based on the two bootstrapped trees with innovations plotted on the tree ...... 121 Figure 13: Subgrouping and the distribution of the nine modern Bai dialects...... 123 Figure 14: The Sino-Bodic hypothesis...... 173
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List of Tables
Table 1: Tone correspondences of new and old Chinese loanwords in Zhuang dialects ...... 10 Table 2: Tone correspondences between Beijing Mandarin and Chengdu SWM ...... 10 Table 3: The tone match between Dai and Chinese in Dehong ...... 11 Table 4: The diffusion of a semantic innovation...... 13 Table 5: The diffusion of a borrowing...... 13 Table 6: Selected similarities between languages and genetic systems...... 16 Table 7: Bidirectional diffusion of different layers of 琵琶 in Bai...... 20 Table 8: Examples of the Complementarity Constraint...... 22 Table 9: Summary of tone and initial type correspondences in the M(andarin) layers of Hani...... 25 Table 10: The syllable structure of the Bai language ...... 32 Table 11: The tonal system of TL...... 33 Table 12: The tonal system of GX...... 35 Table 13: The tonal system of EQ ...... 36 Table 14: The tonal alternation of personal pronouns in EQ ...... 36 Table 15: The tonal alternation of demonstrative pronouns in EQ...... 36 Table 16: Examples of tonal alternation in EQ...... 37 Table 17: The tonal system of EG ...... 38 Table 18: The tonal system of JM...... 39 Table 19: The tonal system of JX ...... 40 Table 20: The tonal system of DS...... 42 Table 21: The tonal system of ZC...... 43 Table 22: The tonal system of MZL...... 44 Table 23: Tonal evolution of Bai proposed by Wu (2000)...... 44 Table 24: A preliminary reconstruction of tonal system in Bai ...... 45 Table 25: Reflexes of tone *1a in Bai dialects ...... 46 Table 26: Some examples for the split of tone *1a ...... 46 Table 27: The change of tone *1a under the condition of /x/ initial...... 47
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Table 28: The changes of tone *1a under the condition of /s/, /./ and // initials ...... 47 Table 29: Reflexes of tone *1b in Bai dialects ...... 48 Table 30: Examples of tone *1a with vs. initials in Bai dialects ...... 48 Table 31: Examples of tone *1b with vs. initials in Bai dialects...... 49 Table 32: Variants of “fur” in Bai...... 49 Table 33: Lexical diffusion of the change from tone *1a to tone *1b ...... 50 Table 34: The origin of vs. words with tone *1a ...... 51 Table 35: The Chinese origin of vs. words with the tone *1b ...... 51 Table 36: The change of the tone *4 in Bai dialects...... 52 Table 37: Changes of the tone *4a in Bai dialects...... 53 Table 38: Changes of the tone *4b in Bai dialects ...... 54 Table 39: Sound correspondences for the tone *5 in Bai dialects...... 54 Table 40: The correspondences between the tone *3 of Bai and MC qusheng ...... 55 Table 41: The correspondences between the tone *4 of Bai and MC qusheng ...... 55 Table 42: The tonal system of Proto-Bai...... 56 Table 43: Tone changes in Bai dialects...... 57 Table 44: Cover symbols ...... 58 Table 45: *P- of Proto-Bai ...... 58 Table 46: *Pr- of Proto-Bai...... 59 Table 47: *Pr- in Bai dialects ...... 60 Table 48: ‘Change’ in Bai dialects ...... 62 Table 49: *pran5 ‘change’ of Proto-Bai corresponding to Chinese...... 62 Table 50: *Pj- of Proto-Bai ...... 62 Table 51: *Pj- in Bai dialects ...... 63 Table 52: *T- of Proto-Bai ...... 64 Table 53: *Tr- of Proto-Bai...... 65 Table 54: *Tj- of Proto-Bai...... 66 Table 55: *Ts- of Proto-Bai ...... 67 Table 56: *Tsr- of Proto-Bai...... 67 Table 57: *sr- initials in Bai dialects...... 69 Table 58: *Tsj- of Proto-Bai...... 69 Table 59: *K- of Proto-Bai...... 70
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Table 60: *Kr- of Proto-Bai...... 70 Table 61: *Q- of Proto-Bai...... 71 Table 62: Laryngeals of Proto-Bai...... 72 Table 63: *T- of Proto-Bai...... 72 Table 64: Initials changes from Proto-Bai to modern Bai dialects ...... 74 Table 65: Finals with *-a of Proto-Bai...... 74 Table 66: Finals with *-æ of Proto-Bai...... 75 Table 67: Finals with *- of Proto-Bai...... 76 Table 68: Finals with *-e of Proto-Bai...... 76 Table 69: Finals with *-i of Proto-Bai...... 77 Table 70: Finals with *- of Proto-Bai ...... 77 Table 71: Finals with *-u of Proto-Bai...... 78 Table 72: Finals with *-o of Proto-Bai...... 79 Table 73: Final *- of Proto-Bai...... 79 Table 74: Vowel changes from Proto-Bai to modern dialects...... 80 Table 75: Early patterns of personal pronouns in several Hakka dialects ...... 81 Table 76: Examples of levelling in some Hakka dialects ...... 81 st nd Table 77: Levelling to 1 and 2 person singular in some Hakka dialects....81 Table 78: The earlier analytic forms for plurals in some Min dialects...... 82 Table 79: Contraction of plurals of personal pronouns in Zhangzhou Min ...82 Table 80: A contraction of Genitive P. P. in Liancheng Hakka...... 83 Table 81: The personal pronoun system in Wuhua Hakka...... 83 Table 82: The personal pronouns in TL...... 84 Table 83: The personal pronouns in GX...... 84 Table 84: The personal pronouns in EQ ...... 85 Table 85: The personal pronouns in EG ...... 85 Table 86: The personal pronouns in JM...... 85 Table 87: The personal pronouns in JX ...... 86 Table 88: The personal pronouns in DS...... 86 Table 89: The personal pronouns in ZC...... 86 Table 90: The personal pronouns in MZL...... 87 Table 91: The personal pronouns in XS...... 87 st nd Table 92: 1 and 2 singulars in the MZL dialect ...... 88 st nd Table 93: 1 and 2 singulars in Proto-Bai...... 88 st nd Table 94: Levelling of 1 and 2 singulars in some Bai dialects ...... 88
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Table 95: The current pattern of 1st and 2nd singular in TL, EQ, JX, DS and ZC...... 89 st nd Table 96: The current pattern of 1 and 2 singular in GX...... 89 st nd Table 97: 1 and 2 singular genitive forms in MZL ...... 89 st nd Table 98: 1 and 2 singular genitive forms in GX ...... 89 Table 99: Subjective, Objective and Genitive 1st and 2nd Singular P. P. in Proto-Bai...... 90 st nd Table 100: The pattern for 1 and 2 singular in the Bai dialects...... 91 st nd Table 101: The 1 and 2 singular in XS ...... 91 Table 102: Type I of derivational pattern of 1st and 2nd P. P. in TL, EQ, EG and JM...... 92 Table 103: Type II of derivational pattern of 1st and 2nd P. P. in JX, DS, ZC, MZL and XS ...... 92 st nd Table 104: The 1 and 2 singulars and plurals of GX...... 92 rd Table 105: The five types of initials of 3 P. P. of the Bai dialects ...... 93 Table 106: The distant demonstratives and their identical 3rd P. P. in TL, EQ, JX and ZC ...... 93 Table 107: qi2 其 in MC...... 94 Table 108: The competition of subjective and genitive forms of P. P. in EG ...... 95 Table 109: The competition of subjective and genitive forms of P. P. in JM ...... 95 Table 110: Some tone sandhi in the subjective P. P. followed by some adverbs in EQ ...... 96 Table 111: Three kinds of patterns for the inclusive sense of 1st plural in the Bai dialects ...... 96 Table 112: The reflexes of ‘this’, ‘here’, ‘that’ and ‘there’ in the Bai dialects...... 98 Table 113: The earlier reflexes of near and far Dem. Pron. in the Bai dialects...... 99 Table 114: Two parallel examples, ‘far Dem. Pron.’ and ‘carry’...... 99 Table 115: The reflexes of ‘who’, ‘what’, ‘where’, ‘how’ and ‘how many’ in the Bai dialects...... 100 Table 116: The constructions for the ‘what’ question in the Bai dialects ....100 Table 117: The constructions for the ‘where’ question in the Bai dialects ..101
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Table 118: The constructions for the ‘who’ question in the Bai dialects...... 101 Table 119: Three patterns for the ‘how’ question in the Bai dialects ...... 101 Table 120: Two patterns for the ‘how many’ question in the Bai dialects...102 Table 121: Reflexes of ‘have’ and ‘do not have’ in the Bai dialects...... 103 Table 122: Different negation patterns in the Bai dialects...... 104 Table 123: Reflexes of ‘rain’ in the Bai dialects...... 106 Table 124: Reflexes of ‘mountain’ in the Bai dialects...... 107 Table 125: Reflexes of ‘hair’, ‘hair of head’ and ‘horse mane’ in the Bai dialects...... 108 Table 126: Reflexes of ‘hair of human’s head’ in some Chinese dialects....109 Table 127: Reflexes of ‘eye’ in the Bai dialects...... 109 Table 128: Reflexes of ‘tears’ in the Bai dialects...... 109 Table 129: Reflexes of ‘nose’ in the Bai dialects ...... 110 Table 130: Reflexes of ‘breasts’ in the Bai dialects...... 110 Table 131: Reflexes of ‘belly’ in the Bai dialects...... 111 Table 132: Reflexes of ‘tail’ in the Bai dialects...... 112 Table 133: Reflexes of ‘root’ in the Bai dialects ...... 112 Table 134: Reflexes of ‘red’ in the Bai dialects...... 112 Table 135: Reflexes of ‘green’ in the Bai dialects ...... 113 Table 136: Reflexes of ‘good’ in the Bai dialects...... 113 Table 137: Reflexes of ‘cold’ in the Bai dialects...... 114 Table 138: Reflexes of ‘burn’ in the Bai dialects ...... 114 Table 139: Reflexes of ‘watch, look’ in the Bai dialects...... 114 Table 140: Reflexes of ‘walk’ in the Bai dialects...... 115 Table 141: The 19 characters for subgrouping Bai dialects ...... 116 Table 142: Correspondences of tones in the oldest layer of Sino-Bai related words ...... 126 Table 143: Later borrowings in PB corresponding to Chinese pingsheng...127 Table 144: Later borrowings in PB corresponding to Chinese shangsheng...... 127 Table 145: Later borrowings in PB corresponding to Chinese qusheng ....128 Table 146: Later borrowings in PB corresponding to Chinese rusheng.....128 Table 147: Summary of representations of labials P- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 129
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Table 148: The representation of labial p- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 129 Table 149: The representation of labial p- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 130 Table 150: The representation of labial b- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 130 Table 151: The representation of labial m- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 131 Table 152: Summary of representations of dentals T- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 131 Table 153: The representation of dental t- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 131 Table 154: The representation of dental t- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 132 Table 155: The representations of dental d- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 132 Table 156: The representation of dental n- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 132 Table 157: Summary of representations of lateral l- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 133 Table 158: The representations of lateral l- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 133 Table 159: Summary of representations of retroflex stops Tr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 134 Table 160: The representations of retroflex stop tr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 134 Table 161: The representations of retroflex stop tr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 134 Table 162: The representations of retroflex stop dr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 135 Table 163: Summary of representations of dental sibilants Ts- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 135 Table 164: The representation of dental sibilant ts- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 136
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Table 165: The representations of dental sibilant ts- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 136 Table 166: The representation of dental sibilant dz- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 136 Table 167: The representations of dental sibilant s- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 137 Table 168: Representations of dental sibilant zj- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 137 Table 169: Summary of representations of retroflex sibilant Tsr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 137 Table 170: The representations of retroflex sibilant tr-, tr- and dr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 138 Table 171: The representations of retroflex sibilant sr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 139 Table 172: Summary of representations of palatals Tsy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 139 Table 173: The representations of palatal tsy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 140 Table 174: The representations of palatal tsy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 140 Table 175: The representations of palatal dzy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 140 Table 176: The representations of palatal zy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 141 Table 177: The representations of palatal ny- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 141 Table 178: The representations of palatal y- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 141 Table 179: Summary of representations of velars K- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 141 Table 180: The representations of velar k- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 142 Table 181: The representations of velar k- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 142
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Table 182: The representations of velar g- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 143 Table 183: The representations of velar - of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB...... 143 Table 184: Summary of representations of laryngeals of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 144 Table 185: The representations of laryngeal - of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 144 Table 186: The representations of laryngeal x- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 144 Table 187: The representations of laryngeal h- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 145 Table 188: The representations of rhyme Zhi 之 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 146 Table 189: The representations of rhyme Zhi 職 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 147 Table 190: The representations of rhyme Zheng 蒸 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 147 Table 191: The representations of rhyme You 幽 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 148 Table 192: The representations of rhyme Jue 覺 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 148 Table 193: The representations of rhyme Dong 冬 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 149 Table 194: The representations of rhyme Xiao 宵 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 149 Table 195: The representations of rhyme Yao 藥 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 150 Table 196: The representations of rhyme Hou 侯 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 150 Table 197: The representations of rhym Wu 屋 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 150 Table 198: The representations of rhyme Dong 東 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 151
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Table 199: The representations of rhyme Yu 魚 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 152 Table 200: The representations of rhyme Duo 鐸 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 153 Table 201: The representations of rhyme Yang 陽 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 154 Table 202: The representations of rhyme Zhi 支 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 155 Table 203: The representations of rhyme Xi 錫 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 155 Table 204: The representations of rhyme Geng 耕 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 156 Table 205: The representations of rhyme Zhi 脂 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 156 Table 206: The representations of rhyme Zhi 質 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 157 Table 207: The representations of rhyme Zhen 真 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 157 Table 208: The representations of rhyme Wei 微 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 158 Table 209: The representations of rhyme Wu 物 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 158 Table 210: The representations of rhyme Wen 文 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 158 Table 211: The representations of rhyme Ge 歌 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 159 Table 212: The representations of rhyme Yu 月(1) of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 160 Table 213: The representations of rhyme Yu 月(2) of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 160 Table 214: The representations of rhyme Yuan 元 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 161 Table 215: The representations of rhyme Ji 緝 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 161
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Table 216: The representations of rhyme Qin 侵 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 162 Table 217: The representations of rhyme Ye 葉 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 162 Table 218: The representations of rhyme Tan 談 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB ...... 162 Table 219: Summary of representations of the 30 Chinese rhymes in the oldest layer in PB ...... 163 Table 220: Examples of the correspondence, PB K- <> OC *r- (> MC l-) ...... 165 Table 221: Examples of the correspondence, PB s- <> OC *s- (> MC s-)...... 167 Table 222: Examples of the correspondence, PB Tr- <> OC *Tr- (> MC Tsy-) ...... 168 Table 223: The development of **Trj- in Chinese and Bai...... 168 Table 224: The development of **dl-, **d-l- and **l- in Chinese and Bai ...... 169 Table 225: Xiesheng examples for the development of **dl-, **d-l- and **l in Chinese...... 169 Table 226: The development of *sl- in Chinese and Bai...... 169 Table 227: Xiesheng examples for the development of *sl- in Chinese.....170 Table 228: Examples of the correspondence, PB (P)r- <> OC *-j- (> MC -ji-)...... 170 Table 229: The distribution of Sino-Bai related words in the oldest layer in the two ranks...... 171 Table 230: The definition of the three ranks...... 172 Table 231: The distribution of Sino-Bai related words in the oldest layer in the three ranks...... 172
xxiv
1. Language Contact and Language Comparison 1.1 The Distillation Method
A central problem in historical linguistics lies in distinguishing two modes of transmission─horizontal and vertical. “Features from the ancestral language have come down to us via vertical transmission, while features due to contact with other languages come via horizontal transmission” (Wang 1999:250-251, cf. Cavalli-Sforza & Feldman 1981). Only the features deriving from vertical transmission convey the information relevant to establishing genetic relationships between languages. If the two sets of features in a language are confused, the genetic lineage of the language will be obscured. For this reason, it is important to detect the features from horizontal transmission as early as possible in a comparative work. In this monograph, the Distillation Method is therefore proposed as an effective means to exclude elements from horizontal transmission, conse- quently obtaining reliable genetic evidence from vertical transmission on the basis of language comparisons. This method is defined as follows:
The Distillation Method
Definition: The Distillation Method consists of the following steps: (i) Intra-comparison; (ii) Inter-comparison; and (iii) Recognition.
Definitions of the terms (i)-(ii): (i) By Intra-comparison we mean the detection of corresponding lexical items across dialects of a language with which the proto-form of that language may be constructed. (ii) By Inter-comparison we mean the detection of a set of corresponding lexical items across proto-languages subject to the Complementarity Constraint, with which the core of that language may be identified.
By Complementarity Constraint we mean the elimination of any
2／Comparison of Languages in Contact multiple correspondences exhibiting complementary distribution.
(iii) By Recognition we mean the implementation of the Inexplicability Principle and Chen’s (1996) Rank Theory to evaluate the inheritance status of the remaining lexical items as the distillate of two times of distillation (namely, related words at the oldest layer). (iiia) By Inexplicability Principle we mean the inability to describe a recipient language in terms of the phonological system of the donor language. The inexplicable elements by borrowing are considered to be inherited from the ancestor language. (iiib) Rank Theory─If the ratio of corresponding lexical items at the oldest layer in the first 100 basic words of Swadesh’s list (High Rank) is higher than that in the second 100 of Swadesh’s list (Low Rank), it suggests the inheritance of these words (cf. Chen 1996).
The steps as outlined above must follow this order strictly; otherwise the distillation will not be effective and may result in erroneous eradication of lexical items from the oldest layer as well as wrong inclusion of borrowed or innovative items. In §1.3, methodologies involved in the Distillation Method will be discussed in detail.
1.2 The Case of Bai
The Bai language is a challenge to the comparative method, whose target is to clarify language relationship along vertical transmission. The Bai language is mainly spoken by the Bai people in the Yunnan province. However, quite a few other ethnic groups (such as Lisu, Yi and Naxi, etc) who live together with the Bai people also speak this language. Likewise, some Bai people also speak the languages of these groups. For a long time, the Bai people have been influenced by the Han culture. Most of them can speak Chinese quite well, often a Southwestern Mandarin dialect. With so many forces at work, it comes with little surprise that the Bai language has developed a “mixed” appearance, which has attracted much attention since a century ago. Many different classifications of the Bai language and speculations on its formation have been proposed, and there remain
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／3 controversies up to now. We refer to Wang (2005) for a review on these previous studies. The distillation method proposed in §1.1 can apply to the Bai language to uncover its complex evolution. The first step of the distillation method (intra-comparison) attempts to find out the vertical transmission from Proto-Bai to modern Bai dialects. This kind of work has been well defined in historical linguistics (Campbell 1998). Two tasks are included: 1. reconstruction of Proto-Bai, 2. subgrouping Bai dialects. According to the distillation method, the second step appealed to the Bai language is to refine Proto-Bai through inter-comparison, which means that a further comparison of the Bai language with the Sino-Tibetan (ST) languages which played a role on the evolution of the Bai language. Through inter-comparison, we aim to figure out which features come from inheritance and which from horizontal transmission at an earlier time depth. In the Bai language, borrowings from Chinese construct multiple levels of strict sound correspondences, so it becomes necessary to detect different layers of Sino-Bai related words in Bai (cf. §1.3.2). Based on clues from the diachrony of sound changes, some later layers can be excluded to refine the Sino-Bai related words. Through the inexplicability principle (iiia) and rank theory (iiib) we can recognize if the refined Sino-Bai related words presented in the reconstruction of Proto-Bai are due to inheritance from a common ancestor or to borrowing from Chinese. So, the “puzzle” of the Bai language may be solved.
1.3 Goals and Methodologies
The method that this work advocates is the Distillation Method, which is the compound employment of (i) intra-comparison and (ii) inter-comparisons plus (iii) recognition. Intra-comparison is the preamble to retracing the evolution of modern Bai dialects, which requires subgrouping. Subsequently, Proto-Bai (PB) will be used for inter-comparison with other Sino-Tibetan (ST) languages, particularly Chinese, with the aim to detect its possible genetic lineage by means of two methods─inexplicability principle and rank theory.
4／Comparison of Languages in Contact
1.3.1 Intra-comparison 1.3.1.1 Reconstruction 1.3.1.1.1 Define related words
Reconstruction is achieved through the comparative method based on sound correspondences between daughter languages or dialects. Pairs of words which exhibit sound correspondences are called related words. Chen (1996:201-216) suggests that the definition of sound correspondences should rely on probabilistic calculations. On the basis of statistical arguments, the following formula is proposed for searching related words, see Chen (1996:216-228 for details):
n · p ≤ 0.1
Where “n” is the size of the word sample under searching, and “p” is the probability of the particular phonological correspondences between the pairs of words under evaluation, and 0.1 is the threshold of significance. For instance, a pair of words between PB and Middle Chinese (MC) is found to be corresponding:
Gloss PB MC1 ‘long’ dro1 drj1b ‘intestine, guts’ dro1 drj1b
Here we just have two sets of words from PB and MC corresponding
1 Here I adopt the reconstruction of MC system in Baxter (1992), but pingsheng (level tone), shangsheng (rising tone) and qusheng (departing tone) are marked as 1, 2 and 3 respectively. Rusheng (entering tone) is marked by -p, -t or -k ending or marked as 4. “a” or “b” is to indicate the tone register yin or yang respectively. For convenience, I will not use “*” to mark the reconstruction of MC. OC reconstructions are given in the system of Li Fang-Kuei’ (Li 1971), marked with a star, and some revisions are made following Gong (1989, 1991). Note that single digit indicates tone category, while double digit marks tone value through this monograph.
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／5 across all elements of the syllables. A syllable in PB or MC consists of three parts, namely, final, initial and tone. The phonological inventories of PB and MC are counted as below:
Initial Final Tone PB 60 24 4 MC 37 142 4
Therefore, the probability of above correspondence is:
P = (1/60 · 37) · (1/24 · 142) · (4 · 4) = 1/121, 052, 160
Suppose the sample size (n) is 2,000 words, then the number of expected examples for random correspondence on a particular phonological category can be obtained by the formula, n · p = 2,000 · (1/121, 052, 160). The result is far less than 0.1 (the threshold of significance). Therefore, one can determine the two sets of words, ‘long’ and ‘intestine, guts’ in PB and MC are related words, not just random correspondences. Such a kind of correspondence is called overall correspondence (完 全對應) in Chen (1996, 1999a). Words from two languages that exhibit overall correspondence are almost undoubtedly related. In other situations, one can also use the formula to judge whether there are enough examples for the identification of related words. In the alignment of related words, semantic correspondences are harder to uncover than phonological ones. This is mainly due to the fact that while we have good confidence in laws of phonological change, we do not have a reliable set of laws of semantic change. As Hock (1991:308) states, “semantic change is ‘fuzzy’, highly irregular, and extremely difficult to predict”. Here I will give some examples in Chinese: changes like tang1 湯2 ‘hot water’ Æ ‘soup’, yan3 眼 ‘eyeball’ Æ ‘eye’, chou4 臭 ‘smell’ Æ ‘stinking smell’ have occurred from Old Chinese to Mandarin. On the basis of comparative work on Tibeto-Burman, Matisoff (1978) argues that it is unrealistic to insist on semantic identity among daughter forms of every
2 Pinyin of the Chinese character is given before it.
6／Comparison of Languages in Contact proto-form, because the representations of a proto-word in modern dialects or daughter languages often change their meanings. For this reason, Matisoff (1978) (following Benedict 1939) claims that a pair of putative cognates which corresponds phonologically but not semantically is a better match than a pair of forms with semantic equation but with irregular phonological correspondence. In other words, phonological correspondence prevails over semantic equation. With similar awareness, Chen (1999a) takes a restrictive resolution that semantic associations should be documented by attestable evidence from the literature or from archeology. Along this line, Chen doubts, for example, the connection between Chinese tu1 lou2 髑髏 [*duk-lug] ‘skull’ and Tai *dl/r-D1L ‘bone’ proposed in Li (1976:235) because the semantic change between ‘skull’ and ‘bone’ has not been attested in documents. For richly documented languages such as Chinese, it is acceptable to follow this resolution, but in the case of languages which lack documents, the comparativists still need some objective criteria to judge the reliability of hypothetical semantic changes. Natural tendencies of semantic changes may serve this requirement. As Wilkins (1996:266) says, “We must identify cross-linguistically regular tendencies of semantic association, where they exist, and then use these natural tendencies to justify and/or to search for plausible cognates”. Based on data from several language families, he defines a set of “universal patterns” of semantic association which can be used as objective criteria for positing semantic correspondences. For example, the changes from the visible body parts to the visible whole (e.g. ‘navel’ Æ ‘belly’ Æ ‘trunk’ Æ ‘body’ Æ ‘person’) and from ‘something smallish plus roundish’ to ‘testicle’ can be attested in several language families, and therefore suggest natural tendencies. This methodology can be extended to the case of Bai dialects. As discussed in Wang (2005), in the Tuoluo Bai the corresponding form to the word ‘egg’ in other Bai dialects is sen21, but its meaning today is ‘testicle’. Since there is no literature recording the change in Bai between ‘egg’ and ‘testicle’, according to the strict principle proposed by Chen (1999a), this alignment is dubious. However, the semantic change from ‘egg’ to ‘testicle’ fits the “natural tendency” principle proposed by Wilkins (1996) (‘something smallish plus roundish’ Æ ‘testicle’, see above), and it seems safe to set up this alignment. Coming back to Chen’s doubt on the connection between
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／7
Chinese tu1 lou2 髑髏 ‘skull’ and Tai ‘bone’, whether it is valid depends on whether a natural tendency, ‘skull’ Æ ‘bone’ can be detected in some other language families. If it is detected, the connection is trustworthy even though there is no solid literature or archeological evidence available.
1.3.1.1.2 Reconstruct a proto-form
Once related words are defined, their phonological correspondences should be significantly different from what would be expected by chance resemblance only (Chen 1996). It has been demonstrated that borrowing can also result in systematic correspondence (cf. Wang 1996a, see also §3.2). Therefore, though sound correspondences may filter out chance resemblance, it is only a necessary condition for a true cognate, but it is not sufficient. Related words may be either borrowings or true cognates. In the history of Bai, there is no such prestige dialect as Mandarin Chinese among Chinese dialects, and the Bai people often use a Chinese variety as the intermediate language when they cannot communicate directly via their own Bai dialects. The internal borrowing among Bai dialects is rare. Therefore, the related words detected across Bai dialects are generally posited as cognates inherited from PB. If related words are posited to have been inherited from PB, one may propose a reconstruction of the ancestral form in PB and explain how the set of correspondences observed in the actual dialects are derived. In the literature relevant to historical reconstruction, there are two opposite views of what the hypothesized ancestral form account for. To realists, it indeed represents a linguistic reality, and thus reflects historical events. To formalists, however, they are only an abstraction summarizing correspondences, with no necessary reality in the history of the proto-language. However, these two positions are not necessarily mutually exclusive (Fox 1995). With the progress of knowledge in language change and language typology, the dominant view among historical linguists is to take the formalist view as a baseline to approach the real proto-system. Two assumptions made in Baxter (1992) fit this trend, and they will be followed in my reconstruction of Proto-Bai. They are:
8／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Assumption 1: A reconstructed language should be a natural synchronic system from which known later stages can be derived by natural diachronic process. Assumption 2: Since many hypotheses may be consistent with our knowledge at any given time, it is best to check first those hypotheses that are typologically least unusual.
1.3.1.1.3 Variant roots of a lexeme
If the reflexes of a lexeme in all Bai dialects come from the same root, it is not hard to reconstruct the proto-form of this root. However, due to semantic change or later borrowings in dialects after their separation, several different roots of a lexeme may appear. One needs to identify which root is the retention from PB. Otherwise, this kind of data cannot be used in reconstruction.
Semantic change
Three kinds of general mechanisms─broadening, narrowing and shift ─may be found in Bai dialects.
Broadening:
Proto-Bai: *sren1 ‘snow mountain’ > TL Bai: ien55 ‘mountain’, cf. §2.2.3.2;
Proto-Bai: *gæ1 ‘cold (for weather, feeling)’ > GX Bai: ga12 ‘cold’, cf. §2.2.3.13;
Narrowing:
Proto-Bai: *a4 ‘long hair’ > DS Bai: ia44 ‘human’s head hair’, cf. §2.2.3.3;
Shift: Proto-Bai: *sen5 ‘egg’ > TL Bai: sen21 ‘testicle’, cf. Wang (2005).
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／9
Later borrowing
Borrowings into Bai dialects after their split from the proto-language should not be reconstructed into Proto-Bai. Fortunately, they can often be detected. After the separation, dialects will not keep a single uniform style when borrowing words. As an example, consider the borrowing of the new concept “airplane” in Jianchuan Bai and Bijiang Bai: the first dialect directly borrowed the word “fe33ti33” from Chinese while in Bijiang Bai, it was translated as “fe55 ‘flying’ xo42 ‘house’” using its native collocation (Xu & Zhao 1984). Even if all Bai dialects have borrowed a word from the same source, say, Chinese, and if their representations therefore often look similar, they do not form the same strict sound correspondences as in case of inheritance from the proto-language. This phenomenon has been demonstrated in many language families. Wang (1962:252) provides this observation on Chinese loanwords in Kam-Tai:
老借詞一般是各地聲韻調音類的對應相當整齊，但在音值上， 有時各地出入頗大；而新借詞則各地讀音音值比較接近，但在 音類的對應上不免與本民族的語音對應規則不合。 Phonological categories (initial, final, tone) of old loanwords are usually corresponding strictly across different dialects. However, their phonetic values sometimes are quite different. Recent loanwords in different dialects are fairly similar in terms of phonetic value, but their phonological correspondences are not consistent with those correspondences among words inherited from their ancestor. (My translation)
For example: Zhuang dialects Tone value of Tone Tone value of Tone old loanwords category new loanwords category Wuming 24 1 33 6 Tianyang 13 1 35 5 Liujiang 42 1 33 5 Laibin (South) 35 1 33 3
10／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Shangsi 44 1 44 1 Longzhou 33 1 33 1 Jingxi 53 1 35 5 Guangnan (South) 55 1 33 2 Examples kai1 開 ‘open, turn on’, ji1 guan1 機關 deng1 燈 ‘lamp, light’ ‘department, organ’ Table 1: Tone correspondences of new and old Chinese loanwords in Zhuang dialects (Adapted from Wang 1962:253)
Chen (1996:162-164) observes that the borrowing mechanism between different languages is different from that between different dialects of a language. Between different languages, borrowing follows a ‘similarity principle’, whereas borrowing between dialects of a language follows a ‘correspondence principle’. For instance, Beijing Mandarin treats the Chengdu South-Western Mandarin (SWM) loanword ‘搞 kau53’ as ‘搞 kau214’, not as ‘搞 kau51’, which would be a better form according to the ‘similarity principle’. Both tone 214 in Beijing Mandarin and the tone 53 in Chengdu SWM are derived from the same MC tone category─Shang sheng. So the tone match is following ‘correspondence principle’─Shang sheng: Shang sheng. Tone correspondences between Beijing Mandarin and Chengdu SWM are listed as below:
MC Beijing Chengdu Example Beijing reading Chengdu reading Yinping 55 55 灘 tan55 ta55 Yangping 35 31 談 tan35 ta31 Shangsheng 214 53 毯 tan214 ta53 Qusheng 51 213 探 tan51 ta213 Table 2: Tone correspondences between Beijing Mandarin and Chengdu SWM (Adapted from Chen 1996:162-4)
In Chen (1996), lots of examples are given to show that the Dai language matches Dehong Chinese3 following the ‘similarity principle’. The tone match between the two languages is given below as an example:
3 Dehong Chinese is a South-Western Mandarin variety.
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／11
Dai tone Chinese tone Chinese words Dai reading 35 53 53 桶 to53 to53 31 31 熱 31 z31 43 31 同 to31 to31 213 213 痛 to213 to55 55 55 通 to55 to55 35 43 213 Table 3: The tone match between Dai and Chinese in Dehong (Adapted from Chen 1996:19)
Though it is still controversial to define the boundary between dialects and languages, the different kinds of mechanisms observed by Chen are quite striking, and may be taken as a criterion to determine the boundary between them. These observations may be used to detect later borrowings into Bai dialects. For instance, all Bai dialects except the DS Bai have borrowed the 4 Chinese word mao2 毛 [mw1] ‘hair, fur’, but a proto-form cannot be reconstructed according to regular correspondences (cf. §2.2.3.3). Therefore, the more diversified dialects are compared, the easier to detect later borrowings. Some more clues can be used for detecting later borrowings. Sometimes, only one or two dialects have a different root of a certain lexeme which may have been borrowed from other languages. For instance, the MZL Bai has borrowed hong2 紅 [xo33] ‘red’ from the local Chinese dialect, and the earlier root *træ4 ‘red’ has been replaced (cf. §2.2.3.10). According to geographical distribution and evolution of color terms in Chinese, it is simpler to identify the form in MZL as a recent Chinese borrowing. Subgrouping can also provide some useful clues, see examples in §2.3. A useful tendency is that an earlier root is usually preserved in some
4 The MC reconstruction of Chinese character is given between the subsequent square brackets.
12／Comparison of Languages in Contact compound words (cf. §2.2.3.5) or has shifted to other meanings (cf. §2.2.3.3).
1.3.1.2 Subgrouping 1.3.1.2.1 Criteria for subgrouping
Subgrouping is the usual way to represent the story of the diversification of a language family along the genetic line. It is generally accepted to use unique shared innovations as the criteria for subgrouping (Campbell 1998: 115-122). The basic assumption is that the innovations do not occur in two separate sub-groups independently. Therefore, a set of languages with shared innovations is inferred to derive from a common ancestor where the innovation was already present. It is crucial to choose the subgrouping criteria from innovations according to the basic assumption. Some innovations such as palatalization are natural cross-linguistically and often occur in languages (or dialects) independently. They are not appropriate for subgrouping (Campbell 1998: 115-122). The selection of subgrouping criteria is better to be treated probabilistically. Based on typological studies, a rough idea on frequencies of the occurrences of certain innovations may be obtained.5 Given this presupposition, phonological, semantic, lexical and morphosyntactic innovations may all be good candidates as subgrouping criteria. In the current practice of subgrouping, phonological innovations are the dominant features because phonological reconstruction has been studied more systematically, and the phonological innovations and their uniqueness are simply better attested. In my attempt at subgrouping Bai dialects, semantic innovations and lexical borrowing will be used as well. In the following paragraphs, I will explicate the reason. The definition of semantic change is discussed in detail in Wilkins (1996). According to him, the formula of semantic innovation can be summarized as following:
5 Database on sound change, semantic innovation, etc. are expected to be available in a near future. They will provide a much more objective basis for the probabilistic judgment.
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／13
Time (T): T1 T2 T3 Form (F): F1 F1 F1 Meaning (M): M1 Æ M1&M2 Æ M2 Figure 1: Semantic innovation according to Wilkins (1996)
However, during T1, M2 is often associated with another form (let us call it F2). The competition between F2 and F1 will last some time before F1 acquires M2 instead of M1 and F2 loses its original meaning. For example, in Chinese, the form shu4 樹 shifted its meaning from ‘to plant’ to ‘tree’, but the meaning ‘tree’ was not innovative, since it was previously represented by another character, mu4 木, before the shift. The innovative form shu4 樹 did not replace the original form mu4 木 in all contexts abruptly, but spread gradually. The gradual process can be transcribed according to the “style” of lexical diffusion (Wang 1969) as following: (U = unchanged, V = variation, C = changed)
M1 M2 T1 F1 F2 U T2 F1 F1 / F2 V T3 F1 C Table 4: The diffusion of a semantic innovation
If borrowing is involved, the scenario will be different, as described in Table 5:
M1 T1 F1 U T2 F1 / F2 [borrowing] V T3 F2 C Table 5: The diffusion of a borrowing
Comparing the two scenarios in Table 4 and Table 5, it is possible to exclude borrowings and to work only on semantic innovations, in other words semantic changes are internal changes of a language. Therefore, they
14／Comparison of Languages in Contact can be used as a criterion for subgrouping. However, note that semantic innovations with fairly natural tendencies are not good for subgrouping, according to the previous basic assumption. In other words, they should be considered probabilistically. As shown in Table 4 and Table 5, lexical replacement may be due to two reasons: one is semantic innovation, and the other borrowing. Lexical replacements caused by borrowing are not totally unsuitable for subgrouping. If the borrowing of a lexical item has occurred during the common period when two dialects have not yet split, it is certainly a witness of their history, since it will follow the same correspondences as other native words after the two dialects split. Note that later borrowings between the dialects after their split may cause some trouble in using this kind of characters since they also follow the correspondence principle according to the observation in Chen (1996:162-164). However, for two reasons, one may suppose the later borrowings between Bai dialects are quite rare. Firstly, the lexical scope at my research will be limited to Swadesh 100-Basic words, which are generally thought to be the most borrowing-resistant (Swadesh 1955, Wang & Wang 2004). Secondly, it is unlikely that there are many borrowings between Bai dialects as mentioned in §1.3.1.1.2. Therefore, shared lexical replacements due to borrowing will be used in the subgrouping experiment on Bai dialects. Morphosyntactic innovations in Bai dialects are quite rarely detected (cf. §2.2.2). Only some derivational patterns or analogical leveling patterns of personal pronoun systems are available (cf. §2.2.2.1). Note however that they are just as important as other features for subgrouping. To avoid subjectivity and circularity, it is better to select the characters at first.
1.3.1.2.2 Tree representation of subgrouping
Once taxa reach a certain number, it will be impossible to work out all possible binary trees by hand. For instance, a classification on seven dialects will process 945 binary unrooted trees (Wang 1996b:254-5). The method for linguistic subgrouping is quite similar to approaches in cladistics, where the systematic study of relationships has reached a fairly advanced stage in recent decades. I would like to take this advantage to apply some
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／15 well-developed programs to work out the quantitative representations of the phylogeny of the Bai language. Some concepts like parsimony, bootstrap, etc. will be introduced to build up the phylogeny tree of the language (cf. §2.3). The trees produced by cladistics programs should be compatible with other evidence such as population movement, historical document, genetic linkage, etc. The phylogeny of a language is certainly not identical with the phylogeny of the population who speak this language, but these two pieces of a unique picture are highly correlated. In terms of one of them, the other can be interpreted as well (cf. Wang 1998).
1.3.1.2.3 Evolution from proto-language to its offspring and subgrouping
Some concepts involved should be clarified at first. Two terms in evolutionary biology, vertical transmission and horizontal transmission, are frequently employed in the discussions on the genetic relationship of languages. As stated in Cavalli-Sforza & Feldman (1981:54): “Vertical transmission is used to denote transmission from parent to offspring and horizontal transmission denotes transmission between any two (usually unrelated) individuals...We will, however, use the term horizontal as restricted to members (related or not) of the same generation, and in addition we introduce the word oblique to describe transmission from a member of a given generation to a member of the next (or later) generation who is not his or her child or direct descendant.” Before these terms are applied to linguistic data, a careful examination on the claimed parallels between genetic systems and languages is necessary:
Attribute Genetic systems Languages discrete units nucleotides, genes, words and other linguistic individuals elements replication transcription teaching, learning, imitation dominant mode(s) parent-offspring parent-offspring, of inheritance generational (including teaching)
16／Comparison of Languages in Contact horizontal many mechanisms (e.g., borrowing transmission hybridisation, viruses, transposons, insects) mutation many mechanisms (e.g., mistake, vowel shift, slippage, unequal crossing innovation over, point mutations and faulty repair) Table 6: Selected similarities between languages and genetic systems (From Pagel 2000:391)
From the table, linguistic borrowing seems to be equal to the horizontal transmission in genetics. In fact, there is no direct translation between each other. However “borrowing” is defined (Haugen 1950), and the necessary precondition is always the distinction between a native element and a foreign element. So, can we draw boundaries between languages? Language will be conceived as a social phenomenon in this study. Languages represented by different individuals in a society are surely heterogeneous, but they are “orderly heterogeneous” (Weinreich et al. 1968). This means that according to different criteria, different groups or shared entities can be classified. When one talks about the genealogy of languages, the aim is to figure out the hierarchical structure of their separations. The starting point of language genealogy is that two different languages at least can be identified. Otherwise, the whole process is meaningless. This means that once the boundary is formed, vertical transmission can be assumed to be equal to internal transmission, while horizontal transmission to external transmission across the boundary. The following figure shows the transmission of an innovation from a group L (I) to another group L (II):
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／17
P1 Pa P4 Pb
P2 Pc P3 Pd
L (I) L (II)
Figure 2: Internal transmission
If one assumes that there is no boundary between group L(I) (consisting of individuals P1, P2, P3 and P4) and group L(II) (consisting of individuals Pa, Pb, Pc and Pd), the relationship between P3 and Pa will be the same as any other intra-group transmission (for example between P1 and P2, or between Pd and Pb). Once the boundary is formed due to some reasons, the transmission between P3 and Pa will be called borrowing (or external transmission).
P1 Pa P4 Pb
P2 Pc P3 Pd
L (I) L (II)
Figure 3: External transmission
Such boundary between L(I) and L(II) has its realistic foundation, which is reflected in some linguistic phenomena, such as mutual unintelligibility across languages used by individuals. Geographical
18／Comparison of Languages in Contact conditions, socio-economical connections, population movements, contribute a lot to the formation of boundaries between languages (Dixon 1997). So say explicitly: yes, boundaries between languages do exist. As mentioned in previous paragraph, some shared features between languages can be attributed to their common period during an early time. These features are unlikely due to independent developments, chance resemblance or later borrowing. The formation of these features has different time depth, which will be represented by the hierarchical structure in the tree, which coincides with the statement of Ting (1982:258):
以漢語語音史為根據用早期歷史性的條件區別大方言，用晚期 歷史性的條件區分次方言，用現在平面性的子條件區別小方 言。早期晚期是相對的名詞，不一定能確指其時間，條件之輕 重以相對之先後為序，最早期的條件最重要，最晚期的條件也 就是平面性的差異了。 We base the approach on the history of rules in Chinese phonology. Larger dialect groups are determined by early rules. Secondary dialects are determined by late rules. Small dialect groups are determined by synchronic differences. “Early” and “late” are relative terms; they do not necessarily indicate absolute times. The weight of rules is determined by their relative ordering. The earliest rules are the most important. The latest rules are those which reflect synchronic variation. (Translation is taken from Wang 1996b:256.)
If the topic is shifted from Chinese to languages in general, the principle still holds. It is certain that the exact details of the diversification of languages may not be recovered, but the structure of their sharing and separation can be uncovered by subgrouping to some degree.
1.3.2 Inter-comparison
Inter-comparison is the detection of corresponding lexical items across proto-languages subject to the Complementarity Constraint, with which the core of that language may be identified.
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／19
According to the discussion in §1.3.1, related words may be inherited from the proto-language or borrowed from other languages. If the related words are due to transmissions of different time depths, different strata emerge in the language. Related words of each time depth will constitute an independent layer. So, only the oldest layer can possibly reflect any genetic relationship, since the related words of later time depth are certainly borrowed. There is an enormous number of Chinese-Bai related words in Bai, indeed up to 70% of the words in Bai are thought to be of Chinese origin (Luo 1943). It remains controversial which amount these related words are borrowed from Chinese into Bai or have been inherited from a common ancestor. Therefore, establishing a stratification of Chinese-Bai related words is necessary for understanding the history of Bai. To my knowledge, Lee & Sagart (1998) have been the first to try to stratify the Chinese-Bai related words. They compare one Bai dialect with Middle Chinese and stratify the layers of related words between them. If instead of a dialect of Bai, a reconstructed Proto-Bai is compared with Middle Chinese, the comparison may become neater since borrowings after the separation of Bai dialects are expected to be excluded by reconstruction (cf. §1.3.1.1). As defined in §1.3.1.1, related words between Proto-Bai and Chinese will be obtained. On the Chinese side, both MC and OC are considered as the basis to develop a picture of evolution of Chinese since there is no generally agreed reconstruction for Proto-Chinese (for details see §3.1). The related words will be the data for stratification.
1.3.2.1 What is the basic unit for stratification
Sagart & Xu (2001) assume two principles for stratification: 1. Principle of Coherence: the initial, rhyme and tone correspondences on a borrowed syllabic morpheme obey the same set of correspondences; 2. Extended Principle of Coherence: the initial, rhyme and tone correspondences on all syllables of one borrowed polysyllabic morpheme obey the same set of correspondences, provided the morpheme is semantically noncompositional. These methodologies to establish different strata have been used in Lee &
20／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Sagart (1998). We can assume that loanwords will follow the two above principles, at least at first. However the loanwords in different strata will interact with each other later on. During interaction, the initial, final and tone of one syllabic morpheme may not change at the same rate, as was well demonstrated in Wang (1986) and Wang & Lien (1993). Here is an example to show bi-directional diffusion in Bai-Chinese related words.6 In Chinese, the instrument ‘lute’7 got the name 琵琶 8 around 300 AD. In Jianchuan Bai, there are two forms for 琵琶: pi21 p55 (Zhao & Xu 1996:41) and pi21p21 (Zhao & Xu 1996:281). Their phonetic descriptions in Middle Chinese are listed below:
琵 [bjij1b]: 並, 止開三脂, 平 琶 [bæ1b]: 並, 假開二麻, 平
Faced with the representations of 琵琶 in the Jianchuan Bai, one can be sure that interactions between different strata occurred, and determine the different elements of a syllable, such as initial, final and tone, diffuse independently. Table 7 shows possible complex interactions:
琵琶 Variants in Bai A possible layer *pi55 p55 ----Æ pi21 p55 ----Æ pi21 p21 Another possible layer *pi21 p21 Table 7: Bidirectional diffusion of different layers of 琵琶 in Bai
6 Prof. Sagart suggests that the variants may be borrowed from other surrounding languages, not Chinese-loanwords. His interpretation is also possible, but I have not yet found the other possible donor languages, so the bidirectional diffusion is preferred here. 7 The example was pointed out by Mr. Sun Zhiyang, Division of Humanities, The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. 8 At first, the Chinese characters for ‘lute’ is 枇杷, which is also the name of ‘loquat’. Later on, “pi2 pa 琵琶” is used for ‘lute’ to avoid this clash.
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／21
Certainly, not all borrowings must go through bi-directional diffusion. However, interactions between multiple layers must occur once the language organism starts to syncretize heterogeneous elements. This syncretism will blur away the original distinctions between multiple layers to some degree. The relevant question is, therefore, how serious can bi-directional diffusion be between layers? Is there any constraint on bi-directional diffusion? I conjecture that different cultural situations may play important roles. In China, the uniformity of Chinese characters started a long time ago, which led to connect the variants of different layers but with the same etymology, and unify them. Naturally, the competition between different variants starts during this process. This context may be a special socio-cultural condition for bi-directional diffusion. However, in many minority languages, the situation is different if people do not use the Chinese writing system, such as Hani (Sagart & Xu 2001). In such situations, it is hard to find the motivation of bi-direction diffusion. Whether my speculating reasoning can stand is open for further studies. Note that Bai as a minority language is different from Hani, because the Bai people began to accept the Han civilization a long time ago (Ma et al. 1988), and because many Bai people can speak Chinese and master Chinese writing very well. As a consequence, the Bai language is similar to Chinese dialects. Considering this, it is hard to use the two principles of coherence in Sagart & Xu (2001) on Bai data. Other possible limitations of the two principles of coherence can be addressed: 1. Disyllabic words may be rare in a language, such as Chinese before the Han period; 2. Doublets are much rarer when earlier borrowings are not rich. These points are also addressed in Sagart & Xu (2001:16-17). In the stratification on Sino-Bai related words of earlier periods, these two kinds of limitations are very serious and make it difficult to apply the two principles. The challenge from bi-directional diffusion and the two above limitations show inappropriateness of taking monosyllables or disyllables as the basic units for establishing stratification. The unit adopted by some Chinese linguists, a sub-component of a syllable (whether initial, final or tone) is probably the only workable choice (Wang 1986, Wang & Lien 1993).
22／Comparison of Languages in Contact
1.3.2.2 Complementarity Constraint
The Complementarity Constraint eliminates any multiple corre- spondences that exhibit complementary distribution. If phonological cate- gories in language A correspond to one category of language B, and if they are distributed complementarily among words, they cannot be inherited from the ancestor of language A. Please recall that the first step of the dis- tillation method ─ intra-comparison has generalized all the comple- mentarily distributed allophones into a phoneme. Chen (1996:20-21) illustrates this borrowing situation in terms of systematic matches. Below are some examples from a Chinese variety spoken by the Dai people, the so called “Dai-Chinese”:
Dai Conditioned by finals Chinese ts -iu (局), -io (腳) t other finals (技, 急) t s -iu (畜), -io (學), -io (胸) other finals (西, 新) z -io (約), -io (用) other finals (衣, 銀) s -iu (曲), -io (雀), -io (窮) other finals (區, 旗) t Table 8: Examples of the Complementarity Constraint (Adapted from Chen 1996:20-1)
If considering all words in Dai, all these initials exhibit minimal-pairs, their complementary distribution in the Dai-Chinese related words is due to the conditioned matches during borrowing. Certainly, the application of the Complementary Constraint should be considered probabilistically. If examples are just a few, it will be very difficult to determine whether they satisfy the constraint or not.
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／23
1.3.2.3 Detection of layers
Haugen (1950) has regarded borrowing in one language as “the attempted reproduction” of forms or patterns in another language. Chen (1996) points out that borrowing is related to systematic match. In terms of such systematic match, I would like to explore methodologies of stratification. Suppose there are two languages in contact, one is the donor language A, and the other is the recipient language B. At different time depths, language A exports some words to language B. The model words in language A will be reproduced according to the phonological system of language B. According to Chen (1996), the process is a kind of matching between two phonological systems. Suppose there are enough borrowed words at the earlier time depth (T1), the correspondences may be posited as below:
Language A Language B
w1, w2, w3 F1 f1'
w4, w5 F2 f2' F3 w6, w7, w8
f3'
T1
Figure 4: Systematic match between Language A and Language B at T1
As time goes by, languages change. Once the phonological system of language A or B changes (suppose that the F3 category in Language A splits into F3a and F3b), the correspondences for transmission of words from language A to language B will be different, but not totally different from those at T1. See the following diagram:
24／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Language A Language B
w9, w10 F1 f1'
F2 w11, w12 f2' F3b w16, w17
F3a w13, w14, w15 f3'
T2
Figure 5: Systematic match between Language A and Language B at T2
If these two scenarios have indeed occurred during the history of the two languages, the question is whether one can now figure it out through stratification, and more generally what one can figure out, given the evolution of Language A and B and the 17 related words. It is quite clear that one cannot decide the layer of some words like w1, w2, w3 / w9, w10 since they share the same phonological correspondences (F1 <> f1'). In other words, one-to-one match is uninformative for stratification. A case quoted from Sagart & Xu (2001:38) can usefully illustrate this point: [The columns, M1a, M1b, M2a and M2b, indicate different layers in Hani, which are borrowed from Chinese during different periods. The corresponding categories in MC and Lüchun Mandarin are respectively listed in the first and last column.]
MC tone M1a M1b M2a M2b Lüchun Mandarin and initial (Wu et al. 1989:116) ping p- b-31 b-33~55 b-55 p-55 p-55 p- p-31 p-33~55 p-55 p-55 ping b- p-31 p-31 p-31 p-31 m- m-31 m-31 m-31 m-31 shang p- b-31 b-31 b-33 p-33 p-33 p- p-33 p-33
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／25 shang b- b-55 p-24 p-213 m- m-31 m-33 m-33 qu p- b-55 p-24 p-213 p- p-55 p-55 p-24 p-213 qu b- b-55 b-24 p-24 p-213 m- m-55 m-24 m-213 ru p- f-31 b-55 b-31 p-31 p-31 p- p-31 p-31 ru b- p-31 p-31 p-31 m- m-55 m-31 m-31 m-31 qingsheng 55 31 33 Table 9: Summary of tone and initial type correspondences in the M(andarin) layers of Hani (From Sagart & Xu 2001:38)
From Table 9, it is easy to see that some correspondences may remain across layers. For instance, MC ping (level) tone words with m- initial is always corresponding to m-31 tone words in Hani during the four periods. In this situation, Chinese-Hani related words with m-31 could not be located at a certain layer of the four. Linguistic typological studies tell us that phonological systems of world languages share many components across time and space. For example, all languages have certain consonants such as /p, t, k/ and certain vowels such as /a, i, u/, etc. Therefore, these components may be always represented in the same way when they are borrowed during different periods. In other words, they are always one-to-one match, so there are no clues to stratify them. Recall Figure 4 and Figure 5, the two layers can be identified depending on the change of F3 in the donor language A. Based on the difference between F3b <> f3' and F3b <> f2', two layers in language B can be distinguished. As w6 belongs to F3b while w7 and w8 belongs to F3a, one can identify w6 vs. w16, w17 as two layers. The clues for the chronological order of the two layers depend on the knowledge of the historical phonology of language A. Only if we know whether it is a split (F3 --> F3a / F3b) or a merger (F3a / F3b --> F3), we may be able to tell which layer is earlier.
26／Comparison of Languages in Contact
There are some examples:
‘peach’ PB *d1 <> tao2 桃 MC dau1 (< OC *dagw) ‘younger brother’ PB *te2 <> di4 弟 MC dej2 (< OC *didx)
For the same initial in MC d- (< OC *d-), there are two correspondences in PB, and the two layers in PB to which they belong can be obtained─ layer 1: MC d- < (< OC *d-) <> PB *d-; layer 2: MC d- < (< OC *d-) <> PB *t-. These two layers in PB are due to the devoicing in Chinese: layer 1 was borrowed (or came from a single shared ancestor) before the devoicing, and layer 2 was borrowed after the devoicing. Here a requirement for stratification is necessary: the ordered layers should be explainable in terms of the phonological development of the donor language or of the recipient language. In other words, if two layers claimed are hard to interpret from the point of view of the phonological development of either language under comparison, the identification will be dubious. Some other clues may also be used. For instance, a salient clue for the existence of two layers is the presence of doublets. For example, for the same etymology of Chinese deng1 燈, there are two variants in Jianchuan Bai: (電)燈 *t33 ‘electronic lamp’, (油)燈 *t55 ‘oil lamp’ (Xu & Zhao 1984). The two variants certainly belong to two different layers─ tone 33 to the recent layer and tone 55 to the older layer since the ‘electronic lamp’ is more recent compared to ‘oil lamp’.
1.3.2.4 Working procedure to exclude later layers
Regarding the detailed discussion in §1.3.2.3, it seems too difficult to clarify every layer in the history of a language. However, it is still possible to exclude more later-borrowings to refine the related words. We propose the following working procedure: 1. Apply the Complementary Constraints to exclude the obvious later borrowings; 2. Differentiate layers of all kinds of components independently on the basis of the rest of related words; 3. Order the chronological layers; 4. Exclude later layers; 5. Accumulate the remaining related words as the oldest layer. This procedure will be implemented in §3.
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／27
1.3.3 Recognition
Recognition is the implementation of the Inexplicability Principle and Chen’s (1996) Rank Theory to evaluate the inheritance status of the related words refined by Inter-comparison.
1.3.3.1 The Inexplicability Principle
The Inexplicability Principle refers to the inability to describe the representation of the related words in the recipient language in terms of the phonological system of the donor language. The elements that are thus inexplicable are considered to be inherited from the ancestor language rather than by borrowing. Given the borrowing relationship between two languages, all the borrowed elements from the donor language system will be represented in terms of the phonological system of the recipient languages. Haugen (1950) analyzes borrowings based on careful investigations of bilinguals. He regards borrowing in one language as “the attempted reproduction” of forms or patterns from another language. He calls the original form (or pattern) as the model. A speaker often chooses one of his own patterns to stand for a similar one in the model. Therefore, the relationship between the model in the donor language and the borrowing in the recipient language should be explicable in terms of their systematic match. On the contrary, if the phenomenon cannot be interpreted in terms of the phonological system of the donor language, it is unlikely borrowed, and it is better to assume the genetic relationship. In the discussion on the genetic relationship between Chinese and Tai, Ting (2002) actually makes use of the inexplicability principle to argue that some Chinese-Tai related words are more accurately regarded as genuine cognates, not loanwords from Chinese, since the reflexes in Tai cannot be accounted for from the phonological system of Chinese. For instance, Tai *hC ‘five’ is related to OC * x ‘five’, but the initial *h- in Tai cannot be borrowed from *- in OC. According to Ting (2002), they must be inherited from Proto-Sino-Tai **h- and developed into *h- and *-, independently.
28／Comparison of Languages in Contact
1.3.3.2 Rank Theory
Chen (1996) has proposed that Swadesh’s 200 words (Swadesh 1952) can be split into two sub-groups: the 100 basic-word list suggested by Swadesh (1955), and the remainder of the Swadesh 200 word-list after removing the first 100 words—Chen calls the two groups high rank and low rank, respectively. It is assumed that words in the high rank are more stable and loan-resistant than those in the low rank. More retentions of a proto-language will be kept in the high rank, while borrowed elements will be brought into low rank more quickly and easily. Based on this point, Chen (1996) puts forward a method to identify genetic relationships between languages. Chen proposes that languages with genetic relationship have a greater number of related words in the high rank than in the low rank. On the contrary, the number of related words in the high rank would be less than that in the low rank if the relationship only refers to language contact. This method was tested on data for languages from several well-established language families, including some Indo-European languages and Chinese dialects. The relationships revealed by this method coincide with well-known judgments. Chen (1999b) points out that the requirement on the related words applied for Rank Theory should be at the oldest layer:
關係詞的有階分析是以有嚴格語音對應的關係詞為條件的，語 音對應的時間層面區分得越嚴格，最早時間層面關係詞的範圍 越明確，關係詞的有階分析就越精確。(Chen 1999b:539) Rank analysis should be done on the basis of related words with strict sound correspondences. The more strictly the chronological layers of sound correspondences are stratified, the more refined the identification of the related word at the oldest layer is, and the more accurate the Rank analysis is. (My translation)
After the two times of distillation in the intra-comparison and inter-comparison, the later layers have been excluded to some degree. Now we are close to the refined related words at the oldest layer. Therefore, it is reasonable to apply the rank theory.
Chapter 1: Language Contact and Language Comparison／29
1.4 The Distillation Method and Other Methods in Historical Linguistics
In the distillation method, the first step (intra-comparison) follows the same spirit of the traditional comparative method. However, some details are modified. When defining corresponding lexical items, statistical calculations for phonetic correspondences, and semantic universals for semantic match are proposed as the basis (cf. §1.3.1.1.1). When dealing with variant roots of a lexeme, semantic changes and later borrowings are considered to be possible factors, and later borrowings are excluded from the reconstruction (cf. §1.3.1.1.3). Subgrouping, semantic innovation and lexical replacement as well as phonological change are argued to be criteria and used as input of some phylogenetic algorithms to generate a phylogeny tree (cf. §1.3.1.2). The second step of the distillation method, inter-comparison, that is the systematic approach to stratify layers caused by multiple-level of borrowings, is not included in the comparative method. The basic unit for stratification, detection of layers and obtaining the oldest layer have been organized in a working procedure in inter-comparison (cf. §1.3.2). Similarly in the application of the comparative method, some phenomena like super-stratum and substratum are noticed, and some methods are proposed to recognize them, but these methods are rather ad hoc. In the recognition part of the distillation method, two methods─ inexplicability principle and rank theory, are selected to help recognizing the inheritance status of the oldest layer. Both methods have been proposed by Chinese linguists recently. In the comparative method, the criteria for recognition of cognates are limited to regular sound correspondences and basic vocabulary, but these criteria are insufficient (cf. §1.3.1.1.2, Chen 1996). Internal reconstruction is another important method in historical linguistics. This is to reconstruct some earlier patterns of a language only based on the data from the single language. The comparison between two languages is not used (cf. chapter 9 in Trask 1996b; chapter 9 in Campbell 1998). Therefore, internal reconstruction and the distillation method can be used complimentarily in studies of historical linguistics. In the step of
30／Comparison of Languages in Contact intra-comparison, internal reconstruction would be helpful for reconstruction of the proto-language. Teleo- and meso-reconstructions are proposed by Benedict (1973) for some language families like Tibeto-Burman when the comparative studies are uneven. The reconstruction on the proto-language can be based solely on some “well-chosen” language from different branches of this language family. Teleo- and meso-reconstructions skip the step-wise reconstruction from bottom. Though Matisoff (2003) realizes that the method initiated by Benedict should be applied with great caution, he claims, “This in fact has been the only practical methodology for reconstructing TB given the uneven state of our present knowledge. It goes without saying that one’s teleo-hypotheses are subject to constant revision in the light of new data at the level of individual languages or subgroups (Matisoff 2003:9).” Comparing the distillation method, the teleo- and meso-reconstructions do not have the advantage of filtering later borrowings of intra-comparison (cf. §1.3.1.1.3). In Wang (2005), the necessity of reconstructing Proto-Bai based on diversified Bai dialects has been addressed in detail, and it is shown that the chance of mistaking the innovation in a Bai dialect as the retention from Proto-Bai would be increased by Benedict’s method. The distillation method sets the intra-comparison work on the low-level languages (dialects) as the most substantial basis.
2. Intra-comparison 2.1 Modern Bai Dialects
Data from 9 modern Bai dialects were collected for intra-comparison in this study.9 As dictated by Figure 6, three villages (Tuoluo 妥洛, Gongxing 共興, and Enqi 恩棋) are located along the Lancangjiang River. Traditionally their inhabitants living in the above villages are called the Lama 拉瑪 people. The people of another three villages along the Nujiang River 怒江, Ega 俄嘎, and Jinman 金滿, are called Lemo 勒墨. The people of the remaining four villages, Jinxing 金星, Zhoucheng 周城, Dashi 大石 and Mazhelong 馬者龍, are regarded as Bai people. The locations of these villages are indicated with numerals 1 through 9 on the following map:
Figure 6: The nine Bai dialects
9 All materials have been collected during my own field work during the period 2002-2003 unless indicated otherwise with particular notation.
32／Comparison of Languages in Contact
General description
The syllable structure of the Bai language is (C) (S)V(C), with a suprasegmental element─tone, which is shown as below:
Tone (C) (S) V (C) Table 10: The syllable structure of the Bai language
Like in Mandarin Chinese, a vowel and a tone are necessary in a syllable of Bai. Only two nasal consonants─n and , can appear as the ending. In many dialects, the nasal endings are represented as nasalization of the preceding vowel. In Bai dialects, special phonation types have been found, such as tense, breathy or harsh (Li & Edmondson 1990, Edmondson & Li 1994), and they contrast with modal sounds. Following Xu & Zhao (1984), a tone category was assigned for each distinctive phonation type. Because the “tense/lax” distinction is “exceedingly ill-defined” (Trask 1996a:352), the term, non-modal tone, is adopted for the type of tone accompanied with particular phonation. The medial “-j-” in Bai dialects will be transcribed as -i-. All palatal initials must be followed by a medial -i-. If the finals with -i- only appear to be conditioned by palatal initials, they are not regarded as the independent finals. For instance in Jinman, [-io] only appears after palatal initials, and it does not contrast with [-o]. Therefore it will not be listed in the final inventory.
Brief description of the phonological systems of Bai dialects
1. Tuoluo Bai
Initials (35): p p b m v t t d n l k k x h q q
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／33
ts ts s z t. t. . t t d j
Finals (32[310]): i e a o u v i io i ue u ua u uo en an ien (ian) en uan i e a o v (au) (iau)
Notation: 1. // even can be transcribed as []; 2. /i/ Æ [] / [+initial, +dental]_; [] / [+initial, +retroflexed]_; 3. /e/ Æ [] /_ [+ending, +nasal].
Tones (5): Level tones Falling tones Rising tone 55 42 35 33 21 Table 11: The tonal system of TL
Five tones are found in Tuoluo Bai, two level tones─55 and 33, two falling tones─42 and 21, and one rising tone─35.
Language consultant: He Jianhua 和建華. Born in 1964 in the Tuoluo village, Weideng of Weixi county. Before he went to high school in Weixi city in 1979, he has lived in the village. The village is a kind of “pure” Lama village where other minorities are very rarely seen. The Tuoluo Bai is the dominant language in the everyday life of the village.
10 Finals between brackets only appear in the recent loan-words from Chinese.
34／Comparison of Languages in Contact
2. Gongxing Bai
Initials (42): p p b m pf pf bv t t d n l k k x h q q ts ts dz s z t. t. d . t t d j
Notation: 1. the phonetic representations of /t., t., d , ., / are similar to those people in Putonghua. They are not typical retroflexed consonants; 2. Voiced stops are generally initiated by homological nasals, for example, m n /b/ : [ b]; /d/ : [ d]; /g/ : [].
Finals (27): i e æ a o u i ia io ui u ua y yi en an ien uen yen e a o u ua
Notation: 1. The /a/ is often a central one, [], unless followed by coda; 2. /o/ is actually close to the diphthong [ao], but the transition between the two vowels is very short; 3. /i/ Æ [] / [+initial, +dental]_; [] / [+initial, +retroflexed]_; 4. /e/ Æ [] /_ [+ending, +nasal]; /y/ Æ [] / [+initial, +retroflexed]_.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／35
Tones (6): Level tones Falling tones Rising tone 55 42 24 22 21 12 Table 12: The tonal system of GX
Language consultant: Wang Renlie 王仁烈. Born in 1938 in the Gongxing village, Hexi of Lanping county. He became a teacher in the village in 1954. At school, textbooks in Chinese were implemented but were explained to local students in Gongxing Lama dialect. In 1972, he was assigned to the Lanping City to teach at a middle school until 1986, when he became an official of the local government. He retired in 1990.
3. Enqi Bai
Initials (35): p p b m f v t t d n l k k x q q ts ts dz s z t t d j
Finals (23[1]): æ a o u i i iæ ia io i iu (iao) ui u uæ ua yi y yæ ya
Notation: 1. /æ/ is represented by a little bit lower [æ], which is between [æ] and [a]; 2. /a/ is closer to []; 3. /o/ is not as rounded as the standard, and is a little bit more front; 4. /u/ is more often [w]; 5. /i/ is a glide [j] when it is a medial; 6. // often changes into // in speech flow.
36／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Tones (5):
Level tones Falling tones Rising tone 55 43 24 22 21 Table 13: The tonal system of EQ
Tone sandhi
In the flow of speech, tone 43 often changes into 22. A tone sandhi rule has been detected: 24+24 Æ 22+24. For example: ‘blue cup’ tia24 pe24 pi21 Æ tia22 pe24 pi21. The absence of non-modal tone in the Enqi Bai is notable among Bai dialects. Tones of genitive singular personal pronouns alternate between tone 43 and tone 55 according to the subsequent tone (the 1st personal pronoun is chosen as the example to illustrate the pattern):
Genitive singular Tone of the following syllable 43 55 or 24 55 43 or 22 or 21 Table 14: The tonal alternation of personal pronouns in EQ
The demonstrative pronouns consist of two elements: 1. near: n43/55, nd rd similar to the 2 genitive singular; 2. far: v43/55, the same as the 3 genitive singular. Like personal pronouns, their tones alternate between tone 43 and tone 55 according to the following tone, but the rules are different:
Dem. Pron. Tone of the following syllable 43 55 or 24 or 43 55 22 or 21 Table 15: The tonal alternation of demonstrative pronouns in EQ
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／37
For example: ‘Pen this N Clas.’ ‘Wine this N Clas.’ N = 1 f55 n43 a43 qo43 tso22 n43 a43 qu21 N = 2 f55 n55 ku22 qo43 tso22 n55 ku22 qu21 N = 3 f55 n43 sa24 qo43 tso22 n43 sa24 qu21 N = 4 f55 n43 si55 qo43 tso22 n43 si55 qu21 N = 10 f55 n55 tsi21 qo43 tso22 n55 tsi21 qu21 Table 16: Examples of tonal alternation in EQ
When the number (N) equals one, it is often omitted. For instance, “tsong22 n43 qu21” is the abbreviation of “tso22 n43 a43 qu21”, and the tone 43 of the Dem. Pron. is kept. According to the new combination, where the following tone is 21, the tone for the Dem. Pron. should be 55.
Language consultant: Li Jiayu 李嘉鬱. Born in 1942 in the Enqi village. Enqi Lama dialect is his mother tongue. He can also speak the local Chinese dialect fluently. The Enqi village is a pure Lama village, whose name is “di21 ja22”, which is a concise form of “ts21 di43 ja22”, which can be translated literally as “rice seedling hill”. It is said that Enqi people moved from a place called “43 j55”, which is the old name of Xizhou, Dali. However the migration time cannot be found clearly.
4. Ega Bai
Initials (31[1]): p p b m f v t t d n l k k x q q ts ts dz s z t t d () j
38／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Finals (21): i e a o u v ui/yi u ua y y ya e a o
Notation: 1. /ui/ and /yi/ are complimentarily distributed. For the convenience of the comparison with other dialects, they are however described as two finals.
Tones (5): Level tones Falling tones 55 42 44 21 22 Table 17: The tonal system of EG
Tone 44 is bound with the tense phonation type, and tone 42 is often laryngealized.
Language consultant: Hua Sibo 花四波. Born in the Ega village, and went to the local primary school in 1954. In 1956, he went to the Bijiang city and finished primary school. His mother belongs to a Lisu minority, but the dominant language in his family is the Ega Bai. In this he can also speak Lisu very well.
5. Jinman Bai
Initials (37): p p b m f v t t d n l k k x q q
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／39
ts ts s z t. t. . t t d j
Finals (27): i e a o u v ie ui ue ua y yi ye ya y i e a o u ue ye y
Notation: 1. /y/ Æ [] / [+initial, +dental]_; 2. /e/ Æ [] / _ [+nasalization].
Tones (4): Level tones Falling tones 55 42 22 21 Table 18: The tonal system of JM
The tone system of Jinman Bai is the simplest one among Bai dialects.
Language consultant: Gao Zezhang 高澤章. Born in 1947 in the Jinman village. Currently he is an official in Nujiang police. He studied his primary school in the village at first, and went out to Tuotuo and completed his primary school there. After two years, he went to the middle school for agriculture. After graduation, he became a soldier in Nujiang. Finally he transferred to the Nujiang Police. His wife is a Lisu minority. They communicate with each other in Lisu, but he speaks Jinman Bai with other Lemo people. He can also speak the Jianchuan Bai and a little Nu.
40／Comparison of Languages in Contact
6. Jinxing Bai
Initials (23): p p m f v t t n l k k x ts ts s t t j
Finals (33[1]): i e a o u v ou i io i iu iou ue u uo yi en an ien ian uen uan i e o v i ue u (iau)
Notation: 1. /e/ Æ [] /_ [+ending, +nasal]; 2. /a/ and // represent [æ] and [], respectively.
Tones (8): Jinxing Bai has the most complex combination of pitch and phonation types among Bai dialects, which can be seen as below: Modal tone Non-modal tone 55 66 [tense] 33 44 [tense] 31 42 [laryngealized] (35) 21 [harsh] Table 19: The tonal system of JX
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／41
Tone 66 is only used for recent Chinese-loan qusheng words. Tone 35 is rarely used.
Language consultant: Zhang Yumei 張玉梅, who was born in the Jinxing village of Jianyang, Jianchuan county. The Bai language is the dominant language in her village. When I recorded her Bai dialect, she was a senior at Yunnan University.
7. Dashi Bai
Initials (30): p p m f v t t n l k k x ts ts s s z t. t. . . t t j
Notation: 1. The set of aspirated fricatives in Dashi is a salient characteristic, which is usually found in Bai dialects of Jianchuan and Heqing, particularly in Heqing (Zhao & Xu 1996, Xi & Li 1998); 2. The palatalized series /t, t, d, , / in Dashi seems in the variation stage of palatalization, and could be transcribed as [tsj, tsj, dzj, sj, sj].
Finals (33[2]): i e a o u v ou ia i iou ue uo yi en (an) ien ian uen uan e a o v ie ia io i ue ua (ai)
42／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Notation: 1. /e/ Æ [] /_ [+ending, +nasal].
Tones (7): Modal tone Non-modal tone 55 33 44 [tense] 31 42 [laryngealized] 35 21 [harsh?] Table 20: The tonal system of DS
Language consultant: Li Qingmei 李慶梅. Born in 1979 in the Dashi village of Songgui, Heqing county. The Bai language is the daily language in this village. Now she can speak Bai and Chinese.
8. Zhoucheng Bai
Initials (24): p p m f v t t n l k k x ts ts s z t t j
Finals (21): i e a o u v i ia io i iou ui u ua ou y yi y ya
Tones (7): Modal tone Non-modal tone 55
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／43
33 44 [tense] 31 42 [laryngealized] 35 21 [breathy] Table 21: The tonal system of ZC
Language consultant: Yang Guohong 楊國紅. Born in 1952 in the Zhoucheng village. Her parents were also born in this village. She rarely left this place for an extended time.
9. Mazhelong Bai
Initials (29): p p b m f v t t d n l k k x ts ts dz s z t t d j
Notation: 1. The voiced series /b, d, g, dz, d/ are retained in a few words.
Finals (34[1]): i e a o u v ui u ua i io ou i yi y ya en an ien ian (i) a o uo uen ua u yen
Notation: 1. /ien/ can be nasalized as [i]; /en/ as [e]; /a/ as [a]; and /o/ as [o]. 2. // has three variants: [], [] and [].
44／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Tones (5): Modal tone Non-modal tone 55 44 [tense] 33 42 [laryngealized] 21 Table 22: The tonal system of MZL
Language consultant: Zhao Jiarong 趙家榮. Born in 1934 in the Mazhelong village. He has received his primary school education in Qiubei county. In 1956, he went to the Normal School of the Wenshan prefecture and graduated in 1962. Then he was sent to teach in Shuanglongying, about 5 kilometers from his village.
2.2 Reconstruction of Proto-Bai 2.2.1 Phonological Reconstruction 2.2.1.1 Tones 2.2.1.1.1 Tone correspondences of modern Bai dialects
Two kinds of proposals have been made for the tonal evolution of Bai. First, scholars who believe Bai is genetically closer to Chinese such as Starostin (1994a) and Zhengzhang (1999) use the tonal system of Chinese to interpret the developments in Bai. On the other hand, Wu (2000) states another hypothesis: “Two tones of Proto-Bai originate from the lax and tense vowels, then, they split into six categories according to different categories of preceding initials: [+unvoiced], [+voiced, −aspirated], [+voiced, +aspirated].” This hypothesis is summarized in Table 23:
Initial features Tone Initial features Tone [+unvoiced] 55 unvoiced 44 lax [+voiced, −aspirated] 33 tense [+voiced, −aspirated] 42 [+voiced, +aspirated] 31 [+voiced, +aspirated] 21 Table 23: Tonal evolution of Bai proposed by Wu (2000)
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／45
Generally tense vowels are associated with a higher pitch, while lax vowels correspond to the lower pitch. However, Table 23 does not respect this common rule. For example, the tone 55, which originates from a lax vowel, is higher than the tone 44, which comes from a tense vowel. For both hypotheses regarding the Bai tonal evolution, evidence from an intra-comparison of Bai dialects has hardly been used, possibly due to the lack of available data. For instance, Wu (2000) provides no comparative evidence from Bai dialects to show that the three tones in Jianchuan—55, 33 and 31—are derived from a single tone. Since more comprehensive data from different dialects have been now collected, their comparison is expected to provide a more reliable basis for the tonal reconstruction of Proto-Bai. Based on the correspondences among Bai dialects, a preliminary five-tone system can be reconstructed for Proto-Bai, as shown in Table 24: (un. = unvoiced; ua. = unvoiced aspirated; uu. = unvoiced unaspirated; vs. = voiced sonorant; vo. = voiced obstruent.)
PB Initials TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *1a ua. 55 55 24 55 55 55 55 55 55 *1 uu. & vs. 35 35 *1b vo. & vs. 35 12 21 21 21 21 21 21 21 *2 33 22 22 22 22 3333 33 33 *3 21 42 43 42 42 3131 31 21 *4a un. & vs. 42 24 55 44 55 44 44 44 44 *4 *4b vo. 42 21 21 42 42 42 42 42 42 *5 21 42 43 42 42 42 42 42/53 42 Table 24: A preliminary reconstruction of tonal system in Bai
The reconstructions of tone *2 and tone *3 are straightforward. However, the evolution of other tones is more complicated due to their own innovations and interferences from numerous language contacts. In the following text, the evolution will be accounted for on the basis of the comparison between Bai dialects.
46／Comparison of Languages in Contact
2.2.1.1.2 The change of tone *1
Generally speaking, the split of tone *1 into *1a and *1b is conditioned by unvoiced / voiced initials in all Bai dialects. The condition is still visible in TL since the devoicing of initials has not happened yet. The extensive analysis and discussion about the evolution of tone *1a will be given first. The examples are shown below:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 1218 blow 吹 p55 pu55 p24 p55 p55 p55 pu55 p55 p55 1681 listen 聽 tia55 tian55 tiæ24 tia55 tia55 tian55 ti55 ti55 ti55 1707 smell 聞 tv55 t.y55 tiu24 tiu42 tiu55 tsu55 t.u55 tsv55 tsu55 1015 light 輕 tia55 tsan55 tiæ24 tia55 tia55 tsan55 t.55 ts55 ts55 9 wind 風 tyen55 tyn55 tsu24 tyi55 tyi55 pi55 pie35 pi35 pien55 293 chicken 雞 q55 q55 q24 q55 qe55 ki55 ke35 ke35 ke55 578 needle 針 t.55 t.55 ts24 tse55 t.55 tsan55 t.35 tsi35 tsen55 1002 vertical 豎 tue55 tyn55 ty24 to55 tyi55 tuen55 tuen35 tue35 tsuen55 Table 25: Reflexes of tone *1a in Bai dialects
In ZC and DS, tone *1a has further split into two tones. As partially summarized in Xu & Zhao (1984:121), ua. stop initial and ua. affricative initial keep the high level tone 55 while the unaspirated counterparts lead to a change into the rising tone 35. However, for words with unvoiced fricative initials the sound conditions for the changes in tone *1a are omitted in their generalization. Because the labial-dental fricatives emerged secondarily, and possibly the further split of tone *1a occurred before their emergence, some conditions are obscured, but can still be detected in some dialects (cf. §2.2.1.2). For instance in #44 and #1072, the aspiration of the initial remains in DS, but not in ZC; in #367 and #1318, the initial conditions constraining the split remain in MZL:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 44 sand 沙子 iæ55 sao55 io24 io55 io55 sou55 .ou55 so55 sa55 1072 sour 酸 so55 sua55 y24 sua55 (tia55) su55 sua55 sua55 sua55 367 bee 蜜蜂 f55 pfu55 fo24 xo55 xo55 fv55 fv55 fv55 pen55 1318 fly 飛 f55 pfu55 f24 xu55 fi55 fv55 fv55 fv35 pi55 Table26: Some examples for the split of tone *1a
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／47
From these hints, three changes and their chronological orders in Bai dialects can be proposed as below:
1. The split of tone *1a; 2. Labiodentalization; 3. Loss of aspiration of fricatives;
/x/ initials preceding front vowels keep the high level tone─55, while the remaining /x/ initials lead to changes into rising tones─35. For example:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 377 flower 花 xua55 xu55 o24 xua55 xo55 xou55 xu35 xuo35 xo55 1 sky 天 xen55 hn5511 x24 x55 xe55 xen55 xen55 xe55 xen55 451 soup 湯 xa55 han55 æ24 xa55 xa55 xan55 x55 x55 - 1087 alive 活的 ia55 xn55 xæ24 xa55 (42) xan55 x55 x55 x55 Table 27: The change of tone *1a under the condition of /x/ initial
/s/, /./ and // initials cause tone *1a to change into a rising tone, but words with // are slower to change, and some of them are the laggards in DS, such as #5, #144, and #534, etc. For example:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 481 comb 梳子 .v55 sao55 iu24 y55 u55 sv55 .o35 sv35 su55 522 garden 園子 sua55 yen55 y24 sua55 so55 su55 sua35 sua35 sua55 seed of Chinese 448 花椒 .v55 y55 iu24 iu55 y55 su55 su35 su35 su55 prickly ash 1069 fragrant 香 io55 io55 io24 - io55 io55 io35 iou35 io55 5 star 星星 ia55 san55 iæ24 ia55 ia55 ian55 i55 i35 i55 144 heart 心臟 ien55 ien55 si24 s55 se55 ien55 ien55 i35 ien55 534 firewood 柴 ien55 ien55 si24 s55 se55 ien55 ien55 i35 ien55 Table 28: The changes of tone *1a under the condition of /s/, /./ and // initials
Tone *1b of Proto-Bai is represented by a rising tone in TL and GX,
11 The bold symbol in the phonological transcriptions is to mark the irregular representation in the Bai dialect, whose cause is unknown.
48／Comparison of Languages in Contact which is compared to the low-falling tone in other dialects. In JX and ZC, a breathy phonation is accompanied by the low-falling tone and the preceding initial is devoiced. It is possible that the devoicing caused the special phonation, since this phenomenon is common in many Tibeto-Burman languages (Dai 1979, Sun & Lin 2002):
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 120 skin 皮膚 bi35 bi12 pi21 tyi21 tyi21 pe21 pe21 pe21 pe21 454 tea 茶 diæ35 dzao12 tio21 tio21 tio21 tsou21 t.ou21 tso21 tso21 972 long 長 dv35 diou12 tio21 tiu21 tio21 tso21 t.o21 tsou21 tso21 70 bridge 橋 gv35 gu12 ku21 kv21 kv21 kuo21 ku21 ku21 kv21 443 meat 肉 a35 æ12 qæ21 qa21 qa21 ka21 k21 k21 k21 Table 29: Reflexes of tone *1b in Bai dialects
The interesting part in the split is the behavior of vs. words: some of them are associated with tone *1a, like un. words, while the others appear with tone *1b, like vo. words:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 1689 push 推 me55 mi55 mi24 - - m55 ma35 ma35 ma55 1155 close 閉 mi55 mi55 mi24 yi55 mi55 me55 me35 me35 mi55 pine 388 松明 m55 mn55 m24 m55 me55 me55 me35 - m55 torches 687 name 名 iua55 iu55 mi24 ya55 io55 mian55 mi35 mi35 mi55 351 fish 魚 v55 o55 o24 u55 u55 m55 vo35 o35 o55 2053 too 也 l55 li55 li55 l55 1438 lift 揭 læ55 lao12 lo24 lo55 lo55 l55 la35 - 1695 take off 脫 li55 ly22 la55 li55 lyi55 lui55 lue35 lui35 l42 Table 30: Examples of tone *1a with vs. initials in Bai dialects
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 1526 whet 磨 mæ35 ma12 mo21 mu21 mo21 mo21 mau21 mo21 mo21 254 cattle 牛 e35 12 21 21 21 21 21 21 21 1067 difficult 難 ne35 i12 21 i21 ne21 n21 n21 na21 n21 1008 yellow 黃 o35 a12 o21 o21 o21 v21 vo21 v21 o21 52 silver 銀 jen35 i12 i21 i21 i21 jen21 jen21 i21 ien21 167 person 人 jen35 i12 i21 i21 i21 jen21 jen21 i21 ien21
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／49
446 oil 油 j35 ji12 j21 ji21 (t.55) j21 j21 j21 jou21 154 sweat 汗 æ35 a12 a21 a21 a21 42 a21 a21 a21 304 tiger 老虎 læ35 lao12 lo21 lo21 lo21 lou21 lou21 lo21 lo21 Table 31: Examples of tone *1b with vs. initials in Bai dialects
It is found that a number of tone changes related to tones *1a and *1b, which suggests that the split of tone *1 should be reinterpreted as tone *1a having changed into *1b because of voiced initials. As indicated in the study of Xu & Zhao (1984:8), in the Jianchuan dialect, “ji21 [person]” changes from tone 21 to tone 55 in some idioms: ko42 ji55 po55 富有 rich jo44 ji55 xa55 受看 beautiful 愛 人 富 要 人 看 m44 ji55 tsv31 討厭 troublesome tsa55 ji55 i55 焦心 vexatious 爬 人 恨 焦 人 心 ti44 ji55 so31 逗笑funny ts55 ji55 i55 煩悶 annoyed 掏 人 笑 塞 人 心
Ting (1982, 1984) demonstrated that tone sandhi usually maintains the original appearance of the morpheme (or word). That is, in the above Jianchun idioms, the original tone type — tone *1a (55) — remains, while it has changed into *1b (21) elsewhere. There is other evidence that proves the above judgment. In all Bai dialects, the morpheme “fur” keeps its earlier appearance (that is with a tone 55) in the compound word “hair (head + fur)”, but its form has changed into tone 21 when it appears as a non-compound word, for example:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL head di35 di24 tiu21 ti21 e21 t21 t21 t21 75 頭髮 - fur me55 mi12 mi24 mi55 me55 ma55 ma35 m55 266 fur 毛 me35 mi12 mi21 mi21 me21 m21 ma21 ma21 me21 Table 32: Variants of “fur” in Bai
However the problem is that many non-compound words with vo. initial do not change into tone *1b as expected. Usually there exist two kinds of possible explanations: 1. The initials of the vs. words in the *1a group can be supposed as voiceless sonorants such as m, n, , while the vs.
50／Comparison of Languages in Contact words which have entered into the *1b group have normal voiced sonorant initials. However there is no evidence from initial correspondences to support this differentiation; 2. It is the interruption of a process of lexical diffusion which has resulted in some residues: the change from tone *1a to tone *1b has started from vo. initial words and has diffused gradually to vs. initial words; the vs. words were still in a variation stage when all vo. words reached the final stage of the change (that is the tone *1b). This process can be described in the following table: (C = Changed; V = Variation; Unchanged)
Initial conditions Tone *1a Æ tone *1b vo. C vs. V un. U Table 33: Lexical diffusion of the change from tone *1a to tone *1b
The change was then interrupted abruptly while it was still diffusing among words with vs. initials, which resulted in some residue — the vs. words with tone *1a. If this interpretation is right, there is usually a reason to account for such an abrupt interruption. As stated in Wang (1969), competing changes are often the cause for residues. Until competing changes or some other particular reasons are explicitly found, it is better not to adopt this interpretation. Otherwise lexical diffusion would become an easy “excuse” for any residue. It is language contact that might provide a third possible explanation for the above “irregularity”. The two groups of vs. words may reflect different origins. It has been found that the vs. words with tone *1a may come from some other languages in the Lolo-Burmese branch, especially from Naxi12 or Yi, while the vs. words with tone *1b may be traced back to a Chinese origin. The connections can be discovered in the following two tables:
12 The genetic position of Naxi is uncertain. Matisoff (2000a:349) believes that the Naxi language is close to the Yi nucleus. Sun (2001) puts it between Qiangic and Yi.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／51
Chinese Gloss JX Naxi2813 Naxi29 Yi21 Yi22 Yi23 Yi24 Yi25 Yi26 PL14 推 push m55 my55 mi13 ------閉 close me55 m55 ma33 m33 me33 mi33 mi33 - 松明 pine me55 mu55 ------名 name mi55 mi31 mv33 mi33 mie33 mi21 mi55 m33 m55 *-m(y)i1 魚 fish m55 i33 i33 h33 33 21 o55 o21 o33 *a2 也 too li55 l33 l33 i33 i33 - le33 n21 - 揭 lift l55 le55 - - l55 - - - - - 脫 take off lui55pv55 pv55 l55 33 l21 li21 l21 - *k-lwatH15 Table 34: The origin of vs. words with tone *1a
Chinese Gloss JX MC 磨 whet (a knife) mo21 *mw1b 難 difficult n21 *nn1b 牛 cattle 21 *juw1b 黃 yellow v21 *hw1b 銀 silver jen21 *nyin1b 人 person jen21 *nyin1b 油 vegetable oil j21 *yjuw1b 汗 sweat 42 *hn1b16 虎(貍)17 tiger lou21 *li1b Table 35: The Chinese origin of vs. words with the tone *1b
Note that the connection between the words of the *1a group and a hypothetical origin in Lolo-Burmese languages is much more based on
13 All the materials of Naxi, Yi and some other Tibeto-Burman languages are extracted from Sun et al. (1991) except specific notation. 21 = Xide Yi; 22 = Dafang Yi; 23 = Nanjian Yi; 24 = Nanhua Yi; 25 = Mile Yi; 26 = Mojiang Yi; 28 = Lijiang Naxi; 29 = Yongning Naxi. 14 The reconstruction of Proto-Loloish (PL) is quoted from Bradley (1979). 15 This connection is pointed out in Lee & Sagart (1998:11). 16 Note that the character “汗” has two pronunciations in Chinese recorded in Guangyun: 匣, 山開一翰, 去/匣, 山開一寒, 平. The tone representation in JX is irregular. 17 Usually, the origin of “tiger” in Bai is connected to Yi languages, but Zhengzhang (1999:39) proposes a Chinese origin as 貍, and this identification is consistent with the evolution of the tone *1 in Bai.
52／Comparison of Languages in Contact similarities than on strict sound correspondences. Their reflexes in the source languages can have either of two level tones—33 or 55. However all words in the *1b group correspond strictly with Chinese origins, and all of them have the yangping tone of Middle Chinese. Therefore the words of the *1a group are more likely to have been brought into Bai from the surrounding Yi or Naxi languages. Note that in the *1a group, “too” is a functional word, which can be brought more easily into a second language by interference with a first language (the mother tongue) than by borrowing18 (Thomason & Kauffman 1988:74, Chen 1996:86-94).
2.2.1.1.3 The tone *4 and the tone *5 in Bai
The tone *4 is unchanged in TL, while it has split into the tone *4a and the tone *4b in JX, ZC, and MZL under the condition of unvoiced/ voiced initials. During this split, the tone *4 with sonorant initials develops into the tone *4a. A unique change in the MZL dialect is that the vo. initials transferred into ua. initials (examples are marked in shadowed fonts), not into uu. initials as in other dialects. For example:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 1212 put on 穿 tiu42 tsu24 tiu55 tiu44 o55 tsou44 t.ou33 tsou44 tso44 129 blood 血 suæ42 sua24 sua55 sua44 sua55 su44 shua44 sua44 sua44 802 six 六 fo42 pfu24 fo55 xo44 xo55 fv44 fo44 fv44 fv44 410 wheat 小麥 m42 mo24 m55 m55 m55 m44 m44 m44 m44 1753 bite 咬 æ42 a24 Na55 o44 a55 44 a44 a44 a44 1198 eat 吃 ju42 ju24 j55 ji44 ji55 j44 j44 j44 ji44 43 stone 石頭 diu42 dzu21 tiu21 tiu42 o21 tsou42 t.ou42 tsou42 tshv42 139 tongue 舌頭 de42 di21 ti21 ti21 42 tse42 t.e42 tse42 tsh42 284 pig 豬 d42 d21 t21 t42 te42 te42 te42 te42 th42 1006 white 白 ba42 bæ21 pa21 pa42 pa42 pa42 p42 p42 ph42 Table 36: The change of the tone *4 in Bai dialects
18 In Thomason & Kaufman (1988), two types of language interference are distinguished─borrowing and language shift. “Substratum interference” is regarded as a subtype of interference from language shift. Chen (1996) proposes to use ‘interference from first language 母語干擾’ as the counterpart to borrowing.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／53
In JM, the tone *4a merged with the tone *1a. In EG, such change is currently occurring. Examples are marked in shadowed fonts. In DS, the tone *4a tends to merge with the tone *2. The examples are also marked in shadowed fonts in Table 37. The tone *4a are usually accompanied by a non-modal phonation─tense in several Bai dialects, such as JX, EG and ZC. When the non-modal phonation changes into modal sound, two kinds of results are possible: 1. the tense phonation causes a rise of pitch as in JM; 2. or it simply gets lost without trace as in DS. Since special phonation types are highly marked features, the universal tendency for them is to disappear, and the results of their disappearance are unlikely to be out of the two possibilities mentioned above, especially under contact with other languages without such special phonation types.
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 800 four 四 i42 i24 Si55 si44 i55 i44 i44 i44 i44 802 six 六 fo42 pfu24 fo55 xo44 xo55 fv44 fo44 fv44 fv44 1198 eat 吃 ju42 ju24 j55 ji44 ji55 j44 j44 j44 ji44 103 foot 腳 ko42 ku24ku55 ku44 ko55kou44 kou44 ko44 ko44 1536 crawl 爬 ma42 mæ24 ma55 ma44 ma55 ma44 m44 m44 m44 976 wide 寬 quo42 qua24 qua55 qua44 qua55 ku44 kua44 kua44 kua44 1601 seep 掃 tiu42 tsu24 tiu55 tio44 o55 tsou44 t.ou44 so33 s33 1414 pick up 撿 42 di21 ts21 ts42 t.42 tsa42 t.i42 tsi42 tsi42 326 bird 鳥 tsu42 tsu24 tsu55 tsu44 tso55tsou44 tsou33 tsou44 tso44 356 louse 蝨子 i42 i24 i55 i44 i55 i44 i33 e44 i44 714 outside 外邊 uæ42 ua24 ua55 ua44 (21) u44 ua33 ua44 ua44 771 month 月 uæ42 ua24 ua55 ua44 ua55 u44 ua33 ua44 ua44 389 bamboo 竹子 t.v42 tsao24 tio55 tiu44 tiu55 tsv44 t.o33 tsv44 tsu44 977 narrow 窄 tia42 tsæ24 tia55 t44 t.55 tsa44 t.33 ts44 ts44 1225 twist 搓 tsu42 tsu55 tso55 tso55 tsou44 tsou33 tso44 tso44 395 persimmon 柿子 ta42 tæ24 tiæ55 tia55 a55 t44 ta44 ta44 t42 1525 stroke 摸 mæ42 mo24 m55 mu55 mo55 mo44 mo44 mou55 mo44 410 wheat 小麥 m42 mo24 m55 m55 m55 m44 m44 m44 m44 1422 water 澆 o42 læ24 u55 o55 u55 ou44 ou44 ou44 o44 1332 pull 蓋 tæ42 ta24 tua55 to55 ta55 t44 ta44 ta55 - Table 37: Changes of the tone *4a in Bai dialects
In Enqi, the tone *4b and the tone *1b have merged into the tone 21.
54／Comparison of Languages in Contact
In EG and JM, the same change is in progress. To date JM has changed slightly faster than EG, but the two do not follow the same path since the affected words differ. For example (The changed form is marked by shadowed fonts):
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 284 pig 豬 d42 d21 t21 t42 te42 te42 te42 te42 t42 586 stick 棍子 guæ42 qua21 qua21 qua42 qua42 ku42 kua42 kua42 - 806 ten 十 42 di21 ts21 ts42 t.42 tsa42 t.i42 tsi42 tsi42 1287 read 讀 42 21 21 42 42 42 42 42 - 43 stone 石頭 diu42 dzu21 tiu21 tiu42 o21 tsou42 t.ou42 tsou42 tsv42 607 chisel 鑿子 zu42 dzu21 tsu21 tsy42 tsv21 tsou42 tsa44 tsu42 tso42 1141 bind 綁 v42 bvu21 fo21 u42 u21 fv42 fv42 v42 p42 1023 muddy 渾濁 v42 dzao21 tio21 tiu21 tiu21 tsv42 [tso42] ts42 tsv42 139 tongue 舌頭 de42 di21 ti21 ti21 42 tse42 t.e42 tse42 ts42 1432 to bark 吠 o42 diua21 pia21 tya21 tiua42 pio42 pia42 pia42 pia42 Table 38: Changes of the tone *4b in Bai dialects
The tone *5 can be reconstructed depended on the correspondence between the tone 21 in TL and the tone 42 in JX, MZL and ZC (the tone 53 is rarely used in ZC). For example:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL MC 637 arrow 箭 tien21 tien42 tsi43 ts42 tse42 tien42 tien42 ti53 tien42 *tsjen3a 964 big 大 dæ21 da42 da43 do42 do42 tou42 tou42 to42 do42 *d3b 450 egg 蛋 sen21 sn42 s43 s42 se42 sen42 sen42 se42 s42 *len3b 1863 price 價 qa21 qæ42 qæ43 qa42 qa42 ka42 k42 k42 k42 *kæ3a 608 saw 鋸 fv21 pfu42 fo43 fv42 fv42 fv42 fv42 fv42 fv42 *kjo3a 1819 sit 坐 kv21 kao42 ku43 kv42 kv42 kv42 ko42 kv42 kv42 *kjo3a 1252 wear 戴 tj21 di24 t43 t42 te42 t42 tn42 t42 t42 *toj3a Table 39: Sound correspondences for the tone *5 in Bai dialects
If the tone *5 is a tone category of Proto-Bai, according to the above correspondences, one must assume that after the TL dialect separated from other dialects, the tone *5 merged with the tone *3 in TL but with the tone *4 in other dialects. One must also assume that the merging of the tone *5
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／55 and the tone *4 in those dialects happened after the tone *4 split into two tones — 44 and 42 — because several examples do not follow the split, for example: ‘arrow’, ‘price’, ‘chop’, etc. Otherwise, the tone of these examples would be the tone 44 (cf. Table 36, Table 37). One might notice an interesting phenomenon where all the tone *5 words correspond to qusheng words of MC (cf. Table 39). However, qusheng words also sometimes correspond to tones *3 and *4. For example:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL MC 555 chopsticks 箸 v21 Dao42 do43 tiu42 tiu42 tsv31 t.o31 tsv31 ts21 *drjo3b 22 earth 地 i21 di42 di43 ti42 di42 ti31 ti31 ti31 ti21 *dij3b 1735 laugh 笑 sæ21 su42 su43 sy42 su42 sou31 i31 so31 s21 *sjew3a 965 small 細 se21 s42 s43 s42 se42 se31 se21 se31 s21 *sej3a 1070 stinking 臭 tv21 tsu42 tiu43 tiu42 v42 tsu31 t.u31 tsu31 tsu21 *tsyjuw3a 372 tree 樹 di21 di42 di43 di42 42 ts31 t.21 ts31 dz21 *dzyju3b 420 vegetable 菜 tsi21 ts42 tsi43 ts42 ts42 ts31 ts31 ts31 ts31 *tsoj3a Table 40: The correspondences between the tone *3 of Bai and MC qusheng
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL MC 914 year old 歲 suæ42 sua24 sua55 sua44 sua55 su44 sua44 sua44 sua44 *sjwej3a 800 four 四 i42 i24 si55 si44 i55 i44 i44 i44 i44 *sij3a 143 lung 肺 tiuo42 t.ua24 pia55 tya44 tya55 pio44 fi44 pia44 pio44 *pjwoj3a 714 outside 外 uæ42 ua24 ua55 ua44 - u44 ua33 ua44 ua44 *waj3b 284 pig 彘 d42 d21 tE21 t42 te42 te42 te42 te42 t42 *drjwej3b 1432 to bark 吠 o42 diua21 pia21 tya21 tua42 pio42 pia42 pia42 pia42 *bjwoj3b Table 41: The correspondences between the tone *4 of Bai and MC qusheng
Since the sound conditions cannot be found for the multilateral correspondences of Chinese qusheng tones, the three kinds of reflexes of MC qusheng—the tone *3, the tone *4 and the tone *5—can be interpreted as three layers of Bai-Chinese related words—A, B and C, respectively. The examples of layer B in Bai dialects, except TL, follow the same rule that governs the split of the tone *4, which indicates that they were brought into Bai earlier than the split of the tone *4, while layer C was brought into Bai later than this split, as mentioned above. Therefore layer C, or the corresponding the tone *5, is more likely to be re-interpreted as a later
56／Comparison of Languages in Contact borrowing from MC qusheng words. Therefore it can be supposed that after the separation of TL from the other dialects and the split of the tone *4, TL used the tone 21 to match Chinese qusheng words, while other dialects used the tone 42. Wang (1989:102) observed some constraints on tonal systems: “In a recent survey of several hundred tone systems, it was found that very few languages have more than (a) four noncontour tones, (b) two rising tones, (c) two falling tones, or (d) two turning tones.” According to the above discussion in last paragraphs, all the tones used for Chinese qusheng words are of the falling type. The very rare tone 53 in ZC can be regarded as a new tone created only for the later borrowing of Chinese qusheng words. If all Bai dialects had adopted this new tone, tone 53, the maximum number of falling tones would have reached 4 in some dialects, eg. tone 53, 42, 31 and 21 in ZC, which would contradict the former typological constraint. In agreement with this constraint, it turns out that the tone 53 did not develop further among Bai dialects. This suggests that whether or how foreign elements can be integrated into a native system depends on the capacity of the native system.
2.2.1.1.4 Summary
Based on the comparisons in the previous paragraphs, the tone *5, as a later borrowing, is excluded from Proto-Bai, so that a four-tone system can be reconstructed. Tone sandhi in Bai dialects is very rare, which makes it easier to reconstruct the tone values. The tonal system of Proto-Bai is shown in the following table:
Tone category *1 *2 *3 *4 Tone value *55 *33 *31 *4 Table 42: The tonal system of Proto-Bai
The tones *1, *2 and *3 may be modal tones. The tone *4 is more likely to be associated with some special phonation type (marked by the underline). In the context of this reconstruction, the devoicing of voiced initials may be one of the sources for some of the non-modal tones in Bai dialects. For
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／57 example, the tone 21 in JX, MZL and ZC is derived from the tone *1 with voiced initials. Both the change of pitch and the special phonation type compensate for the loss of voicing. The origin of the non-modal phonation type for the tone *4 is unlikely to have followed the same process, because both voiced and voiceless initials can be associated with the non-modal tone, either tense or laryngealized. So the most possible source is the loss of the original consonant endings (Dai 1979), which will be discussed in greater details in connection with the Sino-Bai comparison (cf. §3). All the tonal changes from Proto-Bai to modern dialects can be summarized as below:
Changes Involved dialects 1. Split of the tone *1 All 2. Split of the tone *4 All, except TL 3. Split of the tone *1a DS, ZC 4. Merger of the tone *1b and *4b EQ [EG and JM, in progress] 5. Merger of the tone *3 and *4b EG, JM 6. Merger of the tone *1a and *4a JM [EG in progress] Table 43: Tone changes in Bai dialects
The third change (split of the tone *1a) may be a character for subgrouping since it is not so frequent among conditioned tone changes. For instance, this kind of split is rarely found from Middle Chinese through modern Chinese dialects (Wang & Cheng 1987).
2.2.1.2 Initials
The initial system of Proto-Bai can be reconstructed based on the basis of the sets of correspondences among the various dialects. Three medials, *-r-, *-j- and *-w- are reconstructed for Proto-Bai. The two medials *-r- and *-j- appear more frequently, and have closer relationship with initials, so it is more convenient to put them together to discuss changes from Proto-Bai to modern dialects. I will refer to these combinations of initial consonants and following medials as clusters. The medial *-w- owns
58／Comparison of Languages in Contact less impact on the preceding initials, so it is put in the final part and written as *-u-. In each of the following sub-sections, a set of homorganic initials will be discussed in detail. Sound correspondences supporting the reconstruction will be summarized at the beginning of each sub-chapter. Changes from Proto-Bai to dialects will be proposed, and examples such as “cf. #344, #605”. “#344, #605” indicate indices of words which will appear in appendix 1, where the reconstructed form and its reflexes in the nine Bai dialects will be available. Capital letters will be used to cover classes of initials as shown in Table 44:
Capital letters Members of the class P p, p, b, m F f, f, v T t, t, d, n, l K k, k, g, , x, Q q, q, , , , Pf pf, pf, bv Ts ts, ts, s, s, z T. t., t., ., ., T t, t, , , Table 44: Cover symbols
In transcriptions of Bai dialects, the medial -j- is transcribed as -i- to distinguish it from the *-j- in Proto-Bai. Since there is always a medial -j- following T initials, -j- will be omitted.
2.2.1.2.1 Bilabials: *p- *p- *b- *m-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *p p p p p p p p p p *p p p p p p p p p p *b b b p/b p p/b p p p b/p/p *m m m m m m m m m m Table 45: *P- of Proto-Bai
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／59
Proto-Bai *p-. It is straightforward to reconstruct this initial. All the reflexes in dialects are p-. cf. #344, #605, #824, #1148, #1161.
Proto-Bai *p-. It is parallel to *p-. cf. #150, #673, #1035, #1218, #1552, #1561, #2075. Proto-Bai *b-. Two dialects, TL and GX, keep the voiced initial. In EQ and JM, the devoicing is conditioned by tone (cf. §2.2.1.1). *b- changes into p- in all other dialects except in MZL. In MZL, when *b- is followed by the tone *4 it changes into p- (cf. #94, #1131). In MZL, all voiced initials in Proto-Bai with the tone *4 are represented by unvoiced aspirated initials (cf. #43, #139, #284, #1006, see also §2.2.1.1). This rule will be called aspirated devoicing. In a few words of MZL, the voiced initial *b- is retained (cf. #1149). Proto-Bai *m-. It is represented by m- in all dialects. cf. #219, #268, #360, #387, #410, #439, #1019, #1383, #1525, #1536, #1663.
2.2.1.2.2 Bilabial clusters
The clusters here consist of a bilabial followed by a medial -r- or -j-. The reconstruction of *-r- not only accounts for the correspondences between retroflexed initials and other series of initials, such as labials, dentals and velars, but also for several vowel changes (for details, refer to §2.2.3).
I. *pr- *pr- *br-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *pr t/t. t pi_/ts t t pi_ pi_ pi_ pi_ *pr t/t. t/t. p i_ t t p i_ p i_ p i_ pi_ *br / d p/b/d t/d t/d pi_ pi_ pi_ b/p p/i_ Table 46: *Pr- of Proto-Bai
Mainly because of the presentation of retroflexed initials in TL and GX, *Pr- can be reconstructed. In JX, DS, ZC and MZL, the *-r- becomes
60／Comparison of Languages in Contact
-i-. The two different changes can be formulated as below:
1. *Pr- Æ T.u-; 2. *Pr- Æ Pi-;
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 1708 ask 問 t.ua42 tiu24 piæ55 tya44 tua55 pia44 pi44 pi44 pi44 804 eight 八 tio42 tiua24 pia55 tya44 tiua55 pio44 pia44 pia44 pia44 597 whip 鞭子 ti55 - pio24 tio55 qua42 pio55 piou35 pia35 pio55 female 118 女陰 tyi42 ty24 pi55 tyi44 tyi55 pi44 pi44 - pi55 genitals 1124 cliffy 陡峭 t.ua55 t.uen55 piæ24 tya55 tya55 pi55 pi55 pi55 - 143 lung 肺 tiuo42 t.hua24 pia55 tya44 tya55 pio44 fi44 pia44 pio44 1513 numb 麻木 - dyen12 - tyi21 tye21 pi21 pi21 pi21 pi21 1432 to bark 吠 o42 dua21 pia21 tya21 tiua53 pio42 pia42 pia42 pia42 1131 pull up 拔草 o42 dua22 pia22 ta44 tio55 pio42 - - 493 straw 蓑衣 yi21 dy42 bi43 dyi42 tye42 pi31 pi31 pi21 bi21 710 left 左邊 ty55 tin55 tsu24 to44 tye55 pi55 pi35 pi35 pi55 1156 plait 編 tyen55 tyen55 tsu24 tyi55 tye55 pien55 pi35 pi35 pien55 61 salt 鹽 tyen55 tyen55 tsu24 tsu55 tsue55 pien55 pie35 pi35 - 9 wind 風 tyen55 tyen55 tsu24 tyi55 tyi55 pi55 pie35 pi35 pien55 969 low 低矮 yi33 dy22 dzy22 dyi22 dye22 pi33 pi33 pi33 pi33 365 ant 螞蟻 - dzu12 tsu43 ti21 ti21 pien21 pi21 pi21 pi55 1158 change 變 tyen21 tyen42 p43 p42 pe42 pien42 pien42 pi42 pi42 Table 47: *Pr- in Bai dialects
In change 1, the medial -u- may be attributed to the bilabial initials. Following after this change, another change embarked the new-born T._ initials to become palatal initials, which may be called back-rounded palatalization. This rule will be explained in §2.2.1.2.6 and can be formalized as below:
3. T.- Æ T- / _ [+vowel, +back, + rounded];
In this all the retroflexed initials have changed into palatal initials in EG and JM. However, in GX and TL, the change has not yet been completed, cf. #1708, #1124, #1131, #1432. However, the reflexes in EQ is puzzling, because half of the examples
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／61 are consistent with JX, DS, ZC and MZL, following the rule 2 (cf. #1708, #804, #597, #118, #1124, #143, #1432, #1131, #493), whereas the remaining examples have the Ts- initial (cf. #710, #1156, #61, #9, #969). Solving this mystery in EQ involves another rule of sound change in Bai dialects:
4. T.- Æ Ts-;
The change 4 of T.- to Ts- is quite common, and can be seen as a marked sound changing into its unmarked counterpart (Wang 2003:269), see also §2.2.1.2.6. It should have occurred before the back-rounded palatalization, and accounts for half of the examples with Ts- initials. Therefore, it can be seen that the two possible ways to simplify *Pr_, rule 1 and rule 2, are competing in EQ. What caused the competition? It is imperative to first examine the general pattern of this change which occurred in Bai dialects. If one takes the two rules 1 and 2 as the criteria to classify Bai dialects, two types of Bai dialects may be obtained:
Type I: TL, GX, EG and JM, following the rule 1; Type II: JX, DS, ZC and MZL, following the rule 2;
The EQ Bai is a mixed type, which may be explained according to two hypotheses: 1. EQ Bai originally changed based on rule 1 / Type I, then came into contact with dialects of Type II. The introduction of rule 2 interrupted rule 1; 2. Vice versa. In connection with the historical background, the second possibility is more likely. It is said that the EQ people had moved into their current area surrounded by Type I dialects from Dali area where Type II dialects are distributed. Examining the two groups of words in EQ, Type I contains more basic words (‘wind’, ‘salt’, etc.) than Type II, so the former is more likely involved in a later sound change. From this point of view, the second hypothesis is also supported. If this is true, it suggests that the change related to Type II was in progress when the ancestors of modern EQ people moved. One should note that bian4 變 (#1158) was likely brought into some Bai dialects after TL split from other dialects because the tone correspondences of this word suggest a tone *5, which has been demonstrated to indicate a
62／Comparison of Languages in Contact later layer (cf. §2.2.1.1). Its reflexes in different dialects are interesting, and can provide some clues for dating some changes in Bai and Chinese:
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 1158 change 變 tyen21 tyen42 p43 p42 pe42 pien42 pien42 pi42 pi42 Table 48: ‘Change’ in Bai dialects
The variant of bian4 變 in TL seems conservative, which can suggest the existence of previous *-r- medial, since it follows two rules: 1. *Pr- Æ T.u- and 2. T.- Æ T- / _ [+vowel, +back, +rounded]. Variants of bian4 變 in JX, DS, ZC and MZL may also reflect the earlier form, because they follow a different *Pr- change, *Pr- Æ Pi-. On the other hand, variants of bian4 變 in EQ, EG and JM do not show a trace of any medial, which means that these variants possibly entered these dialects after the simplification of the *Pr- cluster. The behaviors of the variants of bian4 變 in Bai dialects may also indicate that Chongniu Div. 3 has a *-r- medial.
Index PB Chinese OC (LFG) OC (Baxter) MC 1158 pran5 ‘change’ 變 *panx *prons pjen3a Table 49: *pran5 ‘change’ of Proto-Bai corresponding to Chinese
Proto-Bai *pr-. cf. #9, #61, #118, #597, #710, #804, #1156, #1158, #1708.
Proto-Bai *pr-. cf. #143, #1124. Proto-Bai *br-. cf. #365, #493, #969, #1131, #1432, #1513.
II. *pj- *pj- *bj- *mj-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *pj f pf f xu_ f f f f p(f) *pj f pf f x x f f f p(/f) *bj v bv v/f v/u v v v v p/p/v *mj j/ mi_ /mi_ mi_ mi_ mi_ mi_ Table 50: *Pj- of Proto-Bai
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／63
Except *mj-, the bilabial cluster series may follow three possible ways of simplification:
(i) *P- + *-j- Æ Pf- Æ F- (labiodentalization); (ii) *P- + -j- + -u Æ P- + -; (iii) *P- + -j- + -e- Æ P- + -i-.
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 1318 fly 飛 f55 pfu55 f24 xu55 fi55 fv55 fv55 fv35 pi55 1319 divide 分 f55 pfu55 f24 xu55 fi55 fv55 fv35 fv35 pien55 608 saw 鋸子 fv21 pfu42 fo43 fv42 fv42 fv42 fv42 fv42 fv42 802 six 六 fo42 pfu24 fo55 xo44 xo55 fv44 fo44 fv44 fv44 96 belly 肚子 f42 (i21) fo24 xu44 (42) fv44 fo44 fv44 p44 153 fart 屁 f21 pfu55 f43 f22 fe42 fv31 fv42 - pi21 703 direction 方向 f33 - f22 - fe22 fv33 fv33 - 1151 carry 背 v42 bvu21 f21 ui42 ue21 vu42 [xu42] - - 1569 to owe 欠 v33 ba42 bo43 v22 ve22 v33 (j31) (j42) pi33 1645 tie 拴 v35 bvw21 - v21 v21 v42 vo42 v21 p42 Table 51: *Pj- in Bai dialects
The three ways of simplification have occurred in different orders in different dialects: when (i) happened first, all *Pj- changed into F, as in TL, DS and ZC. When (ii) occurred first, some *P- initials were maintained, such as #96 in MZL. When (iii) occurred first, it interrupted the labiodentalization, such as #1318, #1319 in MZL. A similar change, -j- + -u Æ -, can be found in #38 of MZL. This supports the reconstruction of (iii). In EG and JM, a further change, f- Æ xu-, is in progress, cf. #1318, #1319, #802, #906; but f- Æ x- /_ o occurred first (cf. #96, #802). The new-born labiodental initials often caused the following vowels to become the unusual vowel “v”, especially in JX and ZC. Fortunately, due to the different rates of change across Bai dialects, most of the earlier status of the vowel can be figured out, and will be discussed in more details in §2.2.3. In Baxter (1992:47), the hypothesis of labiodentalization P Æ F- /____-j- [+vowel, +back] is proposed in MC. 19 In Bai dialects, the
19 The phonetic interpretation for this formula remains unknown.
64／Comparison of Languages in Contact labiodentalization caused by “-j-” is over the constraint of back vowel, cf. #1318, #1319, #153, #703. From the above discussion, it is parsimonious to suppose that the labiodentalization occurred independently in different Bai dialects. The medial *-j- in the *mj- cluster does not cause the labiodentalization, but palatalization. In TL, GX, EG and JM, the change *mj Æ can be seen clearly, cf. #4, #687.
Proto-Bai *pj-. cf. #96, #608, #703, #802, #832, #1318, #1319, #1454.
Proto-Bai *pj-. cf. #153, #367, #1172. Proto-Bai *bj-. cf. #559, #876, #1141, #1151, #1569, #1645. Proto-Bai *mj-. cf. #4, #687, #1746.
2.2.1.2.3 Dental *t- *t- *d- *n- *l-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *t t/t t t t t t/t t/t t/t t *t t/t t t t t t/t t/t t/t t *d d/ d/d d/t/d d/t/d d/t/d t/t t/t t/t d/t/t *n n n n n n n n n n *l l l l l l l l l l Table 52: *T- of Proto-Bai
The dental series of initials almost remained unchanged from Proto-Bai to modern dialects, except that in several dialects, dental stops are palatalized when situated before high-front vowel, cf. #987 in TL, JX, DS, ZC; #22, #234 in all dialects except MZL.
Proto-Bai *t-. cf. #974, #1002, #1263, #1715.
Proto-Bai *t-. cf. #40, #1442. Proto-Bai *d-. cf. #22, #234, #284, #392, #430, #626, #651, #964, #1168, #1274.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／65
Proto-Bai *n-. cf. #46, #132, #881, #894, #931, #1357. Proto-Bai *l-. cf. #304, #629, #1438.
2.2.1.2.4 Dental clusters: *tr *tr *dr
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *tr ti_ t./ts ti_ t/ti_ ts t. ts ts *tr ti_ t./ts ti_ t/ti_ ts t. ts ts 20 *dr di_ d/dz di_/ti_ t/d /ti_ / ts t. ts dz/ts/ts Table 53: *Tr- of Proto-Bai
The two ways of simplifying dental clusters with *-r- in Bai dialects can be summarized by the following formula:
(a) *Tr- Æ T.-; (b) *Tr- Æ Tj-;
GX, JX, DS, ZC and MZL share type (a), whereas TL, EQ and JM follow type (b). The two types are parallel to the simplification of *Pr-. The medial *-r- either causes the new retroflexed initials or changes into a medial -i-. These two results ask for further development in some dialects. For dialects of type (a), most new-born T.-initials changed into Ts-. In GX, when the vowel is the high front /i/ or /y/, the earlier retroflexed form remains, cf. #372, #513, #1799, #1709. In dialects of type (b), JM went through a further change, *Tj- Æ //, and a new set of initials emerged. EG is an interesting case. Most of reflexes have palatal initials plus [+vowel, +back, rounded]. It can be attributed to the back-rounded palatalization rule as mentioned in §2.2.1.2.2 (see also §2.2.1.2.6), but there are several “exceptions”, cf. #161, #1007, #1015. No trace shows that these exceptions may be hidden products of the back-rounded palatalization rule. So one would rather suppose these exceptions to have gone through
20 The retroflexed series remain before /i/.
66／Comparison of Languages in Contact another change, *Tr- Æ Ti- Æ T-, where the secondary “-i-” would have activated the palatalization. However, a few examples in EG still keep the simple T- initials, cf. #139, #977, which requires subsequent explanations.
Proto-Bai *tr-. cf. #839, #977, #1212, #1254, #1799, #1803.
Proto-Bai *tr-. cf. #161, #457, #1007, #1015, #1070, #1527, #1601, #1707, #1793. Proto-Bai *dr-. cf. #43, #139, #149, #372, #513, #526, #551, #585, #848, #972, #1797.
II: *tj- *tj- *dj- *nj-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *tj tj/t t ti_ t t ti(t) t t *tj t t ti_ t t t t t *dj di_ di_ di_ t t/t t/t t d/t *nj j /j j j Table 54: *Tj- of Proto-Bai
The medial *-j- results in a particular series of , and in JM. A change chain, *nj Æ Æ j, is also activated in a few dialects, such as TL, JX and DS, whereas some dialects are still in the intermediate stage of this change chain.
Proto-Bai *tj-. cf. #987, #1252. Proto-Bai*tj-. cf. #38, #228. Proto-Bai *dj-. cf. #74, #194, #722, #842, #1264. Proto-Bai *nj-. cf. #2, #52, #167, #174, #222, #235, #274, #1749.
2.2.1.2.5 Dental affricative and fricatives: *ts- *ts- *s- *s- *z- *dz-
In the reconstruction of this series, the notable point is the presence of
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／67 aspirated fricatives, such as *s-, whose origin will be explained after the comparison between Proto-Bai and Written Tibetan (cf. Wang 2004a).
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *ts ts ts ts ts ts ts ts ts ts *ts ts ts ts ts ts ts ts ts ts *s s s s s s s s s s *s s s s s s s s s s *z z z z z z z/s z/s z/s z/s *dz z dz ts ts ts ts ts ts ts/ts Table 55: *Ts- of Proto-Bai
Proto-Bai *ts-. cf. #125, #173, #220, #326, #452, #544, #695, #1018, #1347, #1405, #1533.
Proto-Bai*ts-. cf. #162, #420, #423, #852, #1076, #1188, #1225, #1574. Proto-Bai *s-. cf. #404, #419, #450, #522, #1597, #1649, #1656.
Proto-Bai *s-. cf. #12, #129, #224, #424, #462, #619, #799, #914, #1072. Proto-Bai *z-. cf. #411, #899, #1345. Proto-Bai *dz-. cf. #607, #1169, #1444.
2.2.1.2.6 Dental affricative and fricative clusters
I: *tsr- *tsr- *sr- *sr- *zr- *dzr-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *tsr t. t./ts ts/tts/tt./t ts t. ts ts *tsr t. t./tsts/t ts/t t./t ts t. ts ts *sr . ./s ./ s/ ./ s .(s) s s *sr s /s /. s . s s *zr . ./z j/z z z/ s . z z *dzr . dz t/ts/dzts/tt./t ts t. ts dz/ts/ts Table 56: *Tsr- of Proto-Bai
68／Comparison of Languages in Contact
For convenience, I reconstructed the retroflexed series as dental fricatives followed by *-r-. In Proto-Bai, the phonetics of this series may have been quite different. A relatively complete series of retroflexed initials remains in TL and DS. Two kinds of change of retroflexed initials can be found in Bai dialects:
1) T.- Æ Ts-; 2) T.- Æ T- /_ [+vowel, +back, +rounded].
T.- initials in JX, ZC and MZL have completely changed into Ts- initials. In EQ, EG and JM, the back-rounded palatalization rule must have occurred first, so all words satisfying the rule have been palatalized, cf. #389, #405, #1804, #966, #353, #359, #555, #617, #767, #1014, #1023, #448, #481, #320. Let us call these examples “Group 1”. The rest *T.- initial words are kept in JM, whereas in EQ and EG they have changed into Ts- initials, cf. #406, #806, #1414, #1674, #109, #445, #490, #578, #647, #1047, #1613, #1635, #1802, #151, #1384, #1643. Let us call these examples “Group 2”. In EQ, the back-rounded palatalization rule must have ended before the *Pr- Æ T.u- rule was activated, otherwise, one should have found some words with an original *Pr- cluster represented by T- initials (cf. §2.2.1.2.2). In GX, the Group 1 words share the Ts- initials, whereas the Group 2 words keep *T.- initials. This means that the Group 1 words in GX did not go through the back-rounded palatalization rule. If one recalls the discussion in §2.2.1.2.2, it does happen to the T.- initials caused by *Pr- clusters in GX. Therefore, one may suppose that a conditioned change, T.- Æ Ts- /_ [+vowel, +back, +rounded] occurred before the back-rounded palatalization was activated in GX. *sr- initial shows some specificity in a few dialects, which is not parallel with other elements in this series. In TL and EQ, it changes into //. In EG and JM, the front and high vowels tend to resist the change to //. For example:
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／69
Index Gloss Chinese TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 44 sand 沙子 i55 sao12 io24 io55 io55 sou55 .ou55 so55 sa55 1339 cut(meat) 割 ia42 sæ24 ia55 ia44 ia55 sa44 .44 s44 s44 376 leaf 葉子 i42 s24 i55 s44 .55 se44 .e44 se44 s44 Table 57: *sr- initials in Bai dialects
Proto-Bai *tsr-. cf. #109, #389, #405, #445, #490, #578, #647, #1047, #1804.
Proto-Bai *tsr-. cf. #966, #1613, #1635, #1688, #1802. Proto-Bai *sr-. cf. #23, #151, #320, #437, #448, #481, #1078, #1269, #1384, #1596, #1643.
Proto-Bai *sr-. cf. #44, #107, #376, #982, #1339. Proto-Bai *zr-. cf. #385. Proto-Bai *dzr-. cf. #353, #359, #406, #555, #617, #767, #806, #1014, #1023, #1414, #1638, #1674.
II. *tsj- *tsj- *sj-
The palatalization function of *-j- in these correspondences is quite straightforward. In EQ and EG, the *-j- has simply been dropped and the preceding alveolar-fricatives have remained. The palatalization can be observed in TL, GX, JX, ZC and MZL. JM is in the middle-stream of palatalization.
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *tsj t t ts ts ts/(t)t tsj/ts t t *tsj t t ts ts ts/t t tsj/ts t t *sj s s s/ sj/ Table 58: *Tsj- of Proto-Bai
Proto-Bai *tsj-. cf. #364, #637, #1648. Proto-Bai *tsj-. cf. #391, #397, #803, #1489, #2105. Proto-Bai *sj-. cf. #5, #144, #534, #800, #1089.
70／Comparison of Languages in Contact
2.2.1.2.7 Velars: *k- *k- *- *- *x- *-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *k k k k k k k k k k *k k k k k k k k k k * /k k/ k/ k k k k/k *x x x x x x/f x x x x/f 21 * /ø /ø /ø /ø /ø/ø/v /ø/ø * /ø/ø/ø Table 59: *K- of Proto-Bai
Some *- initials are devoiced in several dialects (the tonal condition is involved, cf. §2.2.1.1).*- is often lost before [+vowel, +high, +back, +rounded], which is also a common change in Chinese dialects, such as Shanghainese, Cantonese, etc.
Proto-Bai *k-. cf. #103, #342, #425, #560, #615, #798, #1452, #1493, #1813, #1819, #2118.
Proto-Bai*k-. cf. #864, #1004, #1535, #1562. Proto-Bai *-. cf. #70, #413, #1051, #1474, #1502, #1566. Proto-Bai *x-. cf. #1, #18, #461.
Proto-Bai *-. cf. #7, #79, #254, #351, #548, #714, #771, #801. Proto-Bai *. cf. # 382, #713, #1068, #1370, #1506.
2.2.1.2.8 Velar clusters: *kr- *kr- *gr-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *kr t. t. (/t) ts ts t. k k k t *kr t. t./t ts ts t k k k t *gr t. g g g k k k t Table 60: *Kr- of Proto-Bai
21 before /u/.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／71
The examples for this series of clusters are rare, but they are supported by the overall correspondences. According to statistical computations described in §1.3.1.1.1, they are indeed related words. A *Kr- cluster was reconstructed, and it was expected that much more examples to be found in the future. For *gr-, the correspondence is proposed based on an analogy with the correspondences of *kr- and *kr-, but examples are still waiting to be detected.
Proto-Bai *kr-. cf. #179, #669.
Proto-Bai *kr-. cf. #327, #347. Proto-Bai *gr-. cf. #(?).
2.2.1.2.9 Uvulars: *q- *q- *- *- *- *-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *q q q q q q k k k k *q q q q q q k k k k * /g /q /q q q k k k k/k * x /h x x x x x x * * /ø /ø /ø /ø /ø /ø /ø Table 61: *Q- of Proto-Bai
Uvular series remain in a few Bai dialects, such as TL, GX, EQ, EG and JM, elsewhere they merge with velars. The EQ dialect has the most complete series. “-” can only be found in EQ. The rare fricative “-” can be found in EQ and GX.
Proto-Bai *q-. cf. #53, #133, #145, #263, #293, #352, #414, #698, #738, #889, #968, #1028, #1053, #1194, #1343, #1348.
Proto-Bai *q-. cf. #213, #289, #378, #845, #976, #985, #999, #1074, #1412, #1461, #1477, #1478, #1485, #1568, #1829.
Proto-Bai *-. cf. #31, #32, #238, #403, #443, #511, #586, #980, #1413, #1416, #1517.
72／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Proto-Bai *-. cf. #451, #1005, #1580. Proto-Bai *- (<**C--). cf. #928. With regard to the PL form─*C-a1, the earlier origin of *- in EQ may be due to an unknown prefix *C-, which got simple lost in other Bai dialects.
Proto-Bai *-. cf. #154, #479, #990, #1008, #1287, #1742.
2.2.1.2.10 Laryngeals: *h- *-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *h h h x x x x x x x * ø ø /ø /ø ø ø ø ø Table 62: Laryngeals of Proto-Bai
Proto-Bai *h-. cf. #165, #494, #1045, #1462, #1604.
Proto-Bai *-. cf. #797, #1064, #1587, #1823.
2.2.1.2.11 Zero initial: ø [_i, o, a, e, u]
The “j-” before -i- is quite salient in Bai dialects, so the combination is regarded as an independent initial, covered by “j-”.
Proto-Bai *j-. cf. #66, #446, #456, #624, #1198, #1129, #1385, #1745.
Proto-Bai *ø. cf. #1422.
2.2.1.2.12 Palatals: *t- *t- *- *- *d-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *t t t t t t t t t t *t t t t t t t t t t * * / x/ *d /j d d/t d/t d/t t t t t/t Table 63: *T- of Proto-Bai
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／73
Proto-Bai *t-. cf. #51, #130, #805, #1048, #1298. Proto-Bai *t-. cf. #20, #623, #1681. Proto-Bai *-. cf. #47, #356, #1069, #1740. Proto-Bai *-. cf. #1602, #1733. Proto-Bai *d-. cf. #201, #739, #975, #1487.
2.2.1.2.13 Summary of initial changes from Proto-Bai to modern dialects
All the initial changes listed below did occur in Bai dialects, but their chronological orders are different in different dialects. These orders can be found in the details of the previous paragraphs. Detailed conditions or stages of changes in dialects are ignored here. It should be kept in mind that the changes shared by some dialects can occur independently after their split, or during some intermediate ancestor stages before their split.
Initial changes Involved dialects 1. Aspirated devoicing MZL 2. Unaspirated devoicing completely EG, JX, DS, ZC 3. Unaspirated devoicing under the tone *1 and the EQ, JM tone *4 4. *Pr- Æ T.u- TL, GX, EG, JM, EQ 5. *Pr- Æ Pi- JX, DS, ZC, MZL, EQ 6. *T.- Æ T- / _ [+vowel, +back, +rounded] TL, GX, EG, JM, EQ 7. *T.- Æ Ts- EQ, JX, DS, ZC, MZL 8. *P- + -j- Æ Pf- Æ F- All, but details are different 9. f- Æ xu- EG, JM 10. T- Æ T- / _ [+vowel, +high, +front] All, Except MZL 11. *Tr- Æ T.- GX, JX, DS, ZC, MZL 12. *Tr- Æ Tj- TL, EQ, JM 13. *Tr- Æ Ti- > T- / _ [+vowel, +high, +front] EG 14. *Tj- Æ // JM 15. *nj- Æ - Æ j- TL, JX, DS 16. *s- Æ s- All, except DS 17. *sr- Æ - TL, EQ, EG, JM
74／Comparison of Languages in Contact
18. *Kr- Æ T.- TL, GX, EQ, EG, JM 19. *Kr- Æ K- JX, DS, ZC 20. *Kr- Æ K- Æ T- MZL 21. *- Æ ø- / _ [+vowel, +high, +back, +rounded] All, except EQ 22. *- Æ -; *- Æ x-; *- Æ - All, except EQ, GX 23. *h- Æ x- All, except TL, GX Table 64: Initials changes from Proto-Bai to modern Bai dialects
2.2.1.3 Finals
In Bai dialects, diphthongs or triphthongs are rare except in some recent Chinese loanwords. The contrast between -n and - can be found only in GX and TL. In the remaining dialects, they are either nasalized, eg. in JM, JX and DS, or lost, eg. in EQ, EG and ZC. The two medials, *-r- and *-j-, have been put into consonant clusters. Therefore, the final system of Proto-Bai is relatively simple.
2.2.1.3.1 *-a *-ua *-a *-ua
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *a /o a/ao a/oo/a a/o a a a/o *ua u ua ua ua u ua ua ua ua *a a/ a a a/o a a a a *ua o ua y ua ua u ua ua ua Table 65: Finals with *-a of Proto-Bai
The series of finals with a nucleus *-a have parallel correspondences among Bai dialects. In a few dialects, if the preceding initials are bilabials or the preceding medial is -u-, the *-a may change into a rounded back vowel, /o/ or //. In TL, when the initial is *q-, *-a changes into -. In EQ, a change─*sua Æ ua Æ ya Æ ya Æ y Æ yi─is possibly in progress, cf. #224, #308, #424, #522, #1072.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／75
Proto-Bai *-a. cf. #75, #94, #143, #201, #272, #408, #797, #804, #1048, #1129, #1151, #1168, #1332, #1385, #1438, #1478, #1597, #1602, #1745, #2075. Proto-Bai *-ua. cf. #129, #414, #511, #586, #714, #771, #852, #914, #976, #1465, #1649, #2118.
Proto-Bai *-a. cf. #145, #154, #165, #310, #560, #799, #968, #1028, #1425, #1740.
Proto-Bai *-ua. cf. #224, #289, #308, #424, #522, #1072, #1574.
2.2.1.3.2 *-æ *-uæ *-æn *-uæn *-æ
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *æ a/o æ æ a a a/o *uæ ua uæ uæ ua ue ua u u u *æn a an æ/a a a/o an / *uæn ua uan u ya o uan u u *æ a a /æa a an Table 66: Finals with *-æ of Proto-Bai
The vowel *-æ contrasting with *-a in open syllables remains in EQ and GX, and the categorical distinction is well represented in JX, DS, ZC and MZL. A change chain, *-æ Æ - Æ -, is assumed, because in some dialects like TL and GX, - do not change into - (cf. §2.2.1.3.3), so the opposite order is more reasonable. In TL, the medial *-r- causes the change *æ Æ o, cf. #1131, #1432.
Proto-Bai *-æ. cf. #213, #268, #319, #352, #395, #443, #687, #824, #977, #1035, #1007, #1063, #1094, #1124, #1131, #1132, #1339, #1343, #1413, #1416, #1432, #1443, #1516, #1521, #1536, #1546, #1561, #1708, #1715, #1741, #1813, #1863.
Proto-Bai *-uæ. cf. #509, #999, #1829. Proto-Bai *-æn. cf. #5, #53, #161, #451, #512, #673, #698, #738, #889, #1015, #1031, #1052, #1160, #1668, #1681, #1746.
76／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Proto-Bai *-uæn. cf. #407. Proto-Bai *-æ. cf. #580, #994, #1234.
2.2.1.3.3 *- *-u
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL * e e e e e *u u/ui u u u ue ui ui ui u Table 67: Finals with *- of Proto-Bai
In connection with the change proposed in §2.2.1.3.2─*æ Æ Æ , a push chain *æ Æ ⇒ * Æ e took place in DS and ZC. The chain even goes further when following a medial -u-, *-ue Æ -ui.
Proto-Bai *-. cf. #46, #139, #153, #194, #284, #293, #375, #376, #387, #388, #390, #439, #462, #479, #514, #559, #752, #1019, #1171, #1569.
Proto-Bai *-u. cf. #12, #615, #626, #1053, #1405, #1533, #1535.
2.2.1.3.4 *-e *-en *-uen *-e
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *e i i i i i e e e e *en en en /i e en en e/i en *uen uen uen u/ui u ue uen uen ui u/uen *e /i e an i en Table 68: Finals with *-e of Proto-Bai
In TL, GX, EQ, EG and JM, *-e rises to -i.
Proto-Bai *-e. cf. #54, #120, #228, #391, #1062, #1155, #1174, #1256, #1318, #1523, #1650, #2073. Proto-Bai *-en. cf. #1, #9, #23, #51, #52, #61, #130, #144, #167, #450, #490, #534, #602, #624, #637, #739, #826, #899, #975, #1050, #1156, #1158, #1172, #1319, #1489, #1568, #1587, #1613, #1718.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／77
Proto-Bai *-uen. cf. #79, #548, #974, #990, #1002, #1003, #1064, #1188, #1806, #1858.
Proto-Bai *-e. cf. #437, #578, #982, #1047, #1057, #1384, #1643, #1802.
2.2.1.3.5 *-i *-ui
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL *i i// i// i/ i/ i/ i/ i// i/ i/ *ui ui ui ui ui ui ui ui ui ui Table 69: Finals with *-i of Proto-Bai
In EQ, /i/ and // are contrastive when following dental fricatives or affricatives, and appear elsewhere as allophones. Synchronically, they should therefore be considered as two independent phonemes. However according to the correspondences in §2.2.1.3.4, the phoneme /i/ contrasting with // in EQ is derived from the earlier *e. Excluding these examples, the remaining reflexes of /i/ are complementary with the distribution of //. Since *-e has already been reconstructed for Proto-Bai, another reconstruction of /i/ consisting of two allophones, [] and [i] not following dental fricatives, can account for the synchronic data in EQ.
Proto-Bai *-i. cf. #2, #4, #20, #22, #109, #118, #151, #173, # 220, #234, #316, #356, #364, #365, #375, #397, #406, #419, #445, #493, #615, #623, #630, #647, #710, #800, #806, #910, #969, #1020, #1078, #1089, #1414, #1444, #1487, #1513, #1648, #1674, #1688, #1726, #2105. Proto-Bai *-ui. cf. #18, #47.
2.2.1.3.6 *- *-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL * /u/i u * en/ Table 70: Finals with *- of Proto-Bai
78／Comparison of Languages in Contact
In DS, *- merges with *-u. In GX, *- is assimilated to /u/ by the preceding bilabial stop, but changes into /i/ after dental and retroflex series of initials. In MZL, it is diphthongized as [].
Proto-Bai *-. cf. #66, #74, #107, #150, #254, #342, #360, #365, #372, #382, #410, #414, #420, #430, #446, #461, #513, #576, #605, #699, #713, #805, #842, #848, #980, #987, #1005, #1013, #1063, #1149, #1194, #1198, #1218, #1252, #1263, #1264, #1287, #1298, #1345, #1348, #1370, #1383, #1419, #1502, #1506, #1517, #1553, #1566, #1596, #1663, #1742, #1754, #1764, #1799, #1803.
Proto-Bai *-. cf. #1051, #1370, #1461, #1580, #1797.
2.2.1.3.7 *-u *-u
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 22 *u /v u/y u /v u/v u u u/v u/v *u v o/ao o o/oo/u v/o o v/ o Table 71: Finals with *-u of Proto-Bai
In TL and EG, when *-u is following bilabial stops, it is dissimilated as //. In other conditions, a change from *-u to v has been completed in TL. However it has not yet started in EQ, JX and DS. In the remaining dialects, the change is in progress. The preceding initials seem to have played a role in constraining the change. The rate of diffusion of the changes with different initials is ordered as follows: K-, S- ⇒ Tsr- ⇒ Ts- (K- and S- are the initials for which the change takes place the fastest).
Proto-Bai *-u. cf. #38, #40, #70, #96, #344, #448, #801, #916, #966, #1018, #1070, #1074, #1161, #1186, #1240, #1269, #1493, #1707, #2109, #2121.
Proto-Bai *-u. cf. #125, #353, #367, #404, #405, #423, #452, #617, #659, #695, #1014, #1023, #1562, #1666.
22 After palatal fricatives.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／79
2.2.1.3.8 *-o *-o
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL u u u *o u u u u o o o o/o o v ao u v/yv/u v o v v/u u *o o/v o o o/oo/o o/v o /o/u o /v o/o Table 72: Finals with *-o of Proto-Bai
The change, -u Æ -v results in a pull chain in TL: -u Æ -v ⇒ -o Æ -u. Once the -u caused by the second law of the pull chain catch up with the first law, they further change into -v, especially after fricative initials or clusters with -r-. In JX, DS and ZC, the *-o tends to be diphthongized as [ou], because in current stage, a weak end [u] appears.
Proto-Bai *-o. cf. #10, #23, #43, #103, #132, #174, #222, #274, #314, #320, #326, #327, #347, #351, #359, #413, #481, #544, #551, #555, #585, #607, #608, #619, #630, #669, #767, #802, #832, #876, #1004, #1068, #1141, #1151, #1212, #1225, #1254, #1347, #1452, #1454, #1601, #1634, #1638, #1645, #1733, #1793, #1819, #1823, #2124.
Proto-Bai *-o. cf. #14, #17, #24, #30, #149, #159, #162, #179, #235, #306, #349, #385, #425, #457, #526, #651, #722, #798, #839, #864, #881, #894, #972, #985, #1008, #1069, #1076, #1169, #1357, #1360, #1412, #1474, #1611, #1749, #1755.
2.2.1.3.9 *-
PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL u u * o/a o o o o o o o Table 73: Final *- of Proto-Bai
In GX, *- is dissimilated as /a/. Only the TL dialect keeps the distinctive *-. In other dialects, it merges with /o/.
Proto-Bai *-. cf. #7, #31, #32, #44, #172, #219, #263, #304, #378, #392, #403, #411, #454, #456, #494, #597, #629, #845, #928, #931, #934, #964,
80／Comparison of Languages in Contact
#1045, #1083, #1126, #1422, #1477, #1485, #1525, #1526, #1552, #1604, #1656, #1735, #1804, #1829.
2.2.1.3.10 Summary of vowel changes from Proto-Bai to modern dialects
Vowel change Involved dialects 1. *æ Æ Æ DS, ZC, MZL 2. * Æ e JX, DS, ZC, MZL 3. *u Æ ui JX, DS, ZC 4. *e Æ i TL, GX, EQ, EG, JM 5. Nasalization JM, JX, DS 6. Loss of nasal endings EQ, EG, ZC Table 74: Vowel changes from Proto-Bai to modern dialects
2.2.2 Morphosyntactic Reconstruction 2.2.2.1 Personal pronouns 2.2.2.1.1 Introduction
The development of personal pronouns is often idiosyncratic and a reflection of particular paradigms. In their development, three kinds of mechanisms, levelling, contraction and bleaching, are often involved. These phenomena are discussed extensively in Xiang (1997) and Xiang (2001) through their application to the Hakka and Min dialects. The main ideas will be briefly introduced and serve as the background of the discussion on Bai dialects.
Levelling
The term “levelling” implies that forms with the same grammatical function tend to develop more phonetic similarities than unrelated ones. For instance, the singular forms of personal pronouns tend to use the same vowel or tone. In many Hakka dialects, the levelling to the tone of singular forms is a prominent feature of their use of dialect (cf. Xiang 1997:151- 153). The earlier patterns are preserved in several dialects as below: (The
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／81 symbols for tones in Hakka follow that in Xiang 1997, 2001. The four angels of a syllable from the left-bottom clockwise represent the four traditional MC tone categories─ping, shang, qu and ru. The half circle with an underline indicates yang register. Otherwise, it is yin register.)
Hengming 亨明 Hufeng 湖峰 Jülian 莒蓮 st c c c 1 au a o nd c c c 2 i i i rd 3 cki cki cki Table 75: Early patterns of personal pronouns in several Hakka dialects
In many Hakka dialects however the tones have been levelled to the original tone of the 3rd person singular form, as shown in the following example:
Bizhou 壁洲 Zhaitang 宅塘 Lianfeng 蓮峰 st 1 c c ca nd 2 ci ci ci rd 3 ct ct ckue Table 76: Examples of levelling in some Hakka dialects
In some other Hakka dialects, the tone of the 3rd person singular form has changed to be consistent with the other two:
Xuanhe 宣和 Wenfang 文坊 Pengkou 朋口 st c c c 1 nd c c c 2 i i i rd c c c 3 t t t Table 77: Levelling to 1st and 2nd person singular in some Hakka dialects
In general, levelling reduces redundant distinct features in the system of personal pronouns.
Contraction
If two elements serve a similar grammatical function, they may be
82／Comparison of Languages in Contact contracted into a new single form. In personal pronouns systems, the subjective form of singular is often the basis for the derivation of plural or genitive forms. The development of plurals in Southern Min clearly exemplifies this process. In Zhangping Min and Longyan Min, plurals are expressed by the composition of two separable forms: the singular form plus a plural suffix. For example:
Singular Plural 1st 2nd 3rd 1st 2nd 3rd 31 31 55 31 11 31 11 55 11 Zhangping 漳平 gua li i gua la li la i la 32 32 45 32 21 32 21 45 21 Longyan 龍岩 gua li i gua la li la i la Table 78: The earlier analytic forms for plurals in some Min dialects
Alternatively, in Zhangzhou Min (Chen & Li 1991:114-115, Xiang 2001:71), the earlier forms for plurals have been contracted together and are no longer separable. For example:
Singular Plural 1st gua53 guan53 2nd li53 lin53 3rd i44 in44 Table 79: Contraction of plurals of personal pronouns in Zhangzhou Min
If one only considers the pattern of Zhangzhou Min, the derivations of the plural forms may be seen as a case of inflection in synchrony. However, a diachronic comparison tells us that these structures are in fact the result of a contraction, and that the “inflection” between the singular and the plural is an “illusion”. The genitive construction is often at first made of a subjective form plus a genitive suffix, before sometimes being contracted into a new form to take the genitive function. Many examples from Hakka dialects are taken to illustrate this process in Xiang (2001). Here Liancheng Hakka is taken as an example to show how the “simple” genitive personal pronoun is in fact the result of a contraction of analytic elements (Xiang 2001:78):
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／83
Subjective P. P. + Genitive suffix Æ Genitive P. P st 23 1 a + ka Æ a: Æ a nd 2 i + ka Æ i rd 3 t + ka Æ ta Table 80: A contraction of Genitive P. P. in Liancheng Hakka
Bleaching
In the previous example, due to the contraction of the genitive suffix and the subjective form, the grammatical function of the genitive form is not as salient as before. Moreover, genitive forms may not be necessary since their function can also be represented by the syntactic structure. For these reasons, the contracted form of the genitive may gradually become undistinguishable from other forms. It may then be used to construct the plural forms as well as the general form. It may also appear in the syntactic position of the subjective or the objective, and even replace them finally. This kind of process has been coined bleaching.24 The examples below can be used to illustrate such an on-going change in Wuhua Hakka (cf. Li 1965, Xiang 2001:90):
General Genitive I Genitive II Genitive IV st 1 ai ca ca ke ai ke nd Singular 2 i cie cie ke i ke rd 3 ki cke cke ke ki ke st P 1 ai cteu - ai cteu ke nd l I 2 i cteu - i cteu ke rd u 3 ki cteu - ki cteu ke st r 1 ca cteu ca cteu ke nd a II 2 cie cteu cie cteu ke l rd 3 cke cteu cke cteu ke Table 81: The personal pronoun system in Wuhua Hakka (Adapted from Xiang 2001:90)
23 Xiang (2001:78) points out that the long vowel of the contracted first form in Liancheng Hakka cannot last alone, and will therefore soon disappear. 24 Note that the term is used differently in the domain of Grammaticalizaton (Hopper & Traugott 1993).
84／Comparison of Languages in Contact
The “Genitive I” set used in Plural II suggests that its genitive function is bleached. The “Genitive II” set also shows the contracted form losing its function, since the suffix “ke” has taken the function of possession. Besides the three preceding kinds of mechanism, the general principle that the 1st and 2nd singular forms very often constitute the basis of the whole system should be mentioned. The 3rd personal pronoun and other functional categories, such as genitive and plural, often emerge secondarily.
2.2.2.1.2 Personal pronoun systems of the Bai dialects
The personal pronoun systems of modern Bai dialects are collected as the data pool. Besides the materials of the 9 dialects mentioned in §2.1, an extra dialect, Xishan (XS) is added for this study (cf. Wang 2001).
TL Singular Plural Subjective/Objective Genitive Subjective/Objective st 1 55/21 55 ue55 (Ex.) -(Res.) a55 21 (In.) nd 2 n55/n21 n55 ni55 rd 3 b55/b21 b55 bi55 Table 82: The personal pronouns in TL
GX Singular Plural Subjective Genitive Subjective/Objective st 1 a42 a42 a42 xo22 (Ex.) -(Res.) a24 (In.) nd 2 na42 ni55 ni42 xo22 rd 3 ba42 ba42 ba42 xo22 Table 83: The personal pronouns in GX
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／85
EQ Singular Plural Subjective Genitive Objective Subjective/Objective st 1 o43/(43/55) 43/55 o43 wi24 ts21 (Ex.) a55 o21 (In.) nd 2 no43/(n43/55) n43/55 no43 ni24 ts21 ni55 (Res.) rd 3 vo43/(v43/55) v43/55 vo43 vi24 ts21 Table 84: The personal pronouns in EQ
EG Singular Plural Subjective Genitive/Objective Subjective/Objective st 1 o42/55 o55 ui55 (Ex.) o21 o22 (In.) 2nd no42/55 no55 ni55 -(Res.) 3rd bo42/55 bo55 bi55 Table 85: The personal pronouns in EG
JM Singular Plural Subjective Genitive/Objective Subjective/Objective st 1 o42/55 o55 mi55 (Ex.) a21 t.22 (In.) nd 2 no42/55 no55 ni55 t.22 rd 3 bo42/55 bo55 bi55 t.22 Table 86: The personal pronouns in JM
86／Comparison of Languages in Contact
JX Singular Plural Subjective/Objective Genitive Subjective/Objective st 1 o31 55 55 (Ex.) j55 (In.) nd 2 no31 n55 n55 ji (Res.) rd 3 mo31 m55 m55 Table 87: The personal pronouns in JX
DS Singular Plural Subjective/Objective Genitive Subjective/Objective st 1 o31 55 55 (Ex.) j55 (In.) nd 2 no31 n55 na55 rd 3 pu31 p55 pa55 Table 88: The personal pronouns in DS
ZC Singular Plural Subjective/Objective Genitive Subjective/Objective st 1 o31 55 a55 (Ex.) a55 (In.) nd 2 no31 n55 na55 ni55 (Res.) rd 3 po31 p55 pa55 Table 89: The personal pronouns in ZC
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／87
MZL Singular Plural Subjective Objective Genitive Subjective/Objective st 1 o21 55 (no33) a55 m55 a55 xo33 (Ex./In.) nd 2 nen21 n55 (no33) n55 m55 na55 xo33 -(Res.) rd 3 ki55 ki55 (no33) ki55 m55 ki55 xo33 Table 90: The personal pronouns in MZL
XS Singular Plural Subjective Genitive Subjective st 1 31 55 a55 (Ex.) a55 (In.) nd 2 n31 n55 na55 rd 3 p31 p55 pa55 Table 91: The personal pronouns in XS
2.2.2.1.3 The earlier 1st and 2nd singular in Bai
The 1st and 2nd singulars are the most basic forms of a personal pronoun system of a language. Other elements are often derived from them by means of morphological process, or emerge quite late, like the 3rd singular in Mandarin Chinese. Based on the comparisons between the personal pronouns of modern Bai dialects and the three kinds of mechanisms introduced in §3.2.2.1.1, the early pattern of the 1st and 2nd pronouns in Proto-Bai is expected to be reconstructed. Levelling and contraction often result in more similarities among personal pronouns. So, the more different the pronouns in a Bai dialect, the more likely it preserves the earlier pattern. Based on the early pattern, the evolution of the personal pronouns in the modern Bai dialects should be explained. The most distinctive pattern can be found in MZL, which is shown in the following table:
88／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Singular Subjective Objective st 1 o21 55 (no33) nd 2 nen21 n55 (no33) Table 92: 1st and 2nd singulars in the MZL dialect
The “-” sound is secondary in MZL, and can be traced back to “-æ” (cf. §2.2.1.3). Therefore, the pattern in Proto-Bai can be proposed as below: (The tone marked by a single number indicates the tone category in Proto-Bai, cf. §2.2.1.1.)
Singular Subjective Objective st 1 *3 *æ1 nd 2 *nen3 *næ1 Table 93: 1st and 2nd singulars in Proto-Bai
Note that the representations of the tone *1 in dialects follow the general rule of the tone *1a (cf. §2.2.1.1). Due to the process of levelling, the vowels of personal pronouns are unified and adopt the same vowel as the 1st singular form in a few Bai dialects such as EG and JM. Their current patterns can be generalized as below:
Singular Subjective Objective st 1 3 1 nd 2 n3 n1 Table 94: Levelling of 1st and 2nd singulars in some Bai dialects
In other Bai dialects, eg. TL, EQ, JX, DS and ZC, the objective forms are fully replaced by the subjective forms. Their current patterns appear as below:
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／89
Singular Subjective Objective st 1 3 3 nd 2 n3 n3 Table 95: The current pattern of 1st and 2nd singular in TL, EQ, JX, DS and ZC
In GX, the system needs further explanation:
Singular Subjective Objective st 1 a3 a3 2nd na3 na3 Table 96: The current pattern of 1st and 2nd singular in GX
Comparing this case with the pattern of PB proposed before, the question arises whether the vowel of the subjective singular form in PB is *- or *-a. In connection with other changes in GX, it turns out that “-a” is the innovation and that the previous pattern of PB is well supported. The detail will be discussed in §2.2.2.1.6.
2.2.2.1.4 The genitive forms and their contraction
In MZL and GX, the genitive forms show less influence by levelling or contraction. The genitive forms of the two dialects are listed as below:
Singular Subjective Objective Genitive st 1 o21 55 a55 m55 nd 2 nen21 n55 n55 m55 Table 97: 1st and 2nd singular genitive forms in MZL
Singular Subjective/Objective Genitive st 1 a42 a42 nd 2 na42 ni55 Table 98: 1st and 2nd singular genitive forms in GX
90／Comparison of Languages in Contact
In MZL, the genitive forms are represented by a “subjective” form st plus a “genitive suffix─m55”. Comparing the genitive forms for the 1 and 2nd singular in MZL and GX, the 2nd singular genitive in MZL is derived secondarily, while the 2nd singular genitive in GX is unlikely to be an innovation to simulate other pronouns. As for the 1st singular genitive, the two dialects agree on the form─a, whose tone in MZL may be more conservative while that in GX may be due to the levelling to the tone 42 shared by the general singulars. Therefore, the genitive form of 1st singular nd can be reconstructed as *a1, and that of 2 singular as *ni1:
Singular Subjective Objective Genitive st 1 *o3 *æ1 *a1 nd 2 *nen3 *næ1 *ni1 Table 99: Subjective, Objective and Genitive 1st and 2nd Singular P. P. in Proto-Bai
These are possibly contracted forms which are derived from earlier subjective forms plus genitive suffixes, but the earlier process needs further studies. Starting from the form proposed earlier, the current patterns in MZL and GX can be explained in terms of certain mechanisms. In MZL, when nd *-æ changed into *-, the vowel of the 2 singular genitive form started to be levelled to the vowel of the objective form and became identical to the 2nd singular objective. In order to distinguish these two forms again, a 25 genitive suffix─m55 was employed. In GX, the 1st and 2nd subjective forms have been levelled to the 3rd subjective, which resulted in that all vowels changed into “-a” (cf. §2.2.2.1.5). The subjective then replaced the objective. The genitive consequently changed into the majority tone 3 due to the levelling among
25 Levelling and contraction often cause bleaching, but the need to express or emphasize the possessive or plural then asks for new forms for ‘genitive’ or ‘plural’. New analytic forms will be constructed, which will provide the basis of the new circle of levelling, contraction and bleaching.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／91 personal pronouns.26 The remaining Bai dialects share the same pattern shown below:
Singular Subjective/Objective Genitive st 1 3 1 nd 2 n3 n1 Table 100: The pattern for 1st and 2nd singular in the Bai dialects
If one admits that the current genitive forms in MZL represent the earlier status, their contraction can directly result in the “simple” forms in other Bai dialects. A few dialects such as XS go even further. After the contraction, the vowels of the subjective have been levelled to the genitive as shown below:
Singular Subjective/Objective Genitive st 1 3 1 nd 2 n3 n1 Table 101: The 1st and 2nd singular in XS
2.2.2.1.5 The derivation of plurals
Two patterns of plural derivation are found in Bai dialects. The difference is due to a vowel alternation between “-i” and “-a”:
26 It looks like a replacement of the genitive by the subjective too. However, this replacement is unlikely. While the opposite replacement of subjective by the genitive is common, see also §3.2.2.1.7. When the replacement occurs, the 1st and 2nd personal pronoun keep the same speed. In this case, it is extremely rare if it only happens to the 1st, not the second.
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Type I: TL, EQ, EG, JM Singular Plural Subjective Genitive Subjective/Objective st 1 3 1 i1 nd 2 n3 n1 ni1 Table 102: Type I of derivational pattern of 1st and 2nd P. P. in TL, EQ, EG and JM
Type II: JX, DS, ZC, MZL, XS Singular Plural Subjective Genitive Subjective/Objective st 1 3 1 a1 nd 2 n3 n1 na1 Table 103: Type II of derivational pattern of 1st and 2nd P. P. in JX, DS, ZC, MZL and XS
The two patterns may find their roots in the original vowels of the st nd genitive, *a1 (1 ) and *ni1 (2 ): the plurals of type II would have been st levelled to the vowel of *a1 (1 ), while Type I would be derived from the nd vowel of *ni1 (2 ). In GX, the levelling is not on the vowel, but on the tone of the majority, as mentioned §2.2.2.1.5. It seems that the 1st genitive singular and 1st plurals were first affected, and then the 2nd plural since the 2nd genitive singular do not yet change:
Singular Plural Subjective Genitive Subjective/Objective st 1 a42 a42 a42 xo22 nd 2 na42 ni55 ni42 xo22 Table 104: The 1st and 2nd singulars and plurals of GX
Plurals of personal pronouns are often derived by the combination of the general or genitive forms plus a plural suffix. However there are no
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／93 specific genitive forms of plurals in Bai dialects. The possession can be expressed by word order, except in MZL where an additional genitive marker m55 is needed.
2.2.2.1.6 The derivation of 3rd person pronouns
The salient markers of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd person pronouns in Bai dialects are their distinctive initials, which they keep in all kinds of grammatical forms. Regardless of specific sound changes, it is consistent st in all Bai dialects that a “-” initial is used for 1 person pronouns, and an “n-” for 2nd person pronouns.27 On the other hand, there are five different initials for the 3rd personal pronoun in Bai dialects, as summarized below:
Type Initial of 3rd P. P. Bai dialects 1 b TL, GX, EG, JM 2 v EQ 3 m JX 4 p DS, ZC, XS 5 k MZL Table 105: The five types of initials of 3rd P. P. of the Bai dialects
Interestingly, certain forms of the 3rd person pronouns can be found to be related to the distant demonstrative. For example:
Dialect TL EQ JX ZC Distant demonstrative b21 v43 m55 p55 Identical 3rd P. P. Singular subjective Singular genitive Singular genitive Singular genitive Table 106: The distant demonstratives and their identical 3rd P. P. in TL, EQ, JX and ZC
The 3rd personal pronoun is often secondarily derived from a distant
27 In JM, the loss of “-” caused the nasalization; In TL and EQ, “-” changed into “w-” before the front high vowel. In EQ, “-” is derived from the earlier “-” in some conditions, cf. §2.2.1.2.9.
94／Comparison of Languages in Contact demonstrative pronoun. Parallel examples are numerous, one such example is the 3rd singular in Cantonese considered originally to be a distance demonstrative (Nivison 1992). Therefore, it seems natural to suppose that the four types (1, 2, 3 and 4) of derivation of the 3rd person pronouns are the extension of distant demonstratives in Bai dialects. Under this background, the reason why “-” and not “-a” is regarded as the earlier form in Proto-Bai in §2.2.2.1.3 can be explained. The initial rd of the 3 person pronouns is bilabial in GX. In §2.2.1.3.9, a change, *-/ [+bilabial]_ Æ -a, was detected in GX, cf. #273, #473, 476, which caused rd the subjective form of 3 singular to change from *b3 to ba3. Due to the analogical leveling in the personal pronouns system, the vowel of the 1st nd and 2 personal pronouns changed from “-” to “-a”, too. Type 5 in MZL is different with the pattern of other Bai dialects. The distant demonstrative in MZL is “pu33”, which does not correspond to any form of 3rd person pronouns. Interestingly, the 3rd singular in Sa’ni 撒尼 28 Yi, ‘ki44’ is very similar to that of MZL, ‘ki55’. The distant demonstrative Sa’ni Yi is ‘ki44’ too. This means that the same innovation from the distant demonstrative to 3rd person P. P. occurred in Sa’ni Yi. Therefore, it is very likely that MZL Bai borrowed the 3rd P. P. from Sa’ni Yi. Geographically, this hypothesis is also plausible, as some Sa’ni Yi people live within Qiubei city, while others are scattered in the Shilin 石林 county, as in Yiliang 宜良, Luliang 陸良 and Mile 彌勒. It is unlikely that all these Sa’ni Yi borrowed a similar form from the MZL Bai as they are spread out and not all close to the MZL Bai. It is therefore simpler to suppose that the MZL Bai borrowed a variant of Sa’ni Yi. Another possible connection of type 5 in MZL may exist with Chinese qi2 其. In Old Chinese, qi2 其 was used as distant demonstrative, and later extended to the 3rd person P. P.. The phonological connection is strong; in MC, its phonological description is as below:
Chinese Guangyun MC 其 群止開三之平 gi1b Table 107: qi2 其 in MC
28 Data on Sa’ni Yi are extracted from Huang et al. (1992).
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／95
Possibly after the devoicing of Chinese vo. Initials, qi2 其 was extended to express the 3rd person P. P., possibly during the Tang dynasty. It suggests that the 3rd person P. P. of MZL had not yet emerged at that time. The process is quite similar to what happened in some Chinese dialects, such as Cantonese, Gan or Hakka (Nivison 1992).
2.2.2.1.7 Bleaching of genitive forms
In EG, JM, TL and EQ, the genitive singular is mixed with other singular forms. EG and JM share the same process: their singular genitive and objective have merged, which may be due to bleaching or levelling. The former is more likely: if it was caused by levelling, it would not be constrained by some syntactic conditions as shown shortly below:
Singular Subjective Genitive/Objective st 1 o42/55 o55 2nd no42/55 no55 3rd bo42/55 bo55 Table108: The competition of subjective and genitive forms of P. P. in EG
Singular Subjective Genitive/Objective st 1 o42/55 o55 2nd no42/55 no55 3rd bo42/55 bo55 Table 109: The competition of subjective and genitive forms of P. P. in JM
The competition in the subjective position between the form of the genitive singular and a specifically subjective singular form shows an on-going bleaching mechanism. The genitive singular form cannot yet appear at the subjective position when the sentence is negative, in the future tense, or in a predicative sentence with the verb ‘to be’. Otherwise, the genitive singular can replace the competing form in the subjective position. A speculative interpretation to these constraints is that, since the syntactic combination has strongly suggested the non-possession sense and at the
96／Comparison of Languages in Contact same stage, the sense of possession of the genitive singular is not yet bleached completely, the two factors are constraining each other and either cannot overcome the other completely, so that the syntactic implication of “non-possession” in negative sentences, future tense also plays a role to constrict the diffusion of the genitive forms. In EQ, the constraint on the singular genitive is less than in EG and JM. It diffuses to sentences in the future tense. It is also sensitive to some adverbs following the subjective. For example (regarding the tone sandhi of pronouns, one may refer to §2.1):
I + also I + again I + can +verb (eat) o43 li55 o43/55 ti43 o43/43 24 j55 Table 110: Some tone sandhi in the subjective P. P. followed by some adverbs in EQ
In TL, the diffusion of the singular genitive on the subjective positions is blocked by the future tense, or by a predicative sentence with the verb ‘to be’. Overall, the syntactic constraints on the diffusion of the genitive singular are reduced gradually in Bai dialects. Whether there is some general pattern due to cognitive constraints on the bleaching of genitive P. P. is waiting for a justification from other evidence.
2.2.2.1.8 Distinction between inclusive and exclusive
All Bai dialects, except MZL,29 have the inclusive/exclusive distinction for the 1st person plural. At least three patterns for the inclusive sense can be summarized below:
I. a55 + 21 / o21 TL, EQ II. *a21 EG, JM, JX, DS, ZC, XS III. a24 GX Table 111: Three kinds of patterns for the inclusive sense of 1st plural in the Bai dialects
29 It remains uncertain whether the distinction is really absent or I did not make it clear enough to my language consultants.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／97
Pattern II spreads more widely. The tonal change from *21 to 55 in JX, DS, ZC and XS may be due to the analogical levelling to the unified tone 55 of plurals. Pattern III “a24” in GX can be compared with “ra” in Lhasa Tibetan (Jin 1981:165-8). In Lhasa Tibetan, “ra” is used to mark the ‘inclusive’, e.g. a tso (exclusive ‘we’) / a ra tso (inclusive ‘we’); 30 a gnyis (exclusive ‘we two’) / a ra gnyis (inclusive ‘we two’). ‘ra’ can mean “oneself”, from which the ‘inclusive’ meaning may have been extended. The evolution of Pattern I and Pattern II requires further studies.
2.2.2.1.9 The respectful address
In EQ, JX and ZC, the respectful address of the 2nd person is used. Their sounds (ni55, i55, ni55) are quite similar, possibly borrowed from the Mandarin Chinese nǐn 您.31 If this is true, the date of their borrowing could not be very early, since the Mandarin Chinese created this form possibly during the Qing dynasty. This explanation however remains rather problematic, since the dialects directly in contact with the Bai dialects today have no such special address. Another interpretation is to treat them as internal innovations, but induced by the differentiation in general address and respectful address in surrounding languages, like Lisu, Tibetan, etc. A high tone and a high vowel are chosen to express the respectful meaning represented by “ni55”, while the initial keeps the association with the 2nd person. In Xishan Bai, a high tone alternation (53) is used for the address when facing the listener, whereas the quotative counterpart is a low tone (33) (Wang 2001:75). This phenomenon suggests that the high tone may be related to the sense of ‘respectful’ in the Bai dialects too.
30 However, “ko tso / ko ra tso” are free variants for “they”, the ‘inclusive’ meaning of ‘ra’ seems redundant here (cf. Jin 1981:166). 31 The etymology of nǐn 您 as the respectful address is believed to be the contraction of nǐlǎo 你老, and its earliest usage can be found in “Laocanyouji 老 殘遊記” (1906). The details refer to Lü (1985:36-38).
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2.2.2.2 The evolution of demonstrative pronouns in Bai
Gloss ‘this’ 這 ‘here’ 這裡 ‘that’ 那 ‘there’ 那裡 Index 942 944 947 950 TL di21 d31 ba35 bo21 bo21 ba35 GX 21 a22 la55 ao12 tao55 21 bu21 ao12 EQ n55 a43 ta55 v43 v43 ta55 EG a55 na24/a55 uo22 no42 ba21 a55 po21 bo42 ba21 JM no55 no42 ba21 to55 to55 ua55 JX l31 55 t44 no55/lo55 m55 t44 DS a55 ta33 a55 ta44 na55 m55 t44 ZC te33 le31 a55 ta44 na55 ui33 p55 ta44 MZL ne33 tso21 a21 k21 pu33 tso21 pu33 k21 Table 112: The reflexes of ‘this’, ‘here’, ‘that’ and ‘there’ in the Bai dialects
In Bai dialects, ‘here’ / ‘there’ are expressed as compounds containing structures like ‘near / far Dem. Pron.’ plus ‘noun [+place]’. ‘this’ / ‘that’ are also sometimes expressed as compounds with the similar structure─‘near / far Dem. Pron.’ plus ‘classifier (in general)’, and the following general classifier is often omitted, so ‘this’ / ‘that’ are more directly representing the ‘near / far’ Dem. Pron. In general, compounds, like idioms, are more conservative. As a consequence, the demonstrative forms extracted from the ‘here / there’ compounds will be reconstructed as the earlier forms, while those are extracted from ‘this’ and ‘that’ are more likely innovative. According to this principle, the following early forms for the Bai dialects are generated:
Gloss ‘near’ Dem. Pron. ‘far’ Dem. Pron. TL di21 bo21 GX a22 la55 bu21 EQ a43 v43 EG no42 bo42 JM no42 to55 JX 55 m55 DS a55 m55
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／99
ZC a55 p55 MZL a21 pu33 Table 113: The earlier reflexes of near and far Dem. Pron. in the Bai dialects
In EG and JM, the ‘near’ Dem. Pron. is identical to the 2nd singular subjective form. This extension is likely to be an innovation of 2nd singular. In EQ, the same process is currently on-going. The 2nd genitive singular has replaced the ‘near’ Dem. Pron. in ‘this’, but the earlier form is still kept in the compound ‘here’. In TL, the ‘near’ Dem. Pron. has a different form from other dialects, but is similar to ‘this’ in Pumi (Jiulong): d11 and Pumi (Lanping): di13. Moreover, in terms of the geographical distribution of Bai dialects, the form shared by the remaining dialects, reconstructed as *a1, is distributed over a vast discontinuous district; as a consequence, it is simpler to assume that the form only found in TL is an innovation caused by a borrowing from Pumi. Therefore, the ‘near’ Dem. Pron. of Proto-Bai can be reconstructed as *a1. The ‘far’ Dem. Pron. of Proto-Bai is reconstructed as *m-pju1. The prefix *m- causes the voicing of the initial head in TL, GX and EG. It replaces the initial in JX and DS, and simply lost in ZC and MZL. Parallel examples are:
Gloss far Dem. Pron. ‘carry (person)’ TL bo21 - GX bu21 ba42 EQ v43 bo43 EG bo42 bo42 JM to55 bo42 JX m55 m31 DS m55 - ZC p55 - MZL pu33 pa44 Table 114: Two parallel examples, ‘far Dem. Pron.’ and ‘carry’ for the reconstruction of *m-p- in Proto-Bai
100／Comparison of Languages in Contact
2.2.2.3 The evolution of interrogative pronouns in Bai
Gloss ‘who’ 誰 ‘what’ 什麼 ‘where’ 哪裡 ‘how’ 怎麼 ‘how many’ 多少 Index 953 954 955 957 958 TL a21do35 a55ha21 a55ba55 tsa55me33.21 te55ti42 GX a22ma55bu22in24 a55qa55/42? a22ma55bu33go24no22 tsa55ma55 ti55ti21 EQ a43to21 a55a55 a43ma55(xo22) tia24m55s43o43 ti24ti21 EG a55to21 a55xa42 a55ma55 ti55mi22 ti55ti42 JM a55ma55 a55xa42 t.55me21 ti5542 31tou31 55n44 ts55k21 JX 55xan31 ti55u33 /55n44jen21 /55m44 (tao21) a55ma33 DS 55x42 a55ma33n33 tsa55(ts35)f31 sa42j44 tj31 ZC a55i21 xa31le31 a55ui33 ts55m55 ti55ou33 ts55t21 MZL a55to33 a55se55 a55no55k21 ti55ou33 /zo55t21 Table 115: The reflexes of ‘who’, ‘what’, ‘where’, ‘how’ and ‘how many’ in the Bai dialects
The three interrogative pronouns, ‘what’, ‘where’, and ‘who’, imply a pattern─Interrogative morpheme + Topic. The interrogative morpheme can be reconstructed as *a1. Though it has some irregular tone representations in a few Bai dialects, cf. #953 in TL and EQ, most of the forms use the tone 55. However, different languages choose different morphemes to express the topic, as shown below:
‘What’: * a1 + Topic [+thing]: I: *a1 + *ha3 TL, EQ, EG, JM, JX, DS, ZC II: *a1 + qa55 GX III: *a1 + se55 MZL Table 116: The constructions for the ‘what’ question in the Bai dialects
One may note that the form for ‘what’ in ZC, xa31 le31, is the further development of *a1 *hang3. The element *a1 gets lost, and its interrogative function is transferred to the following morpheme which is used to mark the topic [+thing]. A similar process can easily be found in many other
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／101
Sino-Tibetan languages (Sun 2003).
‘Where’: *a1 + Topic [+place]: I: *a1 + *ma1 GX, EQ, EG, JX, DS II: *a1 + ba55 TL III: *a1+ ui33 ZC Table 117: The constructions for the ‘where’ question in the Bai dialects
‘Who’: *a1 + Topic [+person]: I: *a1 + *do1 TL, EQ, EG, JX, MZL II: *a1 + i21 ‘person’ ZC III: *a1 + n44 / na55 JX, MZL IV: *a1 *ma1 ‘where’ + ‘person’ GX, JM, DS Table 118: The constructions for the ‘who’ question in the Bai dialects
‘Who’ can be asked instead by ‘which + person’ or ‘where + person’. Types III and IV demonstrate the two possibilities respectively. The two interrogative pronouns, ‘how’ and ‘how many’, do not share the pattern─Interrogative morpheme + Topic. They have their own origins. For ‘how’, there are three patterns that can be identified as below:
I: *tsa1 + TL, GX, EQ, JM, DS II: *tsi1 + JX, ZC, MZL III: ti55 + EG Table 119: Three patterns for the ‘how’ question in the Bai dialects
The interrogative morphemes for ‘how’ are quite different from those of the surrounding minority languages, but the three types are similar to ‘how’ in some Chinese dialects, for example, tsa53 [Taiyuan], ts323 [Wenzhou] and ti54 [Yangjiang] (Beijingdaxue 1995:567). These speculations on the origins of ‘how’ in Bai dialects require more evidence. For ‘how many’, the interrogative construction consists of ‘many’ plus ‘few’ as pointed out in Sun (2003), which is used in JX, ZC and MZL.
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However, in TL, EQ, EG and JM, they are constructed by ‘many’ [*ti1] plus ‘approximate aux.’ [*dj4]. Probably the interrogative sense is from the uncertainty of the “approximate aux.”. The pattern in DS is unknown. The two former patterns are summarized as below:
I: *ti1 ‘many’ + *iu2 ‘few’ JX, ZC, MZL II: **ti1 ‘many’ + *di4 ‘approximate aux.’ TL, GX, EQ, EG, JM Table 120: Two patterns for the ‘how many’ question in the Bai dialects
2.2.2.4 Word order in Proto-Bai
Since the possible co-occurences of word orders are limited, they cannot be taken as strong evidence for genetic classfication. The reason is quite simple: the chance of accidental resemblance is too high (Greenberg 2001). The same word order surely is not a sufficient condition for genetic relationship, but it is a necessary condition. Following the strict definition of a genetic relationship given in Thomason & Kaufman (1988), only if the origins of all the subsystems of the studied languages are shared, one can claim the genetic transmission safely. For instance, if Bai shared a common ancestor with Yi during one period, what their word-orders were in that time is important. And if there are different word orders for them now, it is necessary to explain the different evolutions. For example, different grammaticalization processes or language contact after their split may cause their different current appearances. Most word orders are the same in all Bai dialects, e.g. 1. SVO, 2. MN, 3. RelN, 4. NNum, 5. Marked OV (in a negative or interrogative sentence, or when a pronoun is used as one of the two objects). These word orders can be assumed for Proto-Bai. Two variant word orders across Bai dialects are 1) the position of the negation and 2) the position of direction verbs. Xu & Zhao (1984:124) have noticed these phenomena and provide a brief description.
The position of negation
Before the discussion on this word order, some etymologies related to later discussions will be reconstructed at first. In ZC, the negation is ‘mo33’,
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／103 while the remaining dialects have very similar forms, e.g. e35 (TL), e55 32 (GX), a43 (EQ), a21 (EG, JM), a35 (JX), a42 (DS), a21 (MZL).
Gloss Index PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 沒 do not 1519 ? e35 55 a43 a42 a42 a35 ma33xa55 mo33 a21 有 have men33 mu22 m22 m22 mu22 mo33 /a42ve55 mou33 有 have 1764 d2j33 dzi22 d22 di22 di22 ts33 ts33 ts33 ts33 Table 121: Reflexes of ‘have’ and ‘do not have’ in the Bai dialects
Though *d2 ‘have’ can be reconstructed, it is likely to have been another root for “existence, possession” in Proto-Bai before the dialects split. This hypothesis arises from the comparison with the form *m2 deposited in the words for “do not have”. *m2 ‘have’ is therefore likely to be a regressive form, since it combines with another regressive form of negation ‘a21’ (which is obvious in MZL), and cannot appear independently. LaPolla (2003:27) claims that “unmarked clausal negation in PST took the form of a preverbal particle *ma-.” The negation may be reconstructed as *a / *a in PB, which seems to have a relationship with the interrogative morpheme *a (cf. §2.2.2.3; Wang 1991). Interestingly, it is found that “a” as the negation was also distributed in many Kam-Tai languages, cf. Liang & Zhang (1996). In Miao (Yanghao 養蒿), “a55” is the negation. Overall, *a as the negation may be an areal word, which can go across the boundary of language families in a continuous area, or it may be a cognate shared by the ST family including Kam-Tai and Miao-Yao as proposed by Li (1937). We now come to the word order of negation in Bai. The SVONeg in ZC contrasts with the SNegVO pattern in the remaining Bai dialects. Dryer (1988) demonstrates that SVONeg is rare according to typological studies. Especially from the viewpoint of Sino-Tibetan, the SVONeg pattern is extremely atypical. It is limited to the Bai-spoken area around Dali City, including Eryuan, Bingchuan, Xiangyun, Midu and Dali. Usually, syntactic changes have two reasons, one is re-organization of the internal grammatical structure, another is inference by contact. The former
32 This earlier negation is retained in some compound words, but in general sentence for negation, which is replaced by Chinese loan words. It will be discussed later.
104／Comparison of Languages in Contact is unlikely since all dialects almost have the same grammatical structure except this order. Regarding the other possibility, MZL Bai-speaking people live together with Yi, the TL Bai is surrounded by Lisu; all these minority languages such as Yi, Lisu, Pumi are SONegV. Therefore it is supposed that the SVONeg in ZC is the retention, and that all the surrounding languages impacted on the close Bai dialects and caused the change of negation from postpositional to prepositional. However, a problem remains ─why didn’t all Bai dialects change into SOV at the same time if their structure was indeed influenced by these minority languages? Looking at the surrounding languages of ZC, the possibility exists that they caused ZC to change into SVONeg. The possible source is the Kam-Tai language. Though today’s Dai in Yunnan has SNegVO, the Proto-Kam-Tai plausibly had SVONeg according to Liang & Zhang (1996). They compared the distribution of the negation positions across Kam-Tai languages and concluded that in earlier Kam-Tai languages the modifier was following the modified verb, noun or classifier consistently, but also that the modifier tended to be prepositional due to the influence of Chinese. The contact between the Dai people and the Bai people on the Dali area can be attested in the study of the populations. According to Jiang (1983), the interaction between the Bai and Dai people in the Dali area may have started during the Tang dynasty. Therefore, it is likely that the SVONeg structure is related to Kam-Tai. Unlike in other Bai dialects, there are two negation forms in MZL: “m33” is the negative existential form like ‘mei214 you214 沒有’ in Mandarin. Another form, “pu21”, is the verbal negator. For example:
Does not Have not MZL iu33 pu21 ue55 iu33 m33 phen33 water isnot hot water havenot boiled TL iui33 e42 ue55 iui33 e42 xo33 water isnot hot water havenot boiled ZC j44 mu33 j44 ku33 mu33 eat not eat already not Table 122: Different negation patterns in the Bai dialects
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／105
The distinction in MZL is more like an innovation after its splitting from other dialects; comparing the negation system in local Chinese with MZL, the similarities are striking. There are some notable usages of different negators under some particular conditions. For instance, ‘piau33’ in ZC is put at the end to negate the whole statement of the sentence:
o31 ts33 42 su35 ts33 i21 piau33. I am student not
The position of the direction verb
Some verbs describe actions, such as to jump, walk or run. Some verbs express the direction of an action, such as 下 (descend) or 上 (ascend) in Mandarin. If the two kinds of words appear together, direction verbs are often grammaticalized as adverbs, for example, pao214 shang51 lai35 (Mandarin). Alternatively, in Bai dialects, both orders can be detected. Several domain indexes were selected which included three action verbs (jump, walk, run) and four direction verbs (enter, out, ascend, descend) to see their orders in different Bai dialects. It turns out that two types coexist:
I: Action verb + Direction: [ZC, MZL, EQ]
ZC: 跳下來 ‘jump down’ to55 t55 jo31 走進來 ‘walk inside’ pe44 i44 jo31 跑出去 ‘run outside’ pau21 i55 21 走上來 ‘go up’ pe44 tsou33 jo31 走下去 ‘go down’ pe44 t55 jo31
EQ: 跳下來 ‘jump down’ u24 ti24 走進來 ‘walk inside’ m55 ni55 跑出去 ‘run outside’ p55 ts55 跑上來 ‘go up’ p55 dio22 ki22 跑下去 ‘go down’ p55 ti24 a21
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II: Action verb + Direction (enter, exit) / Direction (ascend, descend) + Action verb: [TL, GX, JM]
GX: 跳下來 ‘jump down’ ti53 p24 q22 走進來 ‘walk inside’ ji21 q22 q12 pu44 跑出去 ‘run outside’ diou53 t.12 ja22 跑上來 ‘go up’ dau21 diou53 q22 跑下去 ‘go down’ ti53 dou53 ja22
JM: 跳下來 ‘jump down’ 22 ta55 走進來 ‘walk inside’ ja44 k22 tya55 跑出去 ‘run outside’ iu55 t.55 走上來 ‘go up’ o22 tya55 走下去 ‘go down’ 22 ja44
EG: 跳下來 ‘jump down’ ti55 to42 tya44 走進來 ‘walk inside’ ma55 i44 tya44 跑出去 ‘run outside’ m21 li55 走上來 ‘go up’ to21 tya44 走下去 ‘go down’ ti55 jo44
Which type is the earlier one remains unknown.
2.2.3 Reconstruction of Basic Words 2.2.3.1 Rain
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 10 rain v33iui33 vo33 v33i44 ju55 雨 10 rain i33 i22 z22 z22 22 雨 1719 (rain) fall uo42 w21 u21 u42 u42 ou42 ou42 ou42 o42 下(雨) Table 123: Reflexes of ‘rain’ in the Bai dialects
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／107
On the basis of the reflexes in dialects like TL, GX, EQ, EG and JM, ‘to rain’ can be reconstructed as a compound, *zri2 ‘rain’ + *o4 ‘fall’, which may go back to **r-wo2/4 (the development is partially parallel to *r-wu2/4 in §2.2.3.9). Here **r- Æ - is hypothesized. **r-wo4 is possibly related to TB *r-wa ‘to rain’ (Benedict 1972:109).33 In other Bai dialects, only the root part, *o4, is preserved, and the meaning has become specialized as ‘(rain, snow) fall’. The innovations for ‘rain drop’ in JX, DS, ZC and MZL are likely Chinese-loan words from yu3 shui3 雨水 [hju2 sywij3] or yu3 雨 [hju2]. “iui33” in JX and “i44” in ZC apparently simulate the Chinese form shui3 水 [sywij3] independently. Similar hints come from the comparison of “ju55” in MZL and “v33” in ZC with MC 雨 [hju2].
2.2.3.2 Mountain
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 23 mountain sao42 io43 (general) sv42 .o42 sv53 山 23 mountain ien55 i24 (snow mountain) s55 .55 sen55 山 Table 124: Reflexes of ‘mountain’ in the Bai dialects
Two forms, *sro4 and *sren1, can be reconstructed for ‘mountain’ in Proto-Bai. Both of the two forms are preserved in EQ, but their meanings are different. *sro4 is the root of ‘mountain’ in general, whereas *sren1 stands more specifically for ‘snow mountain’. It is likely that the generalization from ‘snow mountain’ to ‘mountain’ occurred in TL, EG, JM and MZL. Therefore, during the period of Proto-Bai, the distinction between *sro4 (mountain in general) and *sren1 (snow mountain) might have been important for people’s lives. At least, one can conclude that there were some ‘snow mountains’ in the area where the earlier Bai people live.
33 Baxter (1992:217) tends to compare Chinese 雨 [hju2 < *w(r)ja] to TB *r-wa ‘to rain’ too.
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2.2.3.3 Hair
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 75 hair (of di35 di24 tiu21 ti21 e21 t21ma55 ia44 t21 t21 頭髮 head) me55 mi12 mi24 mi55 me55 /i44 ma21 me55 272 horse i42 ia24 ia55 i44 馬鬃 mane 266 hair me35 mi12 mi21 mi21 me21 M21 ma21 ma21 me21 毛 Table 125: Reflexes of ‘hair’, ‘hair of head’ and ‘horse mane’ in the Bai dialects
Two kinds of words for “hair of human head” can be obtained in Bai dialects, one is a compound in the structure ‘head + hair’, and the other is a simple one. In the compound words, the morpheme ‘head’ can be traced back to the proto-form ‘di1’, but the proto-form for the morpheme ‘hair’ cannot be reconstructed along the regular correspondences, which implies that it may have been borrowed. It is noticed that the simple form *a4 is related to the ‘horse mane’ in the dialects that rely on a compound form to indicate ‘hair of head’. In JX, it also indicates ‘bang’ of hair, but in a derogate sense. This behavior usually reflects the regression of a root word. From these cues, one can suppose that *a4 may have indicated ‘the long hair (both of human being or animal)’ in Proto-Bai. The differentiation between human beings and animals is usually a later innovation. In Chinese, mao2 毛 [mw1b] ‘hair, fur’ was used to indicate all kinds of hair originally, for instance Shuowen 毛, 眉髪之屬及獸毛也 (eye brow, hair of human’s head and hair of animals). Later on, the hair of human’s head became represented by fa4 髪 in particular, and mao2 毛 did not mean ‘the hair of human’s head’ any longer. If one supposes that the morpheme ‘hair’ in Bai is due to a Chinese borrowing─mao2 毛, it should have occurred before the replacement by fa4 髪 of mao2 毛 in Chinese, likely during the Han dynasty. It may also have been brought from some southern Chinese dialects like Meixian Hakka, Yangjiang Cantonese, Xiamen Min or Chaozhou Min, among which lexical replacement by fa4 髪 of mao2 毛 does not occur (Beijingdaxue 1995:244):
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／109
Chinese dialects Hair of human’s head Meixian Hakka 頭那*毛 Yangjiang Cantonese 頭毛 Xiamen Min 頭毛 Chaozhou Min 頭毛 Jian’ou Min ○1 頭毛○2 頭髮 Table 126: Reflexes of ‘hair of human’s head’ in some Chinese dialects
The earliest borrowing into Bai must have taken place after the split of some Bai dialects, since DS is not involved and the borrowing in other dialects cannot be reconstructed at the Proto-Bai level.
2.2.3.4 Eye
Index Gloss Proto-Bai TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 79 Eye uen2 uen33 uen22 ui22 ui22 mi22 ue33 ue33 ue33 u33 眼睛 Table 127: Reflexes of ‘eye’ in the Bai dialects
It is straightforward to reconstruct *uen2 for ‘eye’ in Proto-Bai. However, in the words for ‘tears’, another root for ‘eye’ may be obtained. Matisoff (2000a:342) mentioned: “Word for tears in TB languages are usually expressed by compounds meaning EYE + WATER. While there is only one widespread root for EYE in TB (*myak/*mik), there are eight or nine separate etyma for WATER that appear in compounds.” That might be the case in Bai dialects, too. For example:
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 158 tears mi21 mi42 mi43 yi21 mi22 mi42 mi42 mi42 m21 眼 ji42 ji21 j21 (ts55) yi22 ien42 ti42 ji42 zi55 淚 Table 128: Reflexes of ‘tears’ in the Bai dialects
In JM, the word for ‘tears’ adopts the structure─EYE + WATER. However, in other dialects, the second part may not mean WATER. For instance, the *ji4 appearing in TL, GX and ZC indicate ‘powder, or something like powder’. The root for ‘eye’ in these compounds does not have regular correspondences, especially in terms of tone correspondence
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(cf. §2.2.1.1). It is therefore hard to reconstruct a proto-form. It may be an areal word and diffused to the Bai dialects gradually. Note that *myak/*mik might be related to Chinese 目 [mjuwk] (Sagart 1999:154). Overall, it is likely that *uen2 ‘eye’ is the principal form in Proto-Bai.
2.2.3.5 Nose
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 80 nose v42 vo42 鼻子 di35 ti21 80 nose ty21 tso21 ku42 que42 pien21 pi31fv44 pien42 鼻子 ty24 qo22 ti21 tyi21 ti21 tsi44 Table 129: Reflexes of ‘nose’ in the Bai dialects
Since TL and DS are unlikely to share an innovation according to their geographical distance, the corresponding form for ‘nose’ between them is likely to be a retention from Proto-Bai, which can be reconstructed 34 as *bjo4 (*dj1). Therefore, *qu4/3 shared by JM and EG may be regarded as a shared innovation, which can be a character for subgrouping.
2.2.3.6 Breasts
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 94 breasts bo42 ba21 pa21 pa42 pa42 p42 pa42 pa42 乳房 94 breasts no33 乳房 Table 130: Reflexes of ‘breasts’ in the Bai dialects
The root *ba4 supported by most of the dialects will be taken as the retention from Proto-Bai. ‘no33’ occurring only in MZL is similar to the term in its neighbor Sa’ni, n33, ‘breasts’, which can be traced back to PL *no2. Considering “nuk55” in Langsu and “n35” in Xiandao, “*no2 (> *no2)” may be the form in the earlier stage. Two possible evolutions can therefore be considered: 1. *ba4 is the retention of Proto-Bai, but it was replaced by the Sani loanwords in MZL; 2. *no2 (> ‘no33’ in MZL) is
34 *dj1 is a noun suffix.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／111 the retention, but *ba4 is an innovation which took place just after the split of MZL from the Bai main body. In other words, MZL is the earliest split. The second proposal is less likely, since MZL is not the first split according to the phylogenetic tree in §2.3. This proposal would also require more suppositions to be made, for instance, regarding the evolution of the innovation *ba4 in the remaining Bai dialects. Therefore, the first interpretation thus appears more plausible.
2.2.3.7 Belly
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese
96 belly f42 i21 fo24 xu44 42 fv44 fo44 fv44 p44 肚子 148 stomach 42 i21 z21 z22qo22 42 v42/uei55 uei55 v42 ju42 胃 97 navel 42 i21 z21 ji21 42 jou21 jo21 jo21 jo21 肚 t42 pfu55t55 fo55t55 xu44t44 xo55te44 fv44te44 fo44te33 fv44t55 p44t21 臍 Table 131: Reflexes of ‘belly’ in the Bai dialects
The semantic structure of the compound word ‘navel’ in some Bai dialects is “stomach + belly + tie” (in a specific structure, *jo21 + ‘belly’ + ‘tie’, the meaning of *jo21 is unknown). In the compound word, the earlier forms of ‘stomach’ and ‘belly’ are preserved. So, *r-wu4 ‘stomach’ and *pju4 ‘belly’ can be reconstructed for Proto-Bai. *r-wu4 ‘stomach’ lost its second part in TL, GX, EQ, EG and JM, while its first part disappeared in other dialects. A similar development likely took place for *r-wo4 ‘rain’, as proposed in §2.2.3.1. In JX, a variant, apparently borrowed from Chinese 胃 [hjwj3 > wèi] ‘stomach’, appears to compete with the earlier form. In DS, the Chinese-loan has won the place. In GX and JM, the form for ‘stomach’ takes the meaning ‘belly’, and the earlier form for ‘belly’ is only preserved in some compound words.
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2.2.3.8 Tail
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese
267 tail m42q42 mu22qua24 mæ22qua55 mu22qua44 mo22qua44 mi42tu35 mi33 尾巴 267 tail v33tv55 vo33to55 尾巴 Table 132: Reflexes of ‘tail’ in the Bai dialects
An innovation shared by JX and DS can be identified as *vo2 *to1 < (*bjo2 *to1). The second part is probably related to PL *da1. Other forms in the remaining dialects look similar, and are probably from the same source, but unlikely inherited from Proto-Bai directly according to their irregular correspondences.
2.2.3.9 Root
Index Gloss PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 375 root t4 t24 t55 t42 te42 te44 te44 根 375 root mi3/4 m21 m43 m42 me42 mi44 mi44 (tso33) 根 Table 133: Reflexes of ‘root’ in the Bai dialects
Two roots can be plausibly reconstructed: *t4 and *mi3/4. Their sources however are still not clear.
2.2.3.10 Red
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 1007 red ta42 tæ24 tiæ55 tia44 a55 tsa44 t.44 ts44 xo33 紅 Table 134: Reflexes of ‘red’ in the Bai dialects
The proto-form *træ4 ‘red’ is represented in all dialects except MZL. In MZL, ‘xo33 (red)’ is possibly a recent borrowing from the local Chinese dialect, which matches with hong2 紅 ‘red’ [xo31] in Qiubei (Yang 1969:879). In Chinese history, the characters for ‘red’ have gone through a change from chi4 赤 [tsyjek] to hong2 紅 [huw1b]. The replacement was completed around the Tang dynasty (Yao 1988).
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2.2.3.11 Green
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 1009 green lu44 lo44 lv44 lv44 綠 1009 green tia21 tsan24 tiæ24 tia42 tia55 綠 Table 135: Reflexes of ‘green’ in the Bai dialects
There are three variants for ‘green’ in the Bai dialects: 1. *ta3 (TL, EG); 2. *tsæn1 (GX, EQ, JM); 3. *lu4 (JX, DS, ZC, MZL). The first two are evidently related to Chinese 青 [tse1a], and they show two layers of Chinese-Bai related words. *ta3 should be the later borrowing, which is obviously shown by the initial and tone correspondence (cf. §3). The third variant, *lu4, is related to Chinese 綠 [ljowk]. From the development of color terms in Chinese history (Yao 1988), 青 [tse1a] ‘green’ appears at the Yinshang period (1765BC-1122BC). 綠 [ljowk] as the color term ‘green’ begins to be used during the Zhou-Qin period (1121BC-207 BC), but it does not fully replace 青 [tse1a] before modern Mandarin. Therefore, *tsæn1 ‘green’ is more likely to reflect the oldest time depth, and will be taken as the proto-form for ‘green’.
2.2.3.12 Good
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 1052 good dia35 dzan12 diæ21 好 1052 good xo55 xo22 xu33 xu33 xu33 x33 好 Table 136: Reflexes of ‘good’ in the Bai dialects
Two roots are plausibly reconstructed as *dræn1 and *xu2. However since the forms supporting *xu2 are not regular, they are more likely to be borrowed from Chinese hao3 好 [xw2 < *hwx]. Therefore, *dræn1 is likely to be the PB root.
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2.2.3.13 Cold
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 1063 cold k55 k24 k55 k55 k55 (water is cold) k35 k35 k55 冷 1063 cold ga12 k21 (cold weather; ka21 冷 feel cold) Table 137: Reflexes of ‘cold’ in the Bai dialects
Two roots can be reconstructed: 1. *k1 ‘cold (for thing)’; 2. *gæ1 ‘cold (for weather, human feeling)’. Their distinction is kept in JX and DS. In GX, the second root is generalized and replaces the first one. The opposite replacement must have occurred in the remaining dialects.
2.2.3.14 Burn
Index Gloss PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 1269 to burn .u1(a) y55 .u55 su55 sv55 燒 1269 to burn nji2(b) jen33 (xu24) (fi22p22) (fv55ji55) ji33 i33 燃 Table 138: Reflexes of ‘burn’ in the Bai dialects
Two roots are reconstructed for PB, *.u1 and *nji2. However, they can be traced back to be Chinese shao1 燒 [srjew1a < *hrjagw] and ran2 燃 [nyem1b < *njan] respectively (cf. §3).
2.2.3.15 See (Look)
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 1469 watch, look en33 en22 22 i22 e22 看 1469 watch, look x55 xa55 a55 xa55 看 Table 139: Reflexes of ‘watch, look’ in the Bai dialects
*en2 (TL, GX, EQ, EG, JM) and *xa1 (JX, DS, ZC, MZL) can be reconstructed. It is unknown which of them is the innovation. Two roots in PL. A: C-i1, B: *ha3 are reconstructed in Bradley (1979). The PL *ha3 may be related to *xa1.
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／115
2.2.3.16 Walk
Index Gloss TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL Chinese 1815 walk a35 an12 a21 a21 走 1815 walk j42 ja55 走 1815 walk pe44 pe44 pe44 走 1815 walk xa21 走 1544 run p42 diou42 P55 tio55k21 iu55 po33 sa44 [pau31] li55 跑 jo44/iu44 1678 to jump p42 p24 iu24 ta44 tiou44 tou44 to55 [tiao55] 跳 Table 140: Reflexes of ‘walk’ in the Bai dialects
The meaning of *pe4 in Proto-Bai might have been ‘walk fast’. It changed into ‘walk’ in general in JX, DS and ZC, while the original sense is still kept in TL and EQ. The general root for ‘walk’ is *a1, which is retained in TL and EQ. The semantic shift, ‘walk fast’ Æ ‘walk’, has parallel examples in Chinese, for instance, zou3 走 ‘walk fast’ in Old Chinese which has become ‘walk’ in Mandarin Chinese, where ‘walk fast’ is represented by pao3 跑 ‘run’; on the other hand, the earlier meaning, zou3 走 ‘walk fast’, has been retained in modern Cantonese (Jiang 2002). Another root for ‘walk’ attested in MZL is ‘xa21’, which is possibly related to Chinese hang2 行 [h1b] such as in Cantonese. In the local Chinese dialect─ Qiubei, the form for ‘walk’ is 行 [xa31] (Yang 1969:879).
2.3 Subgrouping
Xu & Zhao (1984:116-127) sketched three sub-groups of Bai: North dialect, Center dialect and South dialect, represented by Bijiang Bai, Jianchuan Bai and Dali Bai respectively. However their proposal is more a classification based on synchronic differences than a classification relying on diachronic changes (Wiersma 2003:652). According to the principles for subgrouping stated in §1.3.2, 19 items are selected as the characters to classify Bai dialects. Items 1-12 are phonological innovations from Proto-Bai to modern Bai dialects. Items 13-14 represent the patterns for personal plurals. Items 15-19 are lexical replacements due to semantic shifts or shared borrowings. The details are
116／Comparison of Languages in Contact listed in the following table:
Character TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 1. split of tone *1a 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 2. devoicing under tone *1/*4 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 3. *Pr- Æ T.u- 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 4. *Pr- Æ Pi- 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 1 1 5. Back-rounded palatalization 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 6. f- Æ xu- 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 7. *sr- Æ - 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 8. *Kr- Æ T.- 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 9. *æ Æ Æ 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 10. *- Æ -e 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 11. *-u Æ -ui 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 12. *-e Æ -i 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 13. -i as plural vowel 1 0 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 14. -a as plural vowel 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 15. nose [qu42] 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 16. tail [vo33 to55] 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 17. green1 [qing1 青] 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 18. green2 [lu4 綠] 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 19. walk [*pe4] 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 Table 141: The 19 characters for subgrouping Bai dialects
A tree of Bai dialects or a subset of equally optimal trees under a specific optimization criterion- can be reconstructed from this table. The optimization criterion chosen is that of maximum parsimony. The idea of parsimony is similar to the approach by Krishnamurti and his associates (1983). The ‘most parsimonious tree’ corresponds to the structure which summarizes the matrix of characters per dialects while minimizing the total number of character changes. Defining all possible shapes and the number of changes involved for each tree requires a great deal of computation and is hardly achievable by hand (Wang 1996b). In this context a specific software has been implemented in this research in order to explore the space of possible tree structures and define the tree─or subset of trees─ that are most parsimonious for the 19 characters defined in Table 141. The
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／117 program PENNY from PHYLIP package (Phylogeny Inference Package, Felsenstein 1986-1993)35 was adopted. This program is based on the Camin-Sokal algorithm which does not allow reversions: it “explains the data by assuming that changes 0 Æ 1 are allowed but not changes 1 Æ 0” (Camin & Sokal 1965). In the context the value of 0 was used to represent a retention state and 1 for an innovation state. All characters have equal weights.36 I have proceeded in an exhaustive search over all possible tree topologies. The output is the subset of the most parsimonious trees for the input data. The analysis produced a most parsimonious tree, which implies 23 character changes:
TL
EG EQ
JM
GX JX
DS
ZC MZL
Figure 7: The most parsimonious tree for Bai dialects, Camin-Sokal algorithm, 19 characters
This research project also adopted the PAUP package in order to probe the most parsimonious tree for Bai dialects on the basis of the 19 characters. All characters are parsimony informative. Tree search is heuristic and performed through a tree branch swapping algorithm. It results in 2 equally parsimonious trees (rooted using default outgroup), scoring a length
35 More details can be found in the website: http://evolution.genetics.washington. edu/phylip.html. 36 It is very important to weight different characters properly. Before I know how to weight them, I have to treat them equally.
118／Comparison of Languages in Contact of 23 steps, with a consistency index excluding uninformative characters CI = 0.8261, and a retention index RI = 0.7558. They are shown as below:
Figure 8: The two most parsimonious trees for the 9 Bai dialects, 19 characters
A consensus tree can be constructed to summarize the information from the two equally parsimonious trees, which are usually called fundamental trees. There are different types of consensus trees for different purposes (Swofford 1993). The strict consensus tree was adopted to summarize the common relationships among the fundamental trees. In a strict consensus tree only those monophyletic branches occurring in all the original tress are included. For example, there are two fundamental trees, I and II, shown as below:
Tree I
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／119
Tree II
Then the strict consensus tree will be Tree III shown as following:
Tree III
On the basis of the two equal parsimonious trees, the strict consensus can be drawn as blow:
Figure 9: The consensus of the two equal parsimonious trees by PAUP, 19 characters
One should note for the sake of precision that in the application of the Camin-Sokal method in PENNY forbids reverse changes but the Wagner method in PAUP does not assume this hypothesis. Nevertheless the results are almost the same. The only difference is on the resolution of the three taxa (JX, DS, ZC). PENNY suggests the structure (JX (DS, ZC)), while PAUP prefers no further bifurcation.
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Such a consensus of the two equal parsimonious trees in Figure 9 does not assess the robustness, in other words, it is still unknown that how well it is supported by the 19 characters. This assessment can be estimated by the bootstrap re-sampling method. The bootstrap method proceeds by re-sampling the original data with replacement of characters. The size of every new data set is equal to the original one. The re-sampling picks characters randomly, and in the process of re-sampling, some characters may be sampled more than once, and some may not be sampled at all. On the basis of each re-sampled data matrix, a tree will be reconstructed according to a given optimality criterion ─ maximum parsimony here. After the bootstrap re-sampling of a given number replicates is finished, a majority-rule consensus tree will be reconstructed from all the optimal trees. The bootstrap support for any particular branch is marked by the number of times this structure appears during the bootstrapping procedure. According to this procedure, the majority-rule consensus of bootstrap trees can be found as below for the 9 Bai dialects based on the 19 characters in Figure 10:
Figure 10: Majority-rule consensus of bootstrap trees (1000 replicates), 19 characters
According to the tree obtained, it is proposed that the first split of Proto-Bai into two branches, Western and Eastern, is well supported. Within the Western group, the distinction between GX and the rest is quite salient, since it is supported in 88%. The subgroup of EQ and JM is less supported, whereas the subgroup of TL and EG is poorly supported (57%) and may not be considered as relevant. Within the Eastern group, JX, DS and ZC cluster in a fairly well supported way against MZL (77%), but no relevant structure is found between these three dialects. On the basis of the above discussion, the following structure for the 9 Bai dialects may be obtained:
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／121
EQ
JM TL
EG
GX JX
DS
ZC MZL
1 Figure 11: The tree topology for the 9 Bai dialects
Characters can now be plotted on this topology, in order to visualize the pattern of innovations:
Figure 12: Consensus tree for Bai based on the two bootstrapped trees with innovations plotted on the tree
The relative chronology of some innovations can thus be proposed: for the Eastern dialects: 4, 10, 14, 18 Æ 1, 11, 19 Æ 9, 16; for the Western dialects: 3, 5, 8, 12 Æ 7, 13 Æ 2, 6, 15, 17. However, one has to realize that some changes may have occurred independently, such as 6. (f- Æ xu), 9. (*æ Æ Æ ), 15. (nose [qu42]), 16. (tail [vo33 to55]), and 17. (green1 [qing1 青]). This suggests that the selected characters are, with a
122／Comparison of Languages in Contact high probability, correct criteria to show the sharing period of the dialects, but not in an absolute way. As it is cautiously mentioned before, no linguistic character definitely conveys the information of inheritance. Both 3. (*Pr- Æ T.u-) and 4. (*Pr- Æ Pi-) changes involve the EQ dialect (cf. §2.2.1.2), which is quite interesting. According to the discussion in §2.2.1.2, the very early EQ is an Eastern dialect, but its speakers then moved into the area “inhabited” by Western dialects, and followed a similar evolutionary pattern. This means that the ancestor of EQ shared a period with Eastern dialects (*pr- Æ pi-), and then shared its later evolution with Western dialects. Since the EQ dialect followed the track of the Western dialects after its contact with them, it is quite reasonable to assume that the distinction between the Western and Eastern groups was not salient, for example it allowed free communication between the two groups of speakers. In other words, the boundary between the Western and Eastern groups was not yet formed completely, and the transmission of innovations was still quite free, like in a case of internal transmission. Further this assumption indicates that the formation of different subgroups is a gradual process, not an abrupt one. A single dialect can bear heterogeneity to some degree, and this degree is not static and possibly determined by complex social-cultural factors etc. Subgrouping is not a strict way to classify items; there is no clear-cut between “different dialects”. In the light of language diversification caused by population movements, or geographical distance, the formation of different dialects is gradual. Once they are totally mutual unintelligible, the free diffusion then becomes more difficult. As proposed in §1.3.1, if the above linguistic subgrouping tells something true about the phylogeny of the Bai language, it should account for population movements. In the Western branch, the Lemo people are thought to have migrated from the Lancangjiang area, which coincides with the taxa ((EQ, JM) TL, EG). Though the two Lemo dialects, EG and JM, currently live more closely to each other, they are from different clans (the tiger clan and the rooster clan, respectively) of an earlier time, and their genetic distance still reflects this early situation (cf. §1.2.1 of Wang 2004b). One Lemo group (JM) shows closeness to a Lama group (EQ), which moved from the homeland of Bai. This also suggests that when the
Chapter 2: Intra-comparison／123
EQ speakers moved from the early Eastern group to the early Western group area, they might have lived together with the speakers of the ancestor of JM for some time. As discussed above, they may still be able to communicate each other quite freely, which implies that they may share some past innovations. As for the distinction between GX and the remaining dialects, it can be accounted for in terms of geographical distribution. TL and EQ are both located besides the Lancangjiang River. In Ancient Yunnan, the movements and connections of people often took place along a large river, and GX is far away from the Lancangjiang River. Therefore, the boundary between GX and the remaining dialects besides the river were easier to form.
Figure 13: Subgrouping and the distribution of the nine modern Bai dialects
3. Inter-comparison 3.1 Inter-comparison between Bai and Chinese
Following the working procedure in §1.3.2.3, Sino-Bai related words should first be identified. The basic principle for identifying related words follows Chen (1999a), but the semantic correspondences will be considered in terms of the universals of semantic changes (cf. §1.3.1.1). Some general principles of stratification have been proposed in §1.3.2. More details on the stratification of Sino-Bai related words are additionally explained in this section. From analysis of the historical background, it can be assumed PB as the recipient language and Chinese (OC > MC) as the donor language. The contact between Bai and Chinese started before the period of MC, so the phonological system of MC may be insufficient for the stratification of Sino-Bai related words. Yet some additional considerations are proposed to make the working procedure still plausible. Firstly, it is to make use of some fairly reliable reconstructions of OC. Though a complete OC system is still unavailable, some phonological developments are well established, especially rhyme groups, medial *-r-, *-rj- etc. The details will be discussed below. Secondly, the parallelism principle is used, for instance, if *tr- (PB) <> *tr- (MC < OC) is detected in a layer, *tr- (PB) <> tr- (MC < OC) is assumed in the same layer. This principle relies much on the markedness theory (Chomsky & Hall 1968). Compared with *tr-, *tr- is a marked sound. In other words, if a language has *tr-, it is very likely to have *tr-. This kind of markedness should be examined by the typological studies. Therefore, in terms of systematic match between two corresponding languages, the correspondence of *tr- <> *tr- implies another correspondence *tr- <> *tr-. In relation to the sorting of different layers, there are some additional arguments available: I. Historical phonology provides some cues, such as secondary devoicing in Chinese; II. The content of words may reflect some chronology. The later layers which are detected will be excluded. The remaining Sino-Bai related words after excluding later layers construct the so-called “oldest layer” between Chinese and Bai. Note that the oldest layer may not reflect the “real” oldest layer, but is rather a
126／Comparison of Languages in Contact generalized system to represent the remaining words after excluding later borrowings. It is perhaps not plausible to assume that all elements of a system are transmitted among the ‘same’ layer, but I offer simultaneous analysis to test whether it is possible to interpret it as a coherent system. This discrepancy is expected to be solved by further analysis. Under careful examinations of the oldest layer, a rough pattern of the system is expected to be identified. For convenience, the reconstructions of PB and MC are not marked by a star *. Only the reconstructions for the earlier stages of PB or MC will be marked in this way. One should note however that Sino-Bai related words are always indicating representations in PB otherwise specified.
3.2 Sino-Bai Related Words in the Oldest Layer 3.2.1 Correspondences of Tones in the Oldest Layer
The tone correspondences of Sino-Bai can be summarized in the following table:
PB OC > MC 1 pingsheng 2 shangsheng 3/4 qusheng 4 rusheng Table 142: Correspondences of tones in the oldest layer of Sino-Bai related words
The examples supporting these correspondences can be found in Appendix 2. Some correspondences do not follow the above rule. They are possibly due to later borrowings and the details of such identification are discussed as below:
Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／127
Pingsheng (Level tone) Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC 38 path; road tju2 途 *dag du1b 703 direction; orientation pj2 方 *pja pjw1a 1613 stretch out (the arm) tsren2 伸 *stjin srin1a Table 143: Later borrowings in PB corresponding to Chinese pingsheng
Just considering the tonal development, it is hard to ascertain whether the tonal correspondence between the two languages is caused by later borrowings. Nevertheless some other features suggest that these syllables have later elements, either attributed to bidirectional diffusion or later borrowing:
#38: PB t- <> MC d- (< OC *d-), cf. §1.3.2.2; #703: the PB form has no nasal ending, which is probably due to the later loss.
On the strength of these finders, these syllables should be treated as later borrowings. Yet some systematic considerations may take these examples as sporadic cases, because the number of examples for PB tone 2 corresponding to MC pingsheng are extremely few if compared with those supporting PB tone 1 <> (OC >) MC pingsheng.
Shangsheng (Rising tone) Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC 1151 carry (a child) one the back ma3 挽 mjanx mjwon2b 1048 fraud ta3 假(真假) kragx kæ2a Table 144: Later borrowings in PB corresponding to Chinese shangsheng
For the correspondence PB tone 3 <> (OC >) MC Shangsheng, some cues suggest that it may be caused by later borrowings:
#1151, ‘-j-’ lost; the earlier form should represent the earlier ‘-j-’. #1048, the secondary palatalization occurred.
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Qusheng (Departing tone) Index Gloss Chinese PB OC MC 845 classifier 顆 q1 karh kwoj3a 1477 to cough 咳(咳嗽) q1 kgh koj3a Table 145: Later borrowings in PB corresponding to Chinese qusheng
The rounded vowels in #845 and #1477 are secondary, as proposed in §3.2.3. It suggests a later borrowing from Chinese.
Rusheng (Entering tone) Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC 931 you n3 若 ak nyk4b 493 straw or palm-bark rain cape bri3 萆 bjik bjiek4b Table 146: Later borrowings in PB corresponding to Chinese rusheng
According to the discussion in §2.2.1.1, tone 3 in PB is unlikely to be associated with stop endings. Yet in contrary analysis, tone 4 in PB seems to be associated with stop endings at early stages. The corresponding PB tone 4 <> (OC >) MC rusheng should therefore be attributed to the earliest layer, since both of them are believed to be associated with stop endings. If so, the correspondence PB tone 3 <> (OC >) MC rusheng would have been borrowed from Chinese after the disappearance of stop endings.
3.2.2 Correspondences of Initials in the Oldest Layer
For the correspondences of initials, Baxter (1992)’s MC system, Baxter (1992)’s OC system and Li (1971)’s OC system are referred to. In addition, some revisions of Li’s system by Gong Hwang-cherng are also considered. The initial correspondences between PB and Chinese in the oldest layer are summarized in the first table of each sub-section, followed by all the related words conditioned by the corresponding initials. The process to exclude later borrowings and leave the oldest layer is specified initial by initial. Note that the correspondences of medials are put in the
Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／129 rhyme part (cf. §3.2.3). In the “Layer” column, “L” indicates the later borrowing. “OCr” is the index for the rhyme correspondences between OC and PB. “Rank” is used to mark the words according to Chen (1996): Rank 1 = the first 100 words; Rank 2 = the second 100 words.
3.2.2.1 Labials: p- p- b- m-
PB MC Li Gong Baxter p p p p, pl37 p p p p p, pl p b b b b, bl b m m m m, ml m, Np Table 147: Summary of representations of labials P- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1161 patch (clothing) pu2 補 pax pu2a 12 824 hundred pæ4 百 prak pæk4a 13 804 eight pra4 八 priat pt4a 25 512 plank; board pæn2 板 pranx pæn2a 26 1148 have eaten one’s fill pu2 飽 pwx pæw2a 4 1318 fly pje1 飛 pjd pjwj1a 21 1 1319 divide; share (things) pjen1 分(分開) pjn pjun1a 23 96 belly pju4 腹 pjkw pjuwk4a 5 1 9 wind pren1 風 pjm pjuw1a 28 2 1156 to plait pren1 編 pin pjien1a 20 605 axe p2 斧 pjux pju2a 12 Table 148: The representation of labial p- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
37 When *-l- appears as a medial element in Gong, it should change to MC -j-, yielding a Div.3 word.
130／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1552 chop (firewood) p3 破 parh pw3a 24 150 bladder p1 泡 prw pæw1a 4 1561 cut/rip open pæ4 pak pæk4a 13 1650 tear up, rip pe1(a) 披 par pje1a 24 2 153 fart pj3 屁 pidh pjij3a 18 1124 cliffy; precipitous præ1 偏 pin pjien1a 20 367 bee pjun1 蜂 pju pjow1a 11 143 lung pra4 肺 pjadh pjwoj3a 25 Table 149: The representation of labial p- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1149 hug b2 抱 bwx bw2b 4 1546 compensate bæ1 賠(陪) b bwoj1b 1 1132 to rake bæ1 鈀(鈀子) bra bæ1b 12 1006 white bæ4 白 brak bæk4b 13 1 1131 pull up (weeds) bræ4 拔 briat bt4b 25 310 leopard; panther ba4/5 豹 paw pæw3a 7 1160 to be ill bæn3 病 bjia bjæ3b 14 994 smooth bæ1 平 bji bjæ1b 17 2 218 father bo2(b) 父 bjax bju2b 12 2 264 hoof ba1 蹯 bjan bjwon1b 26 38 1171 to poke; insert b4 bt bit4b 22 120 skin be1 皮 bjiar bje1b 24 365 ant bri1 蚍(蜉) bid bjij1b 18 969 low; short bri2 庳 bix bjie2b 15 493 straw or palm-bark bri3 萆 bjik bjiek4b 16 rain cape 1553 float b1 浮 bjw bjuw1b 4 2 1141 bind; tie up bjo4 縛 bjak bjwk4b 13 1432 to bark bræ4 吠 bjadh bjwoj3b 25 Table 150: The representation of labial b- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
38 In Jiyun 集韻: 簿必切 bo bi qie [Spelling the initial of bo 簿 and the final of bi 必], meaning 刺 [to stab].
Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／131
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 219 mother m2 母 mx muw2b 1 2 1525 stroke; touch m4 摸 mak mk4b 13 408 rice straw ma4 秣 mat mwt4b 25 514 door m1b 門 mn mwon1b 23 1526 whet (a knife) m1b 磨(磨刀) mar mw1b 24 410 wheat m4 麥 mrk mk4b 2 268 horse mæ2 馬 mrax mæ2b 12 1521 (birds) cry/chirp mæ1b 鳴 mji mjæ1b 17 388 pine torches m1a 明 mjia mjæ1b 14 1726 think mi2 愐 mjianx mjien2b 26 2 687 name mjæ1 名 mji mjie1b 17 1 1151 carry (a child) on ma3 挽 mjanx mjwon2b 26 the back 1019 late m2 晚 mjanx mjwon2b 26 1663 escape; run away m1b 亡 mja mjw1b 14 439 rice m2 米 midx mej2b 18 Table 151: The representation of labial m- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
3.2.2.2 Dentals: t- t- d- n-
PB MC Li Gong Baxter t, t (Div.4) t t t, k-l, (p-l) t t t, hn, hl t, hn, hl, hr, k-l, (p-l) d d d d, l, g-l, (b-l) n, (Div.3) n n n, Nt Table 152: Summary of representations of dentals T- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1263 get; acquire t4 得 tk tok4a 2 1003 straight tuen1 端 tan twn1a 26 2 580 nail; tack tæ1 釘(鐵釘) ti te1a 17 Table 153: The representation of dental t- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
132／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 40 soil; earth tu2 土 tax tu2a 12 1681 listen tæn1 聽(聽見) ti te1a 17 1 Table 154: The representation of dental t- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 392 peach d1 桃 daw dw1b 7 39 74 head dj1 頭 du duw1b 9 1 40 651 speech; words; language do1 唐 da d1b 14 1168 step on; tred da4 蹋 dap dop4b 29 1264 wait dj2 待 dx doj2b 1 22 earth di3 地 diarh dij3b 24 1 L 228 younger brother tje2 弟 didx dej2b 18 L 38 path; road tju2 道 dwx dw2b 4 1 Table 155: The representations of dental d- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Two words in PB, #228 and #38, demonstrate the correspondence PB t <> MC d- (< OC *d-). Compared with another correspondence, PB d- <> MC d- (< OC *d-), supported by the remaining examples, they may have come from a later layer, that had been borrowed in Bai after the secondary devoicing of Chinese.
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 881 bag no1b 囊 nak n1b 13 132 brains no2 腦 nawx nw2b 7 46 mud n1b 泥 nid nej1b 18 174 woman o2 女 nrjax njo2b 12 1 Table 156: The representation of dental n- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
39 In MZL, “ta42 po21” [head] seems to be an exception. 40 Shuowen 說文 says 唐, 大言也 (exaggerated words). If so, a semantic generalization occurred.
Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／133
3.2.2.3 Lateral: l-
PB MC Li Gong Baxter K/(Liu she)/j(i-) l l, gl, bl r, (grj, drj, brj)41 g-r, b-r, C-r42 Table 157: Summary of representations of lateral l- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1506 to leak 3 漏 ruh luw3b 9 382 willow 2 柳 rwx ljuw2b 4 624 sickle jen1b 鐮 ram ljem1b 30 1020 sharp ji3 利 rjidh lij3b 18 1493 old ku2 老 rwx lw2b 4 2 798 two ko2 兩(兩個) rax lj2b 14 1 1502 water flow 1 流 rw ljuw1b 4 2 L 306 dragon lo1b 龍 ru ljow1b 11 L 629 sieve; sifter l1b 羅 rar l1b 24 Table 158: The representations of lateral l- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
The change from initial *r- in OC to l- in MC is well demonstrated in Gong (1989). So the two words with an initial l- in PB (#306, #629) may be regarded as later borrowings. The four words #382, #1506, #624 and #1020, the first two with - initial and the other with j- initial, may reflect the OC *r- in different vocalic environments explained in Lee & Sagart (1998:2): the initial *r- would have changed into - when followed by a back vowel, whereas it would have changed into j- when followed by a front vowel.
41 *grj-, *drj-, *brj- > lj- is from Gong (1989): in light of the general system of OC clusters presented in Gong (1994), these developments need to be revised as follows: *grj- > gj- (as part of the general rule *Krj- > Kj-), presumably *brj- > bj- (as part of the general rule *Prj- > Pj-, although Gong offers no examples), and *drj- > dj-. Fortunately, some examples supporting *drj- > dj- in §5.1 will support these hypotheses. 42 Baxter (1992:199-200) argues that MC l- is always derived from an OC cluster with -r-. The initial consonant is represented by *C- when its identity cannot be determined from xiesheng contacts or TB cognates.
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3.2.2.4 Retroflex stops: tr- tr- dr- nr-
PB MC Li Gong Baxter tr tr tr tr tr tr tr, hnr, hlj tr, hnr, hlr, hrj dr dr dr dr, lr nr nr nr nr, Ntr Table 159: Summary of representations of retroflex stops Tr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1212 put on tro4 著 trjak trjk4a 13 839 classifier tro1 張 trja trj1a 14 1803 use or lean on (a tr2 拄(拄拐杖) trjux trju2a 9 walking stick) L 389 bamboo tsr4 竹 trjkw trjuwk4a 5 Table 160: The representations of retroflex stop tr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
‘Zhu 竹’ (#389) in PB appears to have been borrowed from Chinese later than MC because its retroflexed affricative initial emerges afterwards, compared with the earlier appearance in #1212, #839 or #1803.
Layer Index Gloss Chinese PB OC MC OCr Rank 1601 seep 蠚43 tro4 trjak trjk4a 13 L 1802 swell 撐 tsre1 tra træ1a 14 2 L 1688 spit 齝 tsri1 t tri1a 1 2 Table 161: The representations of retroflex stop tr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Similar to #389, the initials in #1802 and #1688 reflect later stages according to Chinese historical phonology.
43 同“蜇＂，蜂、蠍子等用毒刺刺（人或動物）：《山海經》“（昆侖之山） 有鳥焉，其狀如蜂，……蠚鳥獸則死。＂[The same as ‘蜇’, that is, insects like wasp, scorpion use poisonous sting to sting people or animals. In Shanhaijing, there are sentence like that (昆侖之山) 有鳥焉, 其狀如蜂...蠚鳥獸則死.]
Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／135
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 454 tea dr1 茶 dra dræ1b 12 972 long dro1 長(長短) drja drj1b 14 1 149 intestine; guts dro1 腸 drja drj1b 14 2 513 pillar dr2 柱 drjux drju2b 9 L 353 worm dzru1 蟲 drjw drjuw1b 6 2 L 555 chopsticks dzro3 箸(筷子) drjah drjo3b 12 L 1014 heavy dzru2 重(輕重) drjux drjow2b 11 2 L 234 nephew di4 侄 drjit drit4b 19 L 284 pig d4 彘 drjadh drjwej3b 25 Table 162: The representations of retroflex stop dr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
As the above arguments illustrate, the three words in PB #353, #555 and #1014 reflect the later correspondence Tsr- (PB) <> Tr- (MC < OC). The missing of the -r- elements in the words #234 and #284 suggests that these words should be attributed to later borrowings.
3.2.2.5 Dental sibilants: ts- tsh- dz- s- z-
PB MC Li Gong Baxter ts ts ts ts, St44 ts ts ts ts, sr, sn, St dz dz dz, sd, sg dz, Sd s s s, st, sm, sn s, sl, s, sm, s, sw, sw, sp s sk, skw sk 45 z z rj, sgj, sgwj z , zl, z, zm, z, zw, zw, zp, zk Table 163: Summary of representations of dental sibilants Ts- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
44 Baxter (1992) writes *S- for ‘metathesizing s’, which behaves differently from the ordinary *s- and has a different origin. But the phonetic difference is unclear. 45 Baxer (1992) is not so sure about the existence of OC *z-, and suspects it to be reconstructable alternately as *s-.
136／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1018 early tsu2 早 tswx tsw2a 4 1347 plough; till tso4 作(作坊) tsak tsk4a 13 173 man tsi2 子 tsjx tsi2a 1 1 326 bird tso4 雀(麻雀) tsjak tsjk4a 13 1 695 mark; trace; track tsu1 蹤(蹤跡) tsju tsjow1a 11 Table 164: The representation of dental sibilant ts- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 420 vegetable ts3 菜 tsh tsoj3a 1 966 wide tsru1 粗 tsa tsu1a 12 423 onion; scallion tsu1 蔥 tswu tsuw1a 11 803 seven tsji4 七 snjit tsit4a 19 1031 watery/thin (porridge) tsjæn1 清 tsji tsje1a 17 391 thorn; splinter tsje3 刺 tsjih tsje3a 15 826 thousand tsjen1 千 tsin tsen1a 20 2105 paint tsji4 漆 tsjit tsit4a 19 L 623 fertilizer; manure ti1 圊 tsi tse1a 19 Table 165: The representations of dental sibilant ts- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
The PB word, #623, is palatalized and can be identified as a later borrowing.
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1169 hide dzo1 藏(隱藏) dza dz1b 14 607 chisel dzo4 鑿 dzak dzk4b 13 1668 shave (the head) dzjæn3 淨 dzjih dzje3b 19 Table 166: The representation of dental sibilant dz- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 799 three sa1 三 sm sm1a 28 2 619 rope so4 索(繩索) sak sk4a 13 2 424 garic sua3 蒜 sanh swn3a 26 1072 sour sua1 酸 san swn1a 26
Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／137
224 grandson sua1 孫 sn swon1a 23 1050 new sjen1 新 sjin sin1a 20 1 1735 laugh s3 笑 sjawh sjew3a 7 2 462 cloth s4 緆 sik sek4a 16 914 a year old sua4 歲 skwjadh sjwej3a 25 1713 wash clothes se2(a) 洗 sidx sej2a 18 2 12 snow su4 雪 sjat sjwet4a 25 2 1597 scatter (seeds) sa4 撒(撒種) san st4a 26 1656 lock s2 鎖 sarx sw2a 24 308 monkey sua1 猻 sn swon1a 23 800 four sji4 四 sjidh sij3a 18 2 1089 dead sji2 死 sjidx sij2a 18 534 firewood sjen1 薪 sjin sin1a 20 5 star sjæn1 星 si se1a 17 1 144 heart sjen1 心 sjm sim1a 28 1 2109 stomach of birds tsu3 嗉 sah su3a 12 162 corpse tso1 喪(喪事) sma s1a 14 1489 peppery tsjen1 辛 sjin sin1a 20 Table 167: The representations of dental sibilant s- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 385 pine tree zro1 松 rju zjow1b 11 Table 168: Representations of dental sibilant zj- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
3.2.2.6 Retroflex sibilants: tsr- tsrh- dzr- sr- zr-
PB MC Li Gong Baxter tr? 莊 tsr tsr tsr tr? 初 tsr tsr tsr dr? 崇 dzr dzr dzr sr 生 sr sr, smr, snr, sl, sml, snl srj srh sr ? zr Table 169: Summary of representations of retroflex sibilant Tsr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
138／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Since the tentative Sino-Bai words related to the MC initials tsr-, tsrh- and dzr- are rare, it is difficult to generalize about their relationship. But based on systematic matches, I expect the correspondences in the above table for these initials to be reliable, since all the representations in PB for the three initials are parallel. Though the initials of the following examples, #977, #1186 and #526, do not construct correspondences between PB and Chinese in a strict sense, the finals and tones of the two words, #977 and #526 are corresponding well between PB and Chinese, which guarantees that they are Sino-Bai related words.
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 977 narrow træ4 窄 tsrak tsræk4a 13 2 1186 stir-fry, stir tru2 炒 tsrux tsræw2a 9 526 bed dro1 床 dzrja dzrj1b 14 Table 170: The representations of retroflex sibilant tr-, tr- and dr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Using this analysis, ‘bed’ 床 appears to be a later borrowed word, which is supported by evidence that the Lemo people do not use beds for sleeping. These correspondences may suggest that retroflexed sibilants had not yet emerged in PB. For the MC sr- initial, there are plenty of corresponding words in PB, as shown below:
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 44 sand sr1 沙 srar sræ1a 24 1 107 hand sr2 手 stjwx srjuw2a 4 1 982 deep sre1 深 stjm srim1a 28 1078 astringent; like sri4 澀 srp srip4a 27 unripe 320 mouse sro2 鼠 stjax srjo2a 12 481 comb sro1 梳(梳頭) sra srjo1a 12 23 mountain sren1(a) 山 srian srn1a 26 1 151 excrement sri2 屎 stjidx srij2a 18 1269 burn sru 燒 hrjaw srjew1a 7 1 1602 kill a4 殺 sriad srt4a 25 1
Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／139
L 356 louse i4 虱 srjit srit4a 19 1 L 47 water ui2 水 srdx srwij2a 21 1 L 14 frost so1 霜 srja srj1a 14 L 419 millet si2 黍 stjax srjo2a 12 L 1649 say sua4 說(說話) stjuad srjwet4a 25 1 Table 171: The representations of retroflex sibilant sr- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
The three words #14, #419 and #1649 are likely in a later layer because of the loss of the retroflex feature. The palatalization in #356 and #47 suggests their later borrowing.
46 3.2.2.7 Palatals: tsy - tsyh- dzy- sy- zy- ny- y-
PB MC Li Gong Baxter 47 48 tr 照三 tsy tj, krj tj, plj, klj tj, kj tr 穿三 tsytj, krj tj, plj, klj tj, kj dr, j 床三 zy dj, grj dj, blj, gli dj, gj ny nj, rj nj, mlj, lj nj, j j, (yangsheng49) y snj, hnj, sthj, hrj snj, hnj, hlj hnj, hlj, hj, hj, stj dr 禪 dzy dj, grj Lj Table 172: Summary of representations of palatals Tsy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
46 The symbol “y” is used to indicate “palatalized” in Baxter (1992), which is equal to “-j-” in this text. 47 Reconstructions listed here were reconstructed as *sKj- in Li (1971). 48 According to Baxter (1992), the series *Kj- became Tś-(palatal) in MC only before front vowels (there are however exceptions). Otherwise, the evolution is *Kj- > K- (210-212). In his notation, Baxter writes capitalized velars (e.g. *KH-) in exceptional cases where such velars are palatalized despite being followed by a back vowel. 49 This traditional term in Chinese phonology indicates syllables with nasal endings.
140／Comparison of Languages in Contact
The series of initials in Chinese merge into retroflexed sibilants after MC, possibly during the Southern Song dynasty (Geng 2001:350-1). Therefore, the retroflexed sibilants represented in PB are likely to belong to a later layer, for example, #445, #647, #578, #1047, #490, #405 and #1804.
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1799 weave; knit tr4 織 tjk tsyik4a 2 L 445 grease, fat tsri1 脂 tjid tsyij1a 18 1 L 647 paper tsri2 紙 tjix tsye2a 15 L 578 needle tsre1 針 tjm tsyim1a 28 L 1047 real tsre1 真 tjin tsyin1a 20 L 490 pillow tsren2 枕 tjmx tsyim2a 28 L 405 seed tsru2 種(種類) tjux tsyow2a 11 1 364 leech tsji4 蛭 tjit tsyit4a 19 L 1804 cook; boil tsr2 煮 tjax tsyo2a 12 Table 173: The representations of palatal tsy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1070 stinking; smelly tru3 臭 krjiwh tsyuw3a 4 1007 red træ4 赤 skjiak tsyek4a 13 1 Table 174: The representations of palatal tsy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 43 stone dro450 石 djak dzyek4b 13 1 372 tree dr3 樹 djuh dzyu3b 9 1 L 1637 (rice) be cooked/done dzro4 熟 djkw dzyuwk4b 5 L 806 ten dzri4 十 djp dzyip4b 27 Table 175: The representations of palatal dzy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
50 Compare it with the WT rdo. As suggested in Handel (2002), the medial -r- may be more naturally reconstructed as a prefix from the Sino-Tibetan typological point of view.
Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／141
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 139 tongue dr4 舌 djat zyet4b 25 1 1611 shoot (an arrow) dro4 射 djiah zyæ3b 12 602 boat; ship jen1b 船 djan zywen1b 26 1198 eat j4 食 djk zyik4b 2 1 1674 lick, lap dzri2 舐 djix zye2b 15 Table 176: The representations of palatal zy- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 167 person; human being en1b 人 in nyin1b 20 1 2 sun i4 日 it nyi4b 19 1 910 day i4 日 it nyi4b 19 2 1062 hot e4 熱 at nyep4b 25 1 L 931 you n3 爾 idx nye2b 13 L 931 you n3 若 ak nyk4b 13 Table 177: The representations of palatal ny- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1749 to itch/tickle o2 癢 lax y2b 14 1755 want; need o4 欲 luk yowk4b 10 274 sheep (general) o1b 羊 la y1b 14 446 vegetable oil j1b 油 lw yuw1b 4 456 medicine j4 藥 lak yk4b 13 Table 178: The representations of palatal y- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
3.2.2.8 Velars: k- k- g- -
PB MC Li Gong Baxter q, k (Div.3) k k, k k, k q, k (Div.3) k k, k k, k , g (Div.3) g gj, gji gj, g , (/_in) , , , Nk Table 179: Summary of representations of velars K- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
142／Comparison of Languages in Contact
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1028 dry qa1 乾(乾濕) kan kn1a 26 1 145 liver qa1 肝 kan kn1a 26 1 968 high qa1 高 kaw kw1a 7 1348 to hook q1 鉤 ku kuw1a 9 1425 teach qa1 教(教書) krw kæw1a 4 263 horn q4 角 kruk kæwk4a 10 1 133 bone qua4 骨 kt kwot4a 22 1 352 scale qæ4 甲 krap kæp4a 29 30 river qo1 江 kra kæw1a 41 889 classifier (house) qæn1 間 kran kn1a 26 1343 be on the other side of (a river) qæ4 隔 krik kk4a 16 293 chicken q1 雞 ki kej1a 15 669 ghost; spirit kro2 鬼 kjdx kjwj2a 21 179 soldier kro1 軍 kjn kjun1a 23 1813 catch; capture kæ4 格 krak kæk4a 13 1413 pick up (food with chopstick) æ4 夾(夾菜) kiap kep4a 29 1517 sell 1 kja kjo1a 12 103 foot ko4 腳 kjak kjk4a 13 1 425 ginger ko1 薑(生薑) kja kj1a 14 L 51 gold ten1 金 kjm kim1a 28 L 130 tendon; sinew ten1 筋 kjn kjn1a 23 L 805 nine t2 九 kjwx kjuw2a 4 L 1298 be hungry t1 饑(饑荒) kjid kjj1a 18 Table 180: The representations of velar k- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1461 open q1 開 kd koj1a 21 1485 cry q4 哭 kuk kuwk4a 10 845 classifier q1 顆 kadh kwoj3a 24 1074 bitter qu2 苦 kax ku2a 12 985 empty qo1 空(空虛) ku kuw1a 11 845 classifier q2 顆 karx kw2a 24 976 wide qua4 闊 kd kwt4a 21 2 213 guest qæ4 客 krak kæk4a 13 1829 thigh, hipbone quæ3 胯 krah kwæ3a 12 2 289 dog qua2 犬 kianx kwen2a 26 1 L 20 air; breath ti4 氣 kjdh kjj3a 21 Table 181: The representations of velar k- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／143
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1051 used, old 3 舊 wjih juw3b 1 413 buckwheat o1 蕎 jaw jew1b 7 70 bridge u1 橋 jaw jew1b 7 1566 ride 1 騎 jar je1b 24 238 uncle (mother’s brother) 2 舅 jiwx juw2b 4 Table 182: The representations of velar g- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 714 outside ua4 外 wadh waj3b 25 801 five u2 五 ax u2b 12 2 79 eye uen2 眼 ranx n2b 26 1 254 cattle 1b 牛 jiak juw1b 13 52 silver en1b 銀 jin in1b 20 351 fish o1a 魚 ja jo1b 12 1 4 moon ua4 月 wjat jwot4b 25 1 928 I C-3 我 adx 2b 24 Table 183: The representations of velar - of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Zeng (2003) proposed that such correspondences reflect two phonemes of Jian 見 initial in OC. The development is suggested as the following: *k- Æ kj- (Div.3) ⇒ *q- Æ *k- (Div.1, 2, 4). Note however that the example #20 in PB can be interpreted as having been palatalized in Div.3 independently. Comparing this case with parallel unaspirated correspondences, there is no palatalization in the earliest layer, but only in later layers. It is therefore reasonable to treat this example in a later layer according to the Parallelism Principle.
144／Comparison of Languages in Contact
3.2.2.9 Laryngeals: x- h- PB MC Li Gong Baxter , , x h, hw, hm, h, h x, hw, h, h, hm x h g, g g , w 51 h (j) gj grj wj , j Table 184: Summary of representations of laryngeals of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1745 press; push down ja4 壓 rab æp4a 29 2 66 village j4 邑 jp ip4a 27 1370 drink 2(b) 飲 jmx im2a 28 1 1422 water/sprinkle/irrigate 4 沃 akw owk4a 8 Table 185: The representations of laryngeal - of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB
Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1005 black 4 黑 hmk xok4a 2 1 18 fire xui2 h( Compared with #18, #1069 is from a later layer. Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 443 meat æ1 膎 ri h1b 15 1 980 thick 2 厚 ux huw2b 9 2 403 paddy rice 1 禾 war hw1b 24 31 lake 1 湖 wa hu1b 12 2 51 Only before front vowels. Otherwise, *wj- > - (Baxter 1992:217). Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／145 L 154 sweat a1b 汗 anh hn3b 26 1008 yellow o1b 黃 wa hw1b 14 1 L 479 shoe 1 鞋 ri h1b 15 L 1287 read 4 學 rkw hæwk4b 5 990 round uen1b 圓 wjan hjwen1b 26 1 7 cloud 1b 雲(雲彩) wjn hjun1b 23 1 L 713 back, behind 2 後 ux huw2b 9 Table 187: The representations of laryngeal h- of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Both Li’s system and Baxter’s system suggest that #7 is in a later layer. According to Shao (1991, 1995), MC Xia 匣 has two OC origins, *- and *-. In light of the representation in PB, these OC reconstructions may be changed according to a uvular set, *- and *-. But in Shao (1991, 1995), #154 汗, #1008 黃, #479 鞋 and #1287 學 are regarded as belonging to a *g- category. If he is right, the four words occur in a later layer. #713 therefore probably occurs in a later layer. However, #1008 黃 is 52 reconstructed in Baxter (1992) as *ga or *ka. Therefore, PB o1b (#1008) is most likely attributed to the oldest layer. 3.2.3 Correspondences of Finals in the Oldest Layer The rhyme groups of OC are taken as convenient units for comparison. Their developments to MC finals are also listed at the same time. Both Li’s and Baxter’s reconstructions on rhymes of OC are referred to. The basic principle for stratification can be restated here: if two kinds of represen- tations in PB correspond to a rhyme group in OC, two layers will be identified unless they can be explained in terms of conditioned changes. Note that the rhyme part does not reflect the information about medials, and one should consider their role in addition. In §2.2.1, two medials, *-r- and *-j- have been reconstructed for PB. Their influence on vowel changes from PB to modern Bai dialects has been discussed in §2.2.1.3, and is summarized here. The medial -r- is used to “centralize” vowel, which was 52 If it is recognized as the cognate with guang1 光, it can be reconstructed as *ka, cf. Baxter (1992:216). 146／Comparison of Languages in Contact first proposed by Li (1971) to account for changes from OC to MC. That is, the -r- raises the low back vowel, e.g. *-r Æ -æ, and lowers down the front high vowel, e.g. *-ri Æ -. However, in the development of Bai, a strong tendency existed for a combination between -r- and back vowels; otherwise, the medial -r- will mostly affect the changes of the initials and not of the following vowels. The medial -j- is thought to raise lower vowels or cause back vowels to move forward in Li (1971). An example in Bai is *-ju Æ -. A tendency similar to the one mentioned above for -r- is observed. This tendency may be called back-vowel attraction. In some cases, an earlier status of PB will be posited to account for some changes of vowels. This earlier status will be abbreviated as EPB. Keeping these suggested factors in mind, the comparisons on finals of Sino-Bai related words could be started. 1. Zhi 之 [Baxter: *-] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 420 vegetable ts3 菜 tsh tsoj3a 蟹開一代 1264 wait dj2 待 dx doj2b 蟹開一海 254 cattle 1b 牛 ji juw1b 流開三尤 1051 used, old 3 舊 wjih juw3b 流開三宥 L 173 man/son tsi2 子 tsjx tsi2a 止開三止 1 L 1688 spit tsri1 齝 t tri1a 止開三之 2 219 mother m2 母 mx muw2b 流開一厚 2 L 1477 to cough q1 咳 kh koj3a 蟹開一代 L 1546 compensate bæ1 賠(陪) b bwoj1b 蟹合一灰 Table 188: The representations of rhyme Zhi 之 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB All the examples but the word #1546 show the representation of ‘’ in PB for the Zhi 之 rhyme in OC. The rounded vowel in #219 may be attributed to the preceding labial initial. #1477 is a later borrowing in terms of tone correspondences, as seen in §3.1.1.1. Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／147 2. Zhi 職 [Baxter: *-k] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1263 get; acquire t4 得 tk tok4a 曾開一德 1005 black 4 黑 hmk xok4a 曾開一德 1 410 wheat m4 麥 mrk mk4b 梗開二麥 1198 eat j4 食 djk zyik4b 曾開三職 1 1799 weave; knit tr4 織 tjk tsyik4a 曾開三職 Table 189: The representations of rhyme Zhi 職 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB All the examples point out the vowel ‘-’ as corresponding to the OC Zhi 職 rhyme. The -k ending in this rhyme will be represented by tone 4 of PB, which confirms the hypothesis on the origin of tone 4 in §2.2.1.1 (EPB *-k Æ PB -4). 3. Zheng 蒸 [Baxter: *-] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1188 weigh (food) tsuen1 稱 tj tsyi1a 曾開三蒸 Table 190: The representations of rhyme Zheng 蒸 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Either *- (Li) Æ -en or *- (Baxter) Æ -en is possible. Choosing between these two hypotheses requires more examples. 4. You 幽 [Baxter: *-u *-iw] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1493 old ku2 老 rwx lw2b 效開一皓 2 1018 early tsu2 早 tswx tsw2a 效開一皓 1149 hug b2 抱 bwx bw2b 效開一皓 150 bladder p1 泡 prw pæw1a 效開二肴 1148 eaten one’s fill p2 飽 pwx pæw2a 效開二巧 1070 stinking; smelly tru3 臭 krjiwh tsyuw3a 流開三宥 446 vegetable oil j1b 油 lw yjuw1b 流開三尤 148／Comparison of Languages in Contact 1502 water flow 1 流 rw ljuw1b 流開三尤 2 1553 float b1 浮 bjw bjuw1b 流開三尤 2 382 willow 2 柳 rwx ljuw2b 流開三有 107 hand sr2 手 stjwx srjuw2a 流開三有 1 L 805 nine t2 九 kjwx kjuw2a 流開三有 ? 238 uncle 2 舅 jiwx juw2b 流開三有 Table 191: The representations of rhyme You 幽 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB It is simpler to explain the representation in PB in this rhyme group if the main vowel *-u is assumed in EPB. Two changes, *-ju Æ - (e.g. #446, #1502, #1553, #382) and *-ru Æ - (#150, #1148), can occur naturally. These two changes follow the back-vowel attraction principle. But the two medials in some example affect both initial and vowel, which is possibly not the natural process in Bai, e.g. #805. Such case will therefore be suspected as later borrowing. The change *-u Æ - in #1148 is possibly due to a dissimulation with the bilabial initial, which implies that #1148 can still be in the earliest layer. #1070 is a special case, whose -r- may be not a medial, but an element representing the retroflex feature. No example is found to support the distinction between *-u and *-iw in this rhyme proposed by Baxter (1992). 5. Jue 覺 [Baxter: *-uk *-iwk] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1742 study, learn 4 學 rkw hæwk4b 江開二江 96 belly pju4 腹 pjkw pjuwk4a 通合三屋 1 L 389 bamboo tsro4 竹 trjkw trjuwk4a 通合三屋 L 1637 be cooked dzro4 熟 djkw dzyuwk4b 通合三屋 Table 192: The representations of rhyme Jue 覺 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Supposing this rhyme group as *-uk in EPB, some parallel changes can be observed, e.g. *-ru Æ - (#1742). The word (#96) in PB likely belongs to the earliest stage, but the expected change *juk Æ -k did not Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／149 occur, maybe the labiodentalization, *pj- Æ f-, occurred first. Parallel to the argument for You 幽 *-u (cf. section 4 in §3.2.3), the OC Jue 覺 is suggested to be reconstructed as *-uk. 6. Dong 冬 (Zhong 中) [Baxter: *-u] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 353 worm dzru1 蟲 drjw drjuw1b 通合三東 2 159 pus o1b 膿 nw now1b 通合一冬 Table 193: The representations of rhyme Dong 冬 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB The interpretation of these examples is open to further studies. 7. Xiao 宵 [Baxter: *-ew *-aw ] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 968 high qa1 高 kaw kw1a 效開一豪 1425 teach qa1 教 kraw kæw1a 效開二肴 310 leopard; panther ba4/5 豹 pawh pæw3a 效開二效 L 132 brains no2 腦 nawx nw2b 效開一皓 L 413 buckwheat o1 蕎 jaw jew1b 效開三宵 L 1735 laugh s3 笑 sjawh sjew3a 效開三笑 2 L 392 peach d1 桃 daw dw1b 效開一豪 L 70 bridge u1 橋 jaw jew1b 效開三宵 L 1269 burn sru 燒 hrjaw srjew1a 效開三宵 1 Table 194: The representations of rhyme Xiao 宵 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB The correspondence PB -a <> OC *-aw (or *-agw) is similar to the change in the ZC Bai *-o Æ -ou, see §2.2.1.3. Both Li’s and Baxter’s reconstructions suggest that the final in OC is not a single vowel. As a consequence, words in PB with single vowels are likely later phenomena, e.g. #132, #423, #1735, #392, #70 and #1269. 150／Comparison of Languages in Contact 8. Yao 藥 [Baxter: *-ewk *-awk] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1422 water/sprinkle/irrigate 4 沃 akw owk4a 通合一沃 Table 195: The representations of rhyme Yao 藥 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB This supposes the vowel *- in PB. 9. Hou 侯 [Baxter: *-o] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 74 head dj1 頭 du duw1b 流開一侯 1 1348 to hook q1 鉤 ku kuw1a 流開一侯 713 back, behind 2 後 ux huw2b 流開一厚 980 thick 2 厚 ux huw2b 流開一厚 2 1506 to leak 3 漏 ruh luw3b 流開一候 1803 use or lean on tr2 拄 trjux trju2a 遇合三麌 372 tree dr3 樹 djuh dzyju3b 遇合三遇 1 513 pillar dr2 柱 drjux drju2b 遇合三麌 L 1186 stir-fry, stir tru2 炒 tsrux tsræw2a 效開二巧 Table 196: The representations of rhyme Hou 侯 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB The sound in PB is corresponding to the OC rhyme Hou 侯. Only #1186 may come from a later layer. 10. Wu 屋 [Baxter: *-ok] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 263 horn q4 角 kruk kæwk4a 江開二覺 1 1485 cry q4 哭 kuk kuwk4a 通合一屋 L 1755 want; need o4 欲 luk yowk4b 通合三燭 Table 197: The representations of rhym Wu 屋 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／151 Either *-uk (Li) Æ -4 or *-ok (Baxter) Æ -4 will account for the correspondence between Chinese and Bai in this OC rhyme group. Considering the vowel - in Hou (cf section 9 in §3.2.3), the *-uk hypothesis is preferred. The nasal ending in #1755 may be due to the nasal initial. This kind of nasalization is quite salient in Jianchuan Bai (Xu & Zhao 1984:11), but the vowel -o- is irregular. 11. Dong 東 [Baxter: *-o] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 423 onion; scallion tsu1 蔥 tswu tsuw1a 通合一東 L 985 empty qo1 空 ku kuw1a 通合一東 367 bee pju1 蜂 pju pjow1a 通合三鍾 695 mark; trace tsu1 蹤 tsju tsjow1a 通合三鍾 L 405 seed tsru2 種 tjux tsyow2a 通合三腫 1 L 1014 heavy dzru2 重 drjux drjow2b 通合三腫 2 L 306 dragon lo1b 龍 ru ljow1b 通合三鍾 L 385 pine zro1 松 lju zjow1b 通合三鍾 30 river qo1 江 kra kæw1a 江開二江 Table 198: The representations of rhyme Dong 東 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Considering the parallel to Hou *-ug, PB -u and -ju (<> MC. Div.3) will be regarded as the earliest layer. For the representation of *-o, there might be different origins. Some are due to the influence of -r-, *-ru Æ -o, e.g. #30. Some may be due to later borrowings, e.g. #985, #306 and #385. Two words with -u, #405 and #1014, have no representation of *-j- of OC or MC, so they have probably been borrowed after the change of the medial in Chinese. 12. Yu 魚 [Baxter: *-a] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank L 31 lake 1 湖 wa hu1b 遇合一模 2 268 horse mæ2 馬 mrax mæ2b 假開二馬 1132 to rake bæ1 鈀 bra bæ1b 假開二麻 152／Comparison of Languages in Contact L 454 tea dr1 茶 dra dræ1b 假開二麻 1829 leg quæ3 胯 krah kwæ3a 假合二禡 2 40 soil; earth tu2 土 tax tu2a 遇合一姥 801 five u2 五 ax u2b 遇合一姥 2 1074 bitter qu2 苦 kax ku2a 遇合一姥 966 wide tsru1 粗 tsa tsu1a 遇合一模 1161 patch (clothing) pu2 補 pax pu2a 遇合一姥 2109 stomach of birds tsu3 嗉 sah su3a 遇合一暮 L 38 path; road tju2 途 da du1b 遇合一模 1517 sell 1 kja kjo1a 遇合三魚 1611 shoot (arrow) dro4 射 djiah zyæ3b 假開三禡 174 woman o2 女 nrja njo2b 遇合三語 1 481 comb sro1 梳 sra srjo1a 遇合三魚 320 mouse sro2 鼠 stjax srjo2a 遇合三語 351 fish o1a 魚 ja jo1b 遇合三魚 1 10 rain rwo2 雨 wjax hju2b 遇合三麌 1 218 father bo2(b) 父 bjax bju2b 遇合三麌 2 555 chopsticks dzro3 箸 drjah drjo3b 遇合三禦 L 605 axe p2 斧 pjux pju2a 遇合三麌 L 1804 cook; boil tsr2 煮 tjax tsyo2a 遇合三語 Table 199: The representations of rhyme Yu 魚 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Suppose the earlier vowel in EPB as *-a. (1) *-rag Æ *-r Æ -æ covers #268, #1829 and #1132. (2) *-a Æ -u (Baxter) or *-ag Æ -u (Li) covers #40, #801, #1074, #966, #1161 and #2109. Li’s hypothetic ending *-g provides a cause for the change from *-a to -u. Though it is generally accepted that vowels tend to rise, the gap between -a and -u is still quite big, which calls for some sound conditions. For this reason, Li’s proposal for OC appears more probable. Sun (2003:792) reports, “various OT closed rhymes containing old codas were also transformed, some of which replenished the vacated vowel spaces (e.g., OT -g > /a/; -b > /i/; -og > /u/), while others generated different innovative vowels (e.g., OT -n > //; -m > //).” From these examples, the stop endings tend to cause fronting or raise the preceding vowel. (3) *-jag Æ *-j Æ -o explains examples like #174, #481, #320, #351, #10, #218, #555 or #1611. According to the above Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／153 interpretation, #454 (different from rule 1), #31, (different from rule 2), #605 and #1804 (different from rule 3) may be from later borrowings. The vowel changes proposed from EPB to PB follow the same pattern as that from OC to MC. They may be good candidates for investigating a shared innovation between Chinese and Bai. #38 is irregular because the medial -j- can not be explained. 13. Duo 鐸 [Baxter: *-ak] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1525 stroke; touch m4 摸 mak mk4b 宕開一鐸 824 hundred pæ4 百 prak pæk4a 梗開二陌 1813 catch; capture kæ4 格 krak kæk4a 梗開二陌 213 guest qæ4 客 krak kæk4a 梗開二陌 977 narrow træ4 窄 tsrak tsræk4a 梗開二陌 2 1006 white bæ4 白 brak bæk4b 梗開二陌 1 1561 cut/rip open pæ4 pak pæk4a 梗開二陌 1007 red træ4 赤 skjiak tsyek4a 梗開三昔 1 619 rope so4 索 sak sk4a 宕開一鐸 2 1347 plough; till tso4 作 tsak tsk4a 宕開一鐸 881 bag no1b 囊 nak nk1b 宕開一鐸 607 chisel dzo4 鑿 dzak dzk4b 宕開一鐸 103 foot ko4 腳 kjak kjk4a 宕開三藥 1 1601 seep tro4 蠚 trjak trjk4a 宕開三藥 326 bird tso4 雀 tsjak tsjk4a 宕開三藥 1 1212 put on tro4 著 trjak trjk4a 宕開三藥 1141 bind; tie up bjo4 縛 bjak bjwk4b 宕合三藥 43 stone dro4 石 djak dzyek4b 梗開三昔 1 L 456 medicine j4 藥 lak yk4b 宕開三藥 931 you n3 若 ak nyk4b 宕開三藥 1 Table 200: The representations of rhyme Duo 鐸 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Similar to the changes in group 2, *-ak is supposed for EPB. (1) *-rak Æ *-r4 Æ -æ4, e.g. #824, #1813, #213, #977, #1006, #1561 and #1007; (2) *-jak Æ *-j4 Æ -o4, e.g. #103 (*kjak Æ ko4), #1601 (*thrjak Æ thro4), #326 (*tsjak Æ tso4), #1212 (*trjak Æ tro4), #1141 and #43 154／Comparison of Languages in Contact (*drjak Æ dro4). (3) *-ak Æ -o4, e.g. #619, #1347 and #881. Only the word #456 is exception. In general, in this group of words, Chinese and Bai developed in their own ways. 14. Yang 陽 [Baxter: *-a] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1169 hide dzo1 藏 dza dz1b 宕開一唐 972 long dro1 長 drja drj1b 宕開三陽 1 149 intestine; guts dro1 腸 drja drj1b 宕開三陽 2 526 bed dro1 床 dzrja dzrj1b 宕開三陽 651 speech; words; language do1 唐 da d1b 宕開一唐 1073 sweet o1 香 hja xj1a 宕開三陽 457 chaff; bran tro1 tja tsy1a 宕開三陽 1008 yellow o1b 黃 wa hw1b 宕合一唐 1 425 ginger ko1 薑 kja kj1a 宕開三陽 798 two ko2 兩 rax lj2b 宕開三養 1 14 frost so1 霜 srja srj1a 宕開三陽 839 classifier tro1 張 trja trj1a 宕開三陽 274 sheep (general) o1b 羊 la yj1b 宕開三陽 1749 to itch/tickle o2 癢 lax yj2b 宕開三養 L 388 pine torches m1a 明 mjia mjæ1b 梗開三庚 L 703 direction; orientation pj2 方 pja pjw1a 宕合三陽 L 1160 to be ill bæn3 病 bjiah bjæ3b 梗開三映 L 1802 swell tsre1 撐 ta træ1a 梗開二庚 2 L 1663 escape; run away m1b 亡 mja mjw1b 宕合三陽 Table 201: The representations of rhyme Yang 陽 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB The major representation in PB is -o. It is earlier than PB - <> OC *-a (#388, #703), which does not reflect the nasal element. For the same reason, #1663 is in a later layer. Other words do not construct pairs of correspondences. EPB *-a Æ PB -o may be due to the velar ending if one recalls the change *-ag Æ -u in group 12. Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／155 15. Zhi 支 [Baxter: *-e] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 391 thorn; splinter tshje3 刺 tshjih tshje3a 止開三寘 293 chicken q1 雞 ki kej1a 蟹開四齊 479 shoe 1 鞋 ri h1b 蟹開二佳 443 meat æ1 膎 ri h1b 蟹開二佳 1 647 paper tsri2 紙 tjix tsyje2a 止開三紙 969 low; short bri2 庳 bix bjie2b 止開三紙 1674 lick, lap dzri2 舐 djix zye2b 止開三紙 Table 202: The representations of rhyme Zhi 支 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB The interpretation on these examples is open to further studies. 16. Xi 錫 [Jia 佳] [Baxter: *-ek] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1343 be on the other side of (a river) qæ4 隔 krik kk4a 梗開二麥 462 cloth s4 緆 sik sek4a 梗開四錫 493 straw or palm-bark rain cape bri3 萆 bjik bjiek4b 梗開三昔 Table 203: The representations of rhyme Xi 錫 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Only some speculations can be made based on these few examples. EPB *qek Æ qæ4 (#1343) may be due to the uvular initial. EPB *-ek Æ -4 (#462) may occur. 17. Geng 耕 [Baxter: *-e] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank L 994 smooth bæ1 平 bji bjæ1b 梗開三庚 2 1668 shave (the head) dzjæn3 淨 dzjih dzje3b 梗開三勁 1031 watery tsjæn1 清 tsji tsje1a 梗開三清 687 name mjæ1 名 mji mjie1b 梗開三清 1 L 1521 (birds) cry/chirp mæ1b 鳴 mji mjæ1b 梗開三庚 156／Comparison of Languages in Contact ?L 580 nail; tack tæ1 釘 ti te1a 梗開四青 1681 listen tæn1 聽 ti te1a 梗開四青 5 star sjæn1 星 si se1a 梗開四青 1 Table 204: The representations of rhyme Geng 耕 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB The nasal initial may cause the loss of the nasal ending, e.g. #687 or #1521, therefore these words may not be due to later borrowing. The missing of the medial -j- in #994 and #1521 suggests a later borrowing. Therefore, the representation of this rhyme could be *-æn in PB. #580 seems to be a later borrowing, indicated by its palatalized initial. 18. Zhi 脂 [Baxter: *-ij] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 151 excrement sri2 屎 sthjidx srij2a 止開三旨 1089 dead sji2 死 sjidx sij2a 止開三旨 1 800 four sji4 四 sjidh sij3a 止開三至 2 365 ant bri1 蚍(蜉) bid bjij1b 止開三脂 1020 sharp ji3 利 rjidh lij3b 止開三至 2 445 grease, fat tsri1 脂 tjid tsyij1a 止開三脂 1 L 808 twelve ne4 二 idh nyij3b 止開三至 L 153 fart pj3 屁 pjidh pjij3a 止開三至 L 1298 be hungry t1 饑 kjid kjj1a 止開三微 1713 wash clothes se2(a) 洗 sidx sej2a 蟹開四薺 2 228 younger brother thje2 弟 didx dej2b 蟹開四齊 L 46 mud n1b 泥 nid nej1b 蟹開四齊 L 439 rice m2 米 midx mej2b 蟹開四薺 Table 205: The representations of rhyme Zhi 脂 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Two conditioned correspondences can be proposed: (1) PB -i <> MC (Div.3): the exceptions are #808, #153 and #1298. (2) PB -e <> MC (Div. 4): the exception is #46. Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／157 19. Zhi 質 [Baxter: *-it] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 2 sun i4 日 it nyi4b 臻開三真 1 910 day i4 日 it nyi4b 臻開三真 2 356 louse i4 虱 srjit srit4a 臻開三櫛 1 234 nephew di4 侄 drjit drit4b 臻開三質 364 leech tsji4 蛭 tjit tsyit4a 臻開三質 2105 paint tsji4 漆 tsjit tsit4a 臻開三質 803 seven tsji4 七 snjit tsit4a 臻開三質 54 iron te4 鐵 tit tet4a 山開四屑 Table 206: The representations of rhyme Zhi 質 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB In a similar way to group 18, PB -i <> MC (Div.3) and PB -e <> MC (Div.4) are supposed. 20. Zhen 真 [Baxter: *-in] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1156 to plait pren1 編 pin pjien1a 山開三仙 167 person; human being en1b 人 in nyin1b 臻開三真 1 1613 stretch out tsren2 伸 stjin srin1a 臻開三真 1489 peppery tsjen1 辛 sjin sin1a 臻開三真 1050 new sjen1 新 sjin sin1a 臻開三真 1 534 firewood sjen1 薪 sjin sin1a 臻開三真 52 silver en1b 銀 jin in1b 臻開三真 L 1047 real tsre1 真 tjin tsyin1a 臻開三真 L 1124 cliffy; percipitous præ1 偏 pin pjien1a 山開三仙 1 sky xen1 祆 hin xen1a 山開四先 2 826 thousand tsjen1 千 tsin tsen1a 山開四先 Table 207: The representations of rhyme Zhen 真 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB PB -en <> -in (MC < OC). #1047 and #1124 show their situation of later borrowings through the nasalization and the loss of the nasal element, respectively. 158／Comparison of Languages in Contact 21. Wei 微 [Baxter: *-j *-uj] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 47 water ui2 水 srdx srwij2a 止合三旨 1 18 fire xui2 hjdx (< *smjdx) xjwj2a 止合三尾 1 1318 fly pje1 飛 pjd pjwj1a 止合三微 1 669 ghost; spirit kro2 鬼 kjdx kjwj2a 止合三尾 1461 open q1 開 kd koj1a 蟹開一咍 Table 208: The representations of rhyme Wei 微 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB The interpretation of these examples is open to further studies. 22. Wu 物 [Baxter: *-t *-ut] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 133 bone qua4 骨 kt kwot4a 臻合一沒 1 1171 to poke; insert b4 bt bit4b 臻開三質 Table 209: The representations of rhyme Wu 物 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB As right above, the interpretation of these examples is open to further studies. 23. Wen 文 [Baxter: *-n *-un] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1064 lukewarm uen1 溫 n won1a 臻合一魂 224 grandson sua1 孫 sn swon1a 臻合一魂 308 monkey sua1 猻 sn swon1a 臻合一魂 514 door m1b 門 mn mwon1b 臻合一魂 1319 divide pjen1 分 pjn pjun1a 臻合三文 179 soldier kro1 軍 kjn kjun1a 臻合三文 7 cloud 1b 雲 wjn hjun1b 臻合三文 1 Table 210: The representations of rhyme Wen 文 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／159 PB -jen (#1319) and -uen (#1064) are likely to occur in the early layer according to both Li’s and Baxter’s reconstructions. -j- in #1319 has an effect on the initial rather than on the vowel because this following vowel is [+vowel, -back].53 But a more reliable interpretation regarding these examples requires more data and further analysis. 24. Ge 歌 [Baxter: *-ej ] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 629 sieve; sifter l1b 羅 rar l1b 果開一歌 1526 whet (a knife) m1b 磨 mar mw1b 果合一戈 1552 chop (firewood) p3 破 parh pw3a 果合一過 1656 lock (the door) s2 鎖 sarx sw2a 果合一果 845 classifier q2 顆 karx kw2a 果合一果 44 sand sr1 沙 srar sræ1a 假開二麻 1 120 skin be1 皮 bjiar bje1b 止開三支 1 1650 tear up, rip pe1(a) 披 par pje1a 止開三支 2 22 earth di3 地 diarh dij3b 止開三至 1 1566 ride 1 騎 jar je1b 止開三支 Table 211: The representations of rhyme Ge 歌 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB These examples require more work and knowledge to be correctly analyzed. 25. Yue 月 [Baxter: *-et] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1597 scatter (seeds) sa4 撒 sat st4a 山開一曷 408 rice straw ma4 秣 mat mwt4b 山合一末 976 wide qua4 闊 kat kwt4a 山合一末 2 1602 kill a4 殺 sriad srt4a 山開二黠 1 804 eight pra4 八 priat pt4a 山開二黠 ?L 1131 pull up (weeds) bræ4 拔 briat bt4b 山開二黠 4 moon; month ua4 月 wjat jwot4b 山合三月 1 53 It is just opposite to the condition of labialodentalization in Baxter (1992:47). 160／Comparison of Languages in Contact 12 snow su4 雪 sjat sjwet4a 山合三薛 2 139 tongue dr4 舌 djat zyet4b 山開三薛 1 1062 hot e4 熱 at nyep4b 山開三薛 1 Table 212: The representations of rhyme Yu 月(1) of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Suppose EPB *-at Æ PB -a4 (#1597, #408); EPB *-uat Æ PB -ua (#976); EPB *-ra Æ PB -ra (#804), but another change, EPB *-ra Æ PB -ræ, also occurs in #1131, which conflicts with the back-vowel attraction principle proposed earlier in this chapter. It is unclear whether #1131 is due to later borrowing, or just irregularity. Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 714 outside ua4 外 wadh waj3b 蟹合一泰 914 year old sua4 歲 skwjadh sjwej3a 蟹合三祭 143 lung pra4 肺 pjadh pjwoj3a 蟹合三廢 1432 to bark bræ4 吠 bjadh bjwoj3b 蟹合三廢 ? 284 pig d4 彘 drjadh drjwej3b 蟹開三祭 Table 213: The representations of rhyme Yu 月(2) of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB *Pua Æ *Pra is suggested to account for #143 and #1432 (*bra Æ bræ). #284 requires further investigation. Note that this group of words frequently enters into contact with rusheng rhyme in Shijing, but derives into qusheng tone afterwards. Li (1971) proposes a *-d ending to explain their contact with -t ending words. But I would like to use *-s to replace the *-d. In Korean the earlier -s now merges into -t. In Wang (2006), more evidence is proposed to suggest two categories of qusheng in OC, one with -s ending and another without -s ending. 26. Yuan 元 [Baxter: *-en] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 535 live charcoal than3 炭 thanh thn3a 山開一翰 1028 dry qa1 乾 kan kn1a 山開一寒 1 145 liver qa1 肝 kan kn1a 山開一寒 1 Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／161 154 sweat a1b 汗 an hn1b 山開一翰 1072 sour sua1 酸 san swn1a 山合一桓 424 garlic sua3 蒜 sanh swn3a 山合一換 1003 straight tuen1(a) 端 tan twn1a 山合一桓 2 L 512 plank; board pæn2 板 pranx pæn2a 山開二潸 889 classifier (house) qæn1 間 kran kn1a 山開二山 L 23 mountain sren1(a) 山 srian srn1a 山開二山 1 L 79 eye uen2 眼 ranx n2b 山開二產 1 L 1726 think mi2 愐 mjianx mjien2b 山開三獼 2 264 hoof ba1 蹯 bjan bjwon1b 山合三元 L 1151 carry (a child) on the back ma3 挽 mjanx mjwon2b 山合三元 602 boat; ship jen1b 船 djan zywen1b 山合三仙 990 round uen1b 圓 wjan hjwen1b 山合三仙 1 L 1019 late m2 晚 mjanx mjwon2b 山合三阮 289 dog qua2 犬 kianx kwen2a 山合四銑 1 Table 214: The representations of rhyme Yuan 元 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Some changes are supposed: EPB *-an/Q-_ Æ PB -a (#1028, #145, #154, #289), EPB *qan Æ PB qæn (#889), **d-lon Æ *juen Æ jen (#602) and EPB *an Æ PB uen (#990). PB -a <> OC *-an (#1151) shows the loss of the nasal element, so related words are in a later layer. #1726 and #1019 are in a similar situation. The representations of #512, #23 and #79 in PB look more like MC words, and not OC. If compared with #889, they appear to stem from later borrowings. 27. Ji 緝 [Baxter: *-ip] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1078 astringent; like unripe sri4 涩 srp srip4a 深開三緝 806 ten dzri4 十 djp dzyip4b 深開三緝 L 66 village j4 邑 jp ip4a 深開三緝 L 1332 pull (a quilt) over oneself ta4 tp top4a 咸開一合 Table 215: The representations of rhyme Ji 緝 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB PB vowel -i seems the earliest representation. 162／Comparison of Languages in Contact 28. Qin 侵 [Baxter: *-im] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 799 three sa1 三 sm sm1a 咸開一談 2 144 heart sjen1 心 sjm sim1a 深開三侵 1 490 pillow tsren2 枕 tjmx tsyim2a 深開三寢 9 wind pren1 風 pjm pjuw1a 通合三東 2 982 deep sre1 深 stjm srim1a 深開三侵 578 needle tsre1 針 tjm tsyim1a 深開三侵 1370 drink 2(b) 飲 jmx im2a 深開三寢 1 Table 216: The representations of rhyme Qin 侵 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB PB -en (/e) <> MC Div.3 (#9: EPB *puen Æ PB pren) may be supposed. But the reliable interpretation of these examples is open to further studies. 29. Ye 葉 [Baxter: *-ep] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 1168 step on; tred da4 蹋 dap dop4a 咸開一合 352 scale qæ4 甲 krap kæp4a 咸開二狎 1745 press ja4 壓 rab æp4a 咸開二狎 2 1413 pick up (food) æ4 夾 kiap kep4a 咸開四帖 Table 217: The representations of rhyme Ye 葉 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB If one supposes *ra Æ *ja (#1745), EPB *qa Æ PB qæ (#352) and EPB *a Æ PB æ (#1413), all the examples can be regarded as belonging to the same layer. 30. Tan 談 [Baxter: *-em] Layer Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC Guangyun Rank 624 sickle jen1b 鐮 ram ljem1b 咸開三鹽 Table 218: The representations of rhyme Tan 談 of Chinese in the oldest layer in PB Chapter 3: Inter-comparison／163 Only one candidate, -en, is available. Summary: The representation in PB (< EPB) in the oldest layer (medials are not included). OC 1. Zhi 之 2. Zhi 職 3. Zheng 蒸 4. You 幽 5. Jue 覺 6. Dong 冬 PB - - ? -u -uk ? OC 7. Xiao 宵 8. Yao 藥 9. Hou 侯 10. Wu 屋 11. Dong 東 12. Yu 魚 PB -a ? - - < -ug -uk -u -a OC 13. Duo 鐸 14. Yang 陽 15. Zhi 支 16. Xi 錫 17. Geng 耕 18. Zhi 脂 PB -ak -o ? ? -æn -i/-e OC 19. Zhi 質 20. Zhen 真 21. Wei 微 22. Wu 物 23. Wen 文 24. Ge 歌 PB -i/-e -en ? ? -en ? OC 25. Yue 月 26. Yuan 元 27. Ji 緝 28. Qin 侵 29. Ye 葉 30. Tan 談 PB -at/-as -an -i ? -ap -en Table 219: Summary of representations of the 30 Chinese rhymes in the oldest layer in PB 4. Recognition 4.1 Implementation of the Inexplicability Principle The correspondences between Bai and Chinese in the oldest layer have been recognized in §3. In that chapter, Chinese phonology could not explain some representations in PB in the oldest layer. These examples will conflict with the hypothesis that the related words were borrowed into Bai from Chinese. 1. PB K- <> OC *r- (> MC l-) Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC 1493 old ku2 老 rgwx lw2b 798 two ko2 兩(兩個) rax lj2b 1502 water flow g1 流 rgw ljuw1b Table 220: Examples of the correspondence, PB K- <> OC *r- (> MC l-) The three words #1493, #798 and #1502 are in the oldest layer in terms of initial, final or tone. Most interestingly, the velar initials represented in PB cannot be interpreted as having derived from OC *r- or MC l-. Based on similar correspondences between Jianchuan Bai and Chinese, Zhengzhang (1999) has proposed that they may be traced back to the *KL- cluster in Proto-Sino-Bai. Because these examples in Bai cannot be interpreted as Chinese loanwords based on the current knowledge on Chinese (OC > MC), they should be treated as cognates. However, Baxter54 (1992) has reconstructed #1493 老 *C-rju, #798 兩 *b-rja and #1502 流 *C-rju. If this hypothesis proves to be correct, it would weaken the argument for Sino-Bai cognates in Zhengzhang (1999). However except for #798, Baxter (1992) does not provide xiesheng or other evidence for his reconstruction of the C- in #1493 老 *C-rju and #1502 流 *C-rju, and even the reconstruction for #798 兩 is dubious. Baxter (1992) regards 丙 as the phonetic part of 兩. From the shape of early Chinese characters, the 54 Baxter (1992:199-202) postulates the following changes from OC to MC: *r- > y-, *g-r- > l-, *b-r- > l, *hr- > t-, *hrj- > trj-. 166／Comparison of Languages in Contact relationship is arguable.55 Sagart (1999:127) proposes a Jiajie evidence for the velar element in #1502 流 *C-rju, that is, “Liu2 流 serves as a loan character for qiu2 求 MC gjuw ‘to search for’ in Ode56 1, a substitution which seems to require a lost velar element in the initial of liu2 流.” However, this argument is also controversial. Zhao57 (p.c.) points out that it is not necessary to suppose that the Jiajie relation exists between Liu2 流 and qiu2 求 (MC gjuw) ‘to search for’.58 To my knowledge, we have yet to find the Chinese internal evidence 59 for the C- in #1493 老 *C-rju. Since Baxter (1992) claims to use TB evidence for his reconstruction, one should be cautious when using his reconstruction. For this reason, the argument of Zhengzhang (1999) is still valid until Chinese internal evidence for the reconstruction for #1493 老 *C-rju is found. According to the representation in PB, the unknown *C- may be 60 identified, and the reconstructions can be revised as #1493 老 *k-rju, 61 #798 兩 *k-rja and #1502 流 *k-rju. Note that this reconstruction should be set as the proto-forms of the ancestor of Bai and Chinese, and its proximity to OC is unclear. 55 Zhao Tong provided the lists of early Chinese character for me. For example, 兩: (宅簋) (守簋) (大簋) (中山王兆域圖) (九年衛鼎); For 丙: (丙爵) (父丙卣) (父丙觶) (爵且丙尊) (史父丙 觚) (犬父丙鼎) (敔簋) (子禾子釜). 56 Shijing is translated as Ode by some scholars. 57 Zhao Tong kindly checked the two arguments from Baxter and Sagart for me on Feb. 29, 2004. I am indebted to his help. 58 流，《毛傳》：求也。朱熹《集傳》：“順水之流而取之也。＂陳奐《詩毛氏 傳疏》：“古流、求同部。流本不訓求，而訓詁雲爾者，流讀與求同，其字 作流，其意為求，此古人假借之法也。＂（清）姚際恒《詩經通論》：“此 處正以荇菜喻其左右無方，隨水而流，未即得也。＂(Xiang 1997:389). Yao’s interpretation seems more reasonable. Sagart (1999) actually follows Chen Huan 陳奐. 59 Though some people will argue for the cognate pair, as the notation in Shuowen 說文: 轉注: 考老是也, as an evidence for the KL cluster, the exact implication of zhuanzhu 轉注 is not fully-understood. 60 Compare to WT rga “old”. 61 Compare to WT rgjug “flow”. Chapter 4: Recognition／167 2. PB s- <> OC *s- ( > MC s-) Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC 799 three sa1 三 sm sm1a 619 rope so4 索 sak sk4a 1050 new sjen1 新 sjin sin1a 1735 laugh s3 笑 sjagwh sjew3a 462 cloth s4 緆 sik sek4a 914 year old sua4 歲 skwjadx sjwej3a 1713 wash se2 洗 sidx sej2a 424 garlic sua3 蒜 sanh swn3a 1072 sour sua1 酸 san swn1a 224 grandson sua1 孫 sn swon1a Table 221: Examples of the correspondence, PB s- <> OC *s- ( > MC s-) Some words with aspirated fricative initials may be traced back to a Chinese source according to Sagart (1999), i.e., #799 三 *s-hlm, #914 歲 *bs-hwat-s. However others are more difficult to relate to a Chinese origin. In Wang (2004a), the comparison between PB, Tibetan and Chinese suggests multiple origins for the aspiration, such as pre-initials consonant clusters. Therefore, these correspondences between PB and Chinese are unlikely to be from borrowing, but are rather a result of inheritance from their common ancestor. 3. PB Tr- <> OC *Tj- ( > MC Tsy-) Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC 1799 weave tr4 織 *tjk tsyik4a 1070 stinking tru3 臭 *krjigwh tsyjuw3a 1007 red træ4 赤 *skjiak tsyjek4a 62 43 stone dro4 石 *djak dzyjek4b 372 tree dr3 樹 *djugh dzyju3b 139 tongue dr4 舌 *djat zyjet4b 62 Compare it with WT rdo. 168／Comparison of Languages in Contact 1611 shot arrow dro4 射 *djiagh zyjæ3b 602 ship jen1b 船 *djan zyjwen1b 1198 eat j4 食 *djk zyik4b Table 222: Examples of the correspondence, PB Tr- <> OC *Tr- (> MC Tsy-) Based on the correspondences between PB and Chinese, Tr- in PB is unlikely to be derived from *Tj- in OC. A series of **Trj- initials can be reconstructed from the corresponding words. **Trj- in PB will change into Tr-, whereas in Chinese it will change into *Tj- (OC) > Tsy- (MC). Gong (1989) proposes the *drj- for MC 來 (l-) initial words, but as suggested by Handel (2003:562), according to the system presented in Gong (1994), the change *drj- Æ *dj- is more natural. By extension of the system, I get *Trj- Æ *Tj-, which is also supported by the comparison between PB and Chinese. The proposal may be summarized in the following table: Chinese Bai Example **trj- Æ *dj- **trj- Æ *tr- 織 #1799 **trj- Æ *tj- **trj- Æ tr- 臭 #1070 赤 #1007 **drj Æ *dj- **drj- Æ dr- 石 #43 樹 #372 Table 223: The development of **Trj- in Chinese and Bai However, for the following correspondences, a proposal for the variant syllabic structures T-l- (T- as a weak syllable similar to the proposal in Sagart 1999) or Tl- (T- as a part of the consonant cluster) may be required to explain the different changes in Bai and Chinese: Chinese Bai Example **dl- Æ zy- **dl- Æ *dr- 舌 #139 射 #1611 **d-l- Æ *dl- Æ zy- **d-l- Æ *l- Æ j 船 #602 食 #1198 Chapter 4: Recognition／169 **l- Æ *j- **l- Æ j-, -/_ [+nasal ending] 癢 #1749 欲 #1755 Table 224: The development of **dl-, **d-l- and **l- in Chinese and Bai Therefore, these examples and some xiesheng contacts in Chinese can be accounted for as follows: Example Li Baxter Sagart Wang 舌 #139 *djat *Ljat Æ zyet *m-blat Æ zyet *dlat Æ zyet 射 #1611 *djagh *LjAks Æ zyæH *m-blak-s Æ zyæH *dla3-s Æ zyæ3 榭 *ljagh *s-blak-s Æ zjaH *s-la3-s Æ zjæ3 沿 *lan *blon Æ ywen *lon Æ ywen 船 #602 *djan *bm-lon Æ zywen *d-lon Æ zywen 食 #1198 *djk *Ljk *bm-lk Æ zyik *d-lk Æ zyik 飭 *tjk *hrjk *tlk Æ trik Table 225: Xiesheng examples for the development of **dl-, **d-l- and **l in Chinese In Bai, the following assumptions may be made: 舌 *dlat Æ *drat Æ *dr4 63 射 *dla3-s Æ *dras3 Æ dro4 船 *d-lon1 Æ *lon1 Æ jwen Æ jen1 食 *d-lk Æ *lk Æ *jk Æ j4. My proposal is to modify the *m- prefix in Sagart (1999) to a *T- prefix, which can account for the Sino-Bai related words, and the xisheng series listed above. In light of the above hypothesis, a Sino-Bai related word, #376, can be identified. The following illustrates the parallel change: Chinese Bai *sl- Æ zy- *sl- Æ *sr- Table 226: The development of *sl- in Chinese and Bai 63 Here the origin of nasalization from the unreleased -s seems unnatural, but the change from the qusheng tone with -s to tone 4 is well supported. For details see Wang (2006). 170／Comparison of Languages in Contact The related Chinese xiesheng set will be modified in accordance with Sagart’s reconstruction (1999:66). Example Sagart Wang b 葉 #376 ‘leaf’ * m-lep Æ zyep *slep Æ zyep 擛 ‘take and measure’ *as-(h)lep Æ sep *s-hlep Æ sep [irregular?] *blep Æ yep *lep Æ yep Table 227: Xiesheng examples for the development of *sl- in Chinese In Bai, the change can be proposed as below: 葉 #376 ‘leaf’ **slep Æ *srep Æ sr4 4. PB K- <> OC *K- (> MC Div.3), PB Q- <> OC *K- (> MC Div.1, 2, 4) In §3.2.2.8, though the proposal of the development *k- Æ kj- (MC Div.3) ⇒ *q- Æ k- (MC Div.1, 2, 4) in Zeng (2003) has been accepted, it may not have occurred during the stage of OC (at Shijing time), because all the evidence listed for its reconstruction in OC are external evidence. A more reasonable hypothesis is to assume a distinction between K- and Q- in the Proto-Sino-Bai or even Proto-Sino-Tibetan stage. This distinction is retained in PB but has developed into the distinction between Div.3 vs. Div.1, 2, 4 in MC. 5. PB (P)r- <> OC *-j- (> MC -ji-) Gloss PB Chinese OC MC plait pren1 編 *pin pjien1a ant bri1 蚍(蜉) *bid bjij1b low; short bri2 庳 *bigx bjie2b Table 228: Examples of the correspondence, PB (P)r- <> OC *-j- (> MC -ji-) Chinese source cannot be found for the *-r- medials in PB. In fact, they correspond to Chongniu Div.4 words in Chinese. Based on these relations, an earlier *-l- medial is proposed to account for the representations of Chapter 4: Recognition／171 Chongniu Div.4 words in PB and Chinese, cf. Wang (2004a). Summary The result from the implementation of the inexplicability principle suggests that the Sino-Bai related words in the oldest layer are unlikely to be borrowed from Chinese. Instead they are inherited from their common ancestor. 4.2 Implementation of the Rank Theory In §1.3.2.2, it has been argued that some words with the same sound correspondence as those in the oldest layer are possibly from a later layer. But if all the components, initial, final and tone, are in the oldest layer, the chance of a later borrowing is fairly slim. One should be cautious that these combinations may have resulted from the bidirectional diffusion. In other words, some words might be brought into PB with later correspondences at first, but the diffusion of the correspondence in the oldest layer may replace their “later looking”. However, the phenomenon in which the correspondence of a later layer diffuses and takes over the oldest layer is more frequent, because the later layer is usually supported by some prestige language in a certain time. Moreover, the diffusion is an internal change, and therefore is more likely to have the same effect on the first 100 or the second 100 Swadesh’s basic words. Consequently, it may be fair to suppose that the original pattern of the two ranks in the oldest layer is retained. According to the division in Chen (1996), the calculation on Sino-Bai related words is listed in the following table (for the detailed lists, see Appendix 3): Rank Sino-Bai related words in the oldest layer Rank I: Swadesh-1st 100 basic words 39 Rank II: Swadesh-2nd 100 basic words 23 Table 229: The distribution of Sino-Bai related words in the oldest layer in the two ranks 172／Comparison of Languages in Contact The ratio in Rank I is significantly higher than the ratio in Rank II, which suggests the inheritance of these related words. Yakhontov has proposed a 35-word list as the collection of most basic words. Taking this for granted, a three-rank division of Swadesh’s 200 words is obtained as below: Rank I Yakhontov 35-word Rank II 68 items contained in the 100 wordlist but not in the 35 wordlist Rank III 97 items contained in the 200 wordlist but not in either of the 35 or 100 wordlists Table 230: The definition of the three ranks The distribution among these ranks also suggests an inheritance since the more basic rank retains more related words in the oldest layer, as shown below: Rank Sino-Bai related words in the oldest layer Percentage (%) Rank I (35) 15 43 Rank II (68) 26 38 Rank III (97) 21 22 Table 231: The distribution of Sino-Bai related words in the oldest layer in the three ranks The result of the implementation of the rank theory also leads to the conclusion of inheritance from a common ancestor of PB and Chinese. Therefore, it is very unlikely to maintain the hypothesis that borrowing from Chinese results in the Sino-Bai related words in the oldest layer in Proto-Bai. 4.3 Reinterpretation of the Sino-Bai Hypothesis A surprising point in almost all competing proposals for the genetic position of Bai is that all of them take the classical Sino-Tibetan hypothesis as the default assumption (cf. Wang 2005). This hypothesis “entails that all Tibeto-Burman languages can be shown to have constituted a unity after Chapter 4: Recognition／173 Chinese split off, and that this must be demonstrable in the form of shared isoglosses, sound laws or morphological developments which define all Tibeto-Burman as a unity as opposed to Sinitic” (van Driem 2001:350). If this assumption is correct, the arguments about whether Bai is of Chinese origin or of Tibeto-Burman origin will be meaningful. However, “the innovations purportedly shared by all Tibeto-Burman subgroups except Chinese have never been demonstrated. In other words, no evidence has ever been adduced to support the rump Tibeto-Burman subgroup explicitly assumed in the Sino-Tibetan phylogenetic model propagated by Paul Benedict” (van Driem 2001:350). If the Sino-Tibetan working hypothesis is replaced by other hypotheses, such as Sino-Bodic (van Driem 1997, 2001) or Sino-Kiranti (Starostin 1994b), the argument whether Bai is closer to Tibeto-Burman or to Chinese is no longer meaningful. In the Sino-Bodic theory (van Driem 1997, 2001), Sinitic is placed in the same branch (Northern group) as Bodic within the Tibeto-Burman family, as shown in Figure 14. Figure 14: The Sino-Bodic hypothesis In the context of the Sino-Kiranti hypothesis, Starostin (1994b) argues that Sinitic languages should be grouped together with Kiranti at first in the language family. No matter which hypothesis, Sino-Bodic or Sino-Kiranti, 174／Comparison of Languages in Contact stands the test of time (if indeed either hypothesis stands the test of time),64 the hypothesis that Chinese might have a closer genetic relationship with a particular language within the Tibeto-Burman language family has been increasingly recognized as a tenable model. That is, the Sino-Tibetan hypothesis might get less support as more phonological and morphological data about Tibeto-Burman languages become available (van Driem 2001). Therefore, it will be likely that both Chinese and Bai are recognized as Tibeto-Burman. Therefore, a more meaningful question about the genetic relationship of Bai is to ask which branch within Tibeto-Burman is closer to Bai. However, it may not yet be a good time to locate the position of the Bai language in terms of taxonomy. The purpose of the Sino-Bai comparison in this volume is not to propose Bai as the closest language to Chinese in the Sino-Tibetan (or Tibeto-Burman) family, since the phylogenetic structure of hundreds of languages in the Sino-Tibetan area is not yet clear, and the comparison between Bai and other languages has not yet been completed. The current Sino-Bai comparison would provide materials for a future tree of the Sino-Tibetan family. 64 Matisoff (2000b) criticizes that most of Sino-Bodic etyma claimed in van Driem (1997) are either surface similarities or non-unique. 5. Concluding Remarks Through the application of the Distillation Method to the comparative study of languages in contact, this study investigates the evolution of the Bai language under heavy contact with Chinese. The Distillation Method eliminates borrowings and innovations in the Bai language step by step, in order to achieve a better understanding of the relationship between the Bai dialects, as well as Bai’s relationship to other languages, which consequently provide valuable insights into the evolution of Bai. The intra-comparison of the Bai dialects, which is effectively the reconstruction of Proto-Bai, excludes the later borrowings and recent innovations after the split of the modern dialects from their common ancestor. This process also recovers the diversification from the proto-form to the modern dialects, thus allowing for subgrouping of modern Bai dialects and dating of some changes in the history of Bai. In this work, the inter-comparison is limited to the exploration of the relationship between Bai and Chinese since their contact played the most crucial role in the evolution of Bai. After excluding some later borrowings from Chinese, it is found that Sino-Bai related words at the oldest layer in Proto-Bai are cognates rather than loanwords from Chinese. An extensive but guided comparison of languages of the kind presented in this study is undoubtedly a window to the intriguing and complex evolution in the Sino-Tibetan area. By comparing first-hand data from nine different Bai dialects, this work reconstructs a Proto-Bai system, including the phonological system, some morphosyntactic structures and some basic words. Then, nineteen innovations, including phonological innovations, semantic innovations and lexical replacements are selected as criteria for subgrouping modern Bai dialects. Inspired by similarities between biological and linguistic objects (Ben hamed & Wang 2004), these nineteen innovations are used as the input of several phylogenetic algorithms to generate a plausible tree for the nine Bai dialects; the main result is a preliminary subgroup structure─ Western Bai vs. Eastern Bai. Contacts with Chinese at different time depths yield the rich strata in Bai. These strata are sometimes mixed with genuine cognates between Chinese and Bai. As such, the detection of later layers becomes necessary 176／Comparison of Languages in Contact when comparing these two languages. By excluding borrowings that occur at later stages, words that exhibit clear relations may be safely considered to form the oldest layer. These words may not belong to the same exact layer since data constraints may prevent the detection of some borrowings. Furthermore, there is always the possibility that some elements in the oldest layer are lost over time. The interference caused by these factors does not diminish the qualities of the inter-comparison as long as one continues to refine the word list with new data, to estimate the possible interferences, and to try to eliminate them. A correct recognition of the Sino-Bai related words in the oldest layer calls for the application of the inexplicability principle and the rank theory. By inexplicability principle, I mean the inability to describe a recipient language in terms of the phonological system of the donor language. The elements that are thus inexplicable are considered to be inherited from the ancestor language rather than having been borrowed. In addition to the “explicability principle”, one can rely on the rank theory (Chen 1996) to identify the inheritance situation. If the ratio of related words at the oldest layer in the first 100 basic words is higher than that in the second 100 basic words of Swadesh’s lists, these related words are likely to be inherited. If the conclusions derived from the inexplicability principle and the rank theory converge, one then has some amount of certainty on what is inherited and what is borrowed. Though both ideas are important, much of this work has argued for the greater application of the rank theory in the investigation of Bai. This foregrounds deeper epistemological issues on the internal logics of the rank theory, which, if explored further, should enrich historical linguistics. Notwithstanding the fact that this research focuses on Bai, the comparison between Bai and Chinese does shed new light on Old Chinese phonology. In Wang (2006), in connection with the representation of Chinese qusheng words in Proto-Bai, two categories of qusheng (departing tone) in OC, one with -s endings, another without -s endings are proposed to solve the long debate on the *s- hypothesis for the Chinese qusheng tone. It is reasonable to believe that further comparison between Bai and Chinese will reveal more about historical Chinese phonology, and possibly also on morphosyntax. Chapter 5: Concluding Remarks／177 The Distillation Method has been proposed for comparative studies on languages under contact. Nevertheless, if the languages under comparison have no or just rare contact with other languages, this method will still work. If no borrowing elements need to be filtered out by the intra-comparison and inter-comparison step, the comparison will become easier. Therefore, the Distillation Method may be applied to any comparative studies. Certainly, we are limited by our imaginations to even begin to comprehend the complexity of linguistic phenomena. In the practical application of the Distillation Method to languages in the world, many challenges on this method may appear. Then, our knowledge on language contact and comparison will be expanded in the process of modifying the Distillation Method or of establishing new frameworks to meet those challenges. Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai [Notation: 1. In the PB column, the symbol (B) indicates later borrowing; 2. Symbol (a) or (b) indicates different variants of a root; 3. Some compound words is represented by their constituents, e.g. ‘bark’= tree + skin. 4. Bold fonts indicate irregular appearance which may be due to recording error or irregular change. 5. [] indicates later borrowing.] Index Chinese Lexical item PB TL GX EQ EG JM JX DS ZC MZL 1 天 sky xen1 xen55 hen55 x24 x55 xe55 xen55 xen55 xe55 xen55 2 太陽 sun nji4 jien42 i24 i55 i44 i55 jien44 jien44 mi44 i44 4 月亮 moon mji1a jien55 i24 mi24 ia55 io55 mi55 mi55 mi35 mien55 ua4 uo42 ua55 ua55 ua44 o55 u44 ua44 ua44 ua44 5 星星 star sjæn1 ia55 san55 iæ24 ia55 ia55 ian55 i55 i35 55 8 雷 thunder sky xen55 hen55 x24 x55 xe55 xen55 xen55 xe55 xen55 +cry ma35 mæ12 mæ21 ma21 ma21 man21 m21 m21 m21 9 風 wind pren1 tyen55 tyen55 tsu24 tyi55 tyi55 pi55 pie35 pi35 pien55 10 雨 rain r-wo4 i33 i22 z22 z22 22 v33ui33 vo33 (ou42) ju55 (u21) (u42) (uo42) v33i44 12 雪 snow su4 sue42 su24 su55 su44 sue55 sui44 sue44 sue44 y44 14 霜 frost so1 io55 so55 io24 uo55 io55 so55 .ou44 sou55 so55 17 冰 ice sro1 io55 so55 io24 io55 io55 sou55 .ou55 (tv21 y44 qa42 24 pæ22 lou44 lou44 j21) pien33 pi55 pi55 18 火 fire xui2 xue33 xu22 xui22 fi22 fi22 xui33 xui33 xui33 fi33 19 煙 smoke fire xue33 xui22 xui22 fi22 fi22 xui33 xui33 xui33 fi33 +sjen1 ien55 i55 si24 s55 se55 ien55 ien35 e55 en55 20 氣 air; breath ti4 ti42 ti55 ti55 ti44 ti44 ti55 ti44 180＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 5 33 42 55 33 42 42 u33tu33 v ien21 u33ti31 en55 yi33 yi33 en5 ne ko /pen33) /pen33) 31 21) ( 21) e35 t i31 i31 ti21 u33 o33 t i21 yi33 yi33 i ts sua35 t i21 t ne21 ne 55le21) 21 35 kv35 ko 35 kv35 42 55 ui33 i31 t ien35 t ou42 tsou42 ts u33 t yi33t hou55 so55 hou55 sa55 o42 sv53 sen55 t. . . (p t. j i i31 pau33 bo33 pio44 55 ko 31 31 55 42 i31 t ien55 t u33 u33 t yi33 yi33 t kv tsa21t kou21 (xu42) (p (xu42) kou21 ko21 [hai31] kou21 [xe21] ts su 22) 22) 42 42 55 t 55 55 sv i42 t o55 sou55 i u22 t i21 jen21 jien21 i21 jen21 o21 yi22 yi22 o21 tsou42 ne21 qo / k . i 22) (lu21b 22) (lu21b 42 iu22 u42 o21 i42 215 215 21 ne21 ni31 21 ne21 ne 55 o55mi22 i42 d i55 t i21 yi22 yi22 i qu55 /t n (li21b (li21b d k s i 43 43 24 21 21 n i43 t o43 o24 i24 t iu22 t i21 yi22 yi22 /tio21 n di k i (general); i (snow mountain) i 55 qo24 55 22 bo22 bo22 22 bo22 pao i42 d i12 24 n ien55 t y22 y22 y22 t y22 i12 y22 y22 d go i21 33 t 21 33 bo 55 qo 21 55 sao55 35 qao12 qo21 35 qao12 35 qao12 35 n ien55 t v33 t o i21 d yi33 ien55 sao42 yi33 qo di ko t i 1(b) 1(b) 1 2 bo 1(a) 1(a) 1 1 1b n 1b(b) 1b(b) r o4 en1 en1 t ju2 t u2(a) ui2 bo dro water / water paddy+field sr (general); sr (snow mountain) n +group mountain slope mountain earth earth di3 hillside; fields paddy stone sand dro4 mud diu42 tiu21 dzu21 t s n forest tree gold silver t jien35 njen1b mountain mountain river qo lake t road t earth sea path; soil; water 土地 山 山坡 河 湖 海 路 土 水田 石頭 沙子 泥巴 水 森林 金子 銀子 22 23 24 30 31 32 38 40 42 43 44 46 47 50 51 52 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 181 55 33] 33] 33 33 33 33 44 55] 55] o 44 33 44 21 55 44 i i 42 u s k pa55 phi55 s ts ts ta42 ta42 [t m 21 33 33 33 s 33 t 44 ji 31 33 33 k 44 e35 t i k s k s ts ma35] ma35] 33 s 35 pi35 33 33 21] 21] 44 j 33 ue33 ua44 sua44 sua44 ien35 t e44 t a44 [t [to . ka44 . ti31 . 44 s 33 33 33 55 21] 21] 44 j 42 pa42 [no 42 33 33 ue 44 31 ti42 t ien55 t i e44 t [tv s ts tsv s ka44 22) j 55 pien55 pie 55 pien55 22 42) fv44 fo44 fv44 p fv44 fo44 fv44 42) 22 i55 t 55 t a55 22 yi21 pe21 yi21 yi55 pi44 yi55 pi44 i e21 i22 i22 s o22 t ( t. t ( ko pe55) [ me55] qa44 55 55 tsue i55 t 22 o22ji22) (jo21i 22 yi44 t yi44 u22 i55 t yi21qa55 ui22 mi22 ui22 mi22 ue i22 i22 tso ( t [ti21mi55] ts i qa44 24 tsu 24] 24] 22 22 21 a24 22 qa22 qa i55 t 22 55) 55) i24 t i æ ui22 æ ma24 ma24 t [tiu21 mi i i ts ti qa24 n55 tsu 24) (t 24) 12] 12] e i24 t 21) fo24 fo24 21) xu44 22 24 n22 æ y24 pi55 y24 t y ien22 t 22 22 e i ( .i .i t.i t.i [di24 [di24 mi qa24 35 55 (q 35 di12 tiu21 t 33 33 33 qan22 q 33 qan22 42 sua24 sua55 sua44 sua55 su 33 33 i42 t 42 yi42 t yi42 en55 t yen55 t yen55 qa i t. i qa42 me55] me55] 2 1] 1] 1 tsv 1 di n2 4 ju42 ju24 (I22) (I22) ju24 4 ju42 r ua4 su en1 t e4 t æ uen2 uen33 u a4 [di [do +tsri2 +scale female genitals female pri4 t village j hair eye breasts ba4 ba21 pa21 pa42 pa42 p bo42 belly pju4 f finger hand nail hand skin be1 bi35 bi12 pi21 copper, bronze q bronze copper, iron salt t t pren1 bridge head ku21 kv21 gu1 kv21 ku21 kv21 kuo21 gv35 gu12 dj foot hand ko44 kou44 ko4 s ku44 ku55 ko55 kou44 ko42 ku24 scar t tsu sinew blood s tendon; 銅 鐵 鹽 村子 橋 頭 頭髮 眼睛 乳房 肚子 腳 手 手指 指甲 女生殖 器 皮膚 疤 血 筋 53 54 61 66 70 74 75 79 94 96 103 107 109 113 118 120 125 129 130 182＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact yi22 55 55 21 21 55 42 21 55 i21] i21] 33 o 22 33 io44 i ien21 o a en55 n p 33] i 55 ts 44 ts ia44 p v55/ i i21 v33 a21 i35 [nao31 [nao31 k nao31ts v42 ju42 21 tsou21 tso 55 ts 35 kv35 35 kv35 33 33 ts 42 35 ka35 ka 21 nu21 n 21 nu21 33 o e42 tse42 ts i a21 ien55 t. t. t. [uei55] ju ] 33] 33] 44 kua44 44 21 an55 42 xa 55 ka 42 55 ko 33 no 21 ju 33 ts io44 [fi44] io44 [fi44] p 33 i ien55 jv [/uei55 55 [ku 55 kv 55 ts 55 ya55 p ya55 42 v42 22 no 22 si33 22 55 k 42 tse42 55 21 tso 55 ts i21 jen21 jen21 i21 jen21 u22 21 o a t. tso . 55 p ya44 t ya44 ia55 55 o55 u21 22 no 22 22 55 se 22 fe42 fv31 fv31 [p i21 yi22 yi22 a21 a i tsi22 tsi22 ts tsi22 ts 24 p 24 t 24tsi22) 21 ti21 o24 ts æ ia55 t u21 nu21 nu21 nv 43 f 21 z 22 s i i21 a43 xa42 xa42 x a21 æ i p (da43xo24) ( f 55 ts 55 22 no22 no 12 42 55 qa24 qo55 qa u 21 tj ua24 p o 12 22 u55 22 s ian55 t i i12 a in55 si24 s i22 z t. p ts .i 55 o21 55 ts 55 t 55 35 no 55 qa 21 ha 55 uo42 o 42 35 a55tj 21 pf e 33 ia u42 qua24 qua55 qua44 qua55 ku en ien55 i t. ts ( po55) (jen35ho mo33) mo33) k .i 1 1 dv35 - tio21 t 1 1b n 1 p n1 t 3 f 1b 1 q 5 ha 4 de42 dj 4 de42 o æ ra4 t j 5 jo21 ja55 jo43 jou42 r a old lady lady old j brains brains no2 nv33 no bone tongue qua4 dr heart sjen1 dro guts intestine; bladder p sound ha Chinese corpse t Han ts man woman tsi2 njo2 soldier kro lung p liver stomach r-wu4 qa sri2 excrement fart sweat p pus njo jen35 person njen1b 腦髓 骨頭 舌頭 肺 心臟 肝 胃 腸子 膀胱 屎 屁 汗 膿 聲音 屍體 漢族 人 老太太 男人 婦女 士兵 132 133 139 143 144 145 148 149 150 151 153 154 159 161 162 165 167 172 173 174 179 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 183 33] i 55 33 33 21 33 33 44 44 33 55 a42 33 33 33 33 i55] i55] 33 33 i55ts i42 i o o t t [t mo k 42) den21 42) 33 44 k 21 33 m ou55] [t ou55] a42 t 33 ts v33 v33 i42 t e33 e33 t i i i t [t i tsou35] tsou35] 55 sua55 sua 33 mo33 33 mo33 mo 44 k 42) (ts 42) 33 m 33 u 33 a42 t 21 33 ts 33 ua 33 iou55] iou55] i42 t e33 e33 t i i ju t jo ? pa21 [a55 t m mo 33] ] i 42) (tse 42) 42 t 55 s 33 mo 33 33 iou55 33 44 [m 21 33 ts a44 k i55ts 33 55 33 ju ou55 i42 t i33 i33 i33 t i i jv t t t [t mo man33 man33 mo 22 [t 42 t 21 55 su a55 k u22 jv 21 a42 t i ie22 ie22 t (a55pa42) t i mo22 mo22 42 t 21 22 g o a44 q u22 y55 t y55 i22 i22 t i jo i t mo22 mo22 55 q 24 sua55 so 22 ma22 22 ma22 m mo22 man33 21) ti42 21) die42 (ts 21 21 22 q 22 a21 t o24 u22 æ a55 (mi21) (mie21) (mie21) a55 (mi21) i21 t i22 i22 t æ y i i t i (a55ba42) [mi24] mo22 i m mo22 55 24 q 22 m 22 22 22 q 55 a21 t 22 i21 t 21 12 22 tsi22 tsi22 tsi22 ts 42 (ts o æ æ a24 i22 i22 i i22 t o æ i t t e i jo d e i mu33 mu33 m mu22 mu22 55 sua 33 33 q 33 33 55 42 42 d a42 q i33 i33 i33 t e35 i42 d t t de21(bo42) jv mo33 i jv ma33 mo33 er 1 sua 1 4 q 2 ma33 m 2 ma33 2 q 1b 5 2 mo mo22 mo22 mo22 mu22 mo33 2(b) bo33 po33 bo33 2(b) a4 4 qo44 qo55 kv44 ko44 ko qo42 qao24 1 bo35 bao12 po21 pu21 po pu21 po21 bao12 1 bo35 ua æ je2 t æ o a4 +brother +mother +moth +brother brother) brother) friend friend guest d father q mother b son m t daughter brother njo2 grandson female tsi2 jv sister s tsi33 younger ts younger nephew brothers di4 (mother’s njo uncle stepmother back mare mane horse horse thief dj cattle horn hoof q horse ba m 賊 朋友 客人 父親 母親 兒子 女兒 孫子 弟弟 妹妹 侄子 兄弟 舅父 繼母 牛 角 蹄 馬 母馬 馬鬃 194 201 213 218 219 220 222 224 228 229 234 235 238 249 254 263 264 268 271 272 184＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 33 i 33 55 55 42ke55 21 42 21 21 iu33 u21 42 n ua o i55 ji21 i a55ni55ts (ko /tien33) (ko55ku22) t k ua33 k v33 t v31 t ou35 ji31 i (ou42) (ou42) sua35 a55mi55 ku33) ku33) 33 k 35 21 jou21 jo 35 42 pa53 pa 35ni55 ua o33 k o33 k 21 lv21 lo o i33 (je21ke35) 21 o33 sv33 sou33 j i (u33) (u33) sua . t a g33 k 33 55 55 42 pa u v33 k v31 k ou21) ou21) 21 jo 21 lo o i 55ni55 ji31 i ( su lou21 lo21 lo21 t (ku31ku55 (ki55) 22 k 42 k 22 k 21 jo 55 55 i 55 ki55 ke35 ke55 o o 55 21) 21) o yi22 yi22 i55 u22 sv33 ji21 i i (o so (ko55) (ko55) pu22 t k xua55 lo21 22 t 44 t 21 21) 21) 22 55 qe ua22 q o o o55 42 te42 t y22 y22 i v42 v42 uo21 w42 ji42 i sua55 ( t (ko55) (ko55) p xua55 lo21 24) ts 24) 55 24 22 ts 24 22 43 pie42 p 24 q æ ia55) ia55) i22 (qo42) ua22 q o21 21 t o24 i24 y u22 i vo21 ji21 i (u21) (u21) t k (qa24) p xu lo21 22 q 12) 12) 55 n55 42 (ti 22 ts 12 55) 55) 12 i22 d e 21 t 55 q ua a e 12 lu21 lu21 lv o i22 a12 qa21 qa21 ka21 ke ka21 qa21 qa21 a12 y t.i t.i jen24 i ( k (q t pu22 xua55 lao21 33 q 55 21 33 55 55 33 55 35 jo 35 lo 55) 55) 42 bvu21 (t 42 bvu21 35 42 42 d 55 q ua e35) e35) o 35 lo21 lo21 lo21 35 lao12 i33 d v33 sao22 t. t. ji21 i . (q p l ( t k s 2 q 1 1 4/5 - 4/5 - pi42 pi 1 1 1b lo i2 4 d 1 q ua ro3 ro2 o2 1b l bjo4 v sua + fragrant æ sr k pu2 barking deer deer barking cuckoo tiger ba l monkey panther leopard; muntjac; musk ji5 hedgehog mouse nest k bird’s pheasant d turtledove t sheep (general) njo1b jo njo1b (general) sheep pig dog d cat q h xua1 chicken q dragon lo bird tso4 tsu42 tsu24 tsu55 tsu44 tso55 tsou44 tsou33 tso44 snake k 羊 豬 狗 貓 雞 老虎 龍 猴子 豹子 麂子 麝香 刺蝟 老鼠 鳥 鳥窩 野雞 斑鳩 布穀鳥 蛇 274 284 289 291 293 304 306 308 310 314 316 319 320 326 327 340 342 344 347 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 185 33) 1 i 33 21 21 33 33) 33) 55 55ts 44 55 i 2 en55 o33 44 55 i44 i44 (lv44 m m (ts k pi p 33) i 44 mo44 44 mo44 31 dz 35ts 21 55) 55) 44 k yi33li55 e44 i44 t i o35 o (jou21 (jou21 ts ta21ko33) ou21 (m ( pi21 p i 55) 55) 21 ts 35) 35) 44 m 44 k 35 33 55 fv55 p 55 fv55 ui33 e44 se44 s i44 t o21 tsv21 dzo o21 tsv21 (zen21) o33 tsv44 tsu44 i33 t.i t. [ kuo33] u31 (m t. . me35 me35 ( pi21 po21 t. t. 33) i 31 _21 jou21 jou21 zyen21 jou21 zyen21 _21 44 mo 21 21 33ts 21 33 ou33 i 55 fv 55 vo i44 t 21 io i44 o (man55) me55 me55 (ts pien21 po 42 ts 21 55) 55) u21 tsv u21 tsv 55 fv 55 se44 i21 u55 tsv44 u55 m 21 i55 t.i i i mo55 m mo55 o (mo55) k (u22ne21) me35 me55 me55 me55 ( t p . 21) o21) 55] 55] a42) a42) 44) 44) 21 42 55 42 me42 me42 42 mi44 mi44 i42l u21 t u21 t 55 xo i42 i 44 i21 u44 t 42 te42 te44 (tso33) y55 u55 21 i44 i i tho m (ts (d o (d ( t p 22 24) 24) 43 d 55 [x 55 24) 24) 21 24 43 m 24 55 qa44 qa55 ka44 k 55 æ o21 t o21 t 55 s o 55 t o55 t o24 æ i55 i i m (ts u21 (m (ja43) tsu43 p 55 fo24 55 fo24 xo 12) 12) 21 24 m 12 ju21 ju21 v21 42 di n55 m æ 22) 22) 24 i22ji21) e i24 tsi55 tsi44 tsi55 t 24 t 12 o55 i i24 t.i (zo (m m o ( dzu12 bu12 55) 55) 21 d 42 mo 35 zo 33 q 33 55) 55) 55) 55) 55 21 m 55 55 55 pfu a i42 t ien55 v42 tsao24 t v42 tsao24 v55 v v35 dzao12 t v35 dzao12 i42 i42 s v35 dzao12 t v35 dzao12 t.i t.i ( ( (ma55) (ma55) t ( t. 1 1 f 1 3 di 4 m 4 2 q 2 u 1 1a m 1a m 4 qa42 4 qa42 q 1 o ju r 4 t æ zr o1a i4 m b colophony colophony frog frog o louse mosquito m leech ant tsji4 t bee bri1 p leaf fruit s willow q pine resin, m torches zro pine bamboo tsro4 fish scale worm q d maggot dzro1 tree root dr root t m mi1a 青蛙 魚 鱗 蟲 蝨子 蛆 蚊子 螞蟥 螞蟻 蜜蜂 樹 根 根 葉子 水果 柳樹 松樹 松香 松明 竹子 349 351 352 353 356 359 360 364 365 367 372 375 375 376 378 382 385 387 388 389 186＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 33 21 55 44 21 33 33 33) 33) 21 i21 42 o 33 33s i i 21 (to21ju21) s m ts (ts t 31 ts 33 tsu 44 m 31) 31) 55[/fi31 i31 t i 21 dz u31] u31] 55 55 sv44 i a44 i i i sua31 sua ts ts kua44 t (ts 31 31 ts 33 tsu 33 tsv33 tso 55 31) 31) 44 m 44 i31 t i55 o 31 ts 33 s ua o u a44 t.i t. s t. t.i t (li44) m kua44 t ( 31 ts 55 ts 44 31 44 ma44 ma55 ma44 ma44 ma55 ma44 44 31) 31) 44 m 44 44 33 i31 t i55 v i 21 ta21 t 21 t (ji31) m ku m sou21 zau21 zo21 zo21 t (ts 42 ts 55 m 55 42 su 21 tsa21 22 tsv 22) 22) o55 ts e42 t 22 tsuan33 o a55 i o (xa55ne21) m qua55 qua55) qua55) ( i55 21) 55 ts 55 m 55 21) 21) 42 ts 42 me42 me42 me42 me21 me21 me21 me21 me42 42 me42 me42 ia55 21 t o i42 ts u22 t ya22 ya22 u22)ts i m qua44 ( (ts (ji21l 55 t 55 m 55 43 sua42 sua 21) 21) 43 ts 22 t 43 m i55 o24 ts 21 ts æ o22 t i y m qua55 ts (j (qo55 (qua44) ma55 42 24 m 24 22 t 42 ts 24 t 21 ts n42 m i55 u55 ts ao24 i21) i21) e y22) y22) e i æ t qua24 ( t mo t 33 tsuan22 ty 33 tsuan22 33 tso 42 mo n42 21 sua 33) 33) 21 ts 21 m i55 i21 ts i21 v55 ts 35 d 35 ku21 kuo21 qo21 qo21 kou21 35 dao12 to21 to21 to21 35 dao12 t 35 zao12 zo43 zo21 zao21 zo21 zo43 35 zao12 v a42 i (ji42) (ji42) t. m quo42 ( 3 so 1 ts 2 3 ts n2 tjua 4 t 4 m 4 2 sv33 sao22 su22 sy22 sy22 su22 sy22 sv33 so sv33 sao22 2 5 m æ ji1 t je3 t u 1 1 d æ 1 z 4 sao24 so55 s so55 sao24 4 ua j ts qua4 chestnut cane, vine ts m splinter cane, thorn; peach persimmon t d Chinese rice s paddy su rice glutinous seed straw tsru ma4 mo42 ( rice wheat barley m m straw go1 buckwheat kv21 ku21 kv21 ko21 gv35 gao12 z wheat vegetable ts paddy rice rice paddy dzri1 seedling tru spike (rice) ear; ts scallion hemp si2 si33 si33 onion; si33 garlic s si33 藤子 刺兒 桃子 柿子 板栗 水稻 穀 糯米 種子 秧 穗 稻草 小麥 大麥 蕎麥 麥秸 麻 蔬菜 蔥 蒜 390 391 392 395 397 403 403 404 405 406 407 408 410 411 413 414 419 420 423 424 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 187 1 55 33 55 21 33 55) 55) io21) io21) 33 21 o i 21 55 42 i 2 33 x io31) (p io31) 21 jou21 31 d o55 ts 33 tso 33 tsen33 35 ts 55 (ts 21 k 33 sen33 i i i e21 s ku21 ko 55 ts 55 55 kou35 ko 55 kou35 31 33 ts 33 ts 55 x 21 j 21 k 31 t o 55 ts e44 (p ou21 tso21 tso21 o35 sv35 su55 t. mu33) mu33) (xou35) x (xou35) . t. t.i t. 55 33 tso 21 j o 55 ko 21 ko 33 55 55 31 t i i e21 jou44 jo44 jo44 jen42) jen42) 22 tsv 55) j 55) 55 ko 42 t 22 (sou44 22 (sou44 22 ts 55 ts 21 ko 22 san33 (t 22 san33 55 ts 55 xan55 x 55 xan55 42 sen42 se42 s o y55 su55 su35 y55 u55 sv t. o21 tsou21 ( . t.i t. 42 d 22 x 22 tso 55 22 55 xa 44 se55 se44 s 42 se 22 yi21) yi21) o21 a21 o21tse44 u55 y55 y55 (qa44; (qa44; t ko21 ko 22 s 43 d 22 x 24 xa 21 qa21 qa21 ka21 k 21 21 ji21 22 24 ts 22 ts i21) i21) 55 s 43 s æ io24 æ u24 i u24 t æ ( ko 55 22 tso22 tso 55 ko24 ku55 ko 22 x 12 q ien22) o 12 55 ts 22 ts 22 n42 s 24 s y55 y55 e æ .e t.i t.i s 55 ts 33 tso 21 di42 d 35 (t 55 ko 55 han55 33 x 33 35 dzao12 tjo21 t 35 dzao12 35 ji12 j 33 55 42 s 42 ju24 ju55 ju44 jo55 io a35 v55 v55 sao55 . . . t.i ‘testicle’ t. 1 t 2 tsv 2 1 qo 1 ko 5 dj 2 x 1 1 dj n1 xa 4 s 2 mi33 mi22 mi22 mi22 mi22 m me33 me33 me33 1b j 1 (jen35) 1 (jen35) u1 o1 4 j ro o sr tsu æ æ sr prickly ash prickly beverage mushroom mushroom sre fat tsri1 j oil grease, vegetable seed of Chinese comb earrings pillow tsren2 pea; bean d bean ginger ko pea; rice meat m egg sen21 sen5 soup alcoholic t bran tea medicine j dr chaff; thread x cloth shoe s 薑 豆 蘑菇 米 肉 脂肪 清油 花椒 蛋 湯 酒 茶 藥 糠 線 布 鞋 梳子 耳環 枕頭 425 430 437 439 443 445 446 448 450 451 452 454 456 457 461 462 479 481 484 490 188＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 33 21 21) 21) 55 55 yi21) 55 33 31 o42 21 33) 33) i en55 i ts (mi55) (mi55) ts 33 dz 35 t 21) (t 21) 21 p 35 tsen55 33 p 21 42 v i i35 i (mi35) (mi35) tso42 (t 35 sua35 sua 35 t 33 ts 35 ts o33) tso21 o33) (t 33 p 42 u 35 ka35 ka ou42 o31 tsv31 ts ien55 i t. (mi55) (mi55) t. (ti31pou33) p [li55si35] t. t. e35] i 42 kua42 33 55 sua 21 (k 31 31) 31) 55 ka 21 uen21 u 21 uen21 ian55 t ien55 (mi55) (mi55) tso42 vu42 (xu42) vu42 (xu42) (kua42 [li55 tso 22 42 pi31 pi31 pi21? bi21 i55 t 21) (t 21) 21 55 tsan55 22 ts e u42) u42) u42 tsv 42 pan33 p 42 pan33 55 k 55(lu21) su 42ti 55 y o o21 i (me55) (me55) so (u (lo55)ue21 t t. a44) 55) 55) 21 ue 21 p 21 me21 me21 me21 me21 me21 me21 me21 me21 21 me21 me21 55 i21) ( i21) o21 u42 t yi42 t yi42 i22 t u42q o22) o22) 55 se u22ti22 u ua42 u uan42 i i q (m t sua55(lu21) ( t p 21 (li55ui42 24) 24) 22 d 24 24 [ti55tsi22] (t 21) (t 21) 21 21 m 22 pa225 po 22 pa225 43 24 tse o43 t æ ui21 æ y æ tiu21 (m 12 tio21 n22 t n55 33 di n12 m 55 ts e y42 bi43 y42 d e n12 ao42 d 42 u ua21 qua21 ku e i y ien55 si24 s (mi55) tsu21 t.e 35) (di12) (di12) 35) (ti 35) 35) 55 35 dzo 55 (ts 33 d 33 pan22 p 33 pan22 55 ka24 ka 35 bu12 b 55 35 m 42 bvu21 (la24)f 42 bvu21 21 ha42 xo43 xo42 xo42 xou31 xou31 ho31 xo21 ho31 xou31 xou31 xo42 xo42 21 ha42 xo43 a yi21 d yi21 ien55 v21 d (di (m tiu42 t. 1 1 t 1 sua 1 dio 5 ua21 u 2 di 1 ka 1 b 4 v 1b m n2 pa æ 3 h ua4 guo42 ua4 guo42 uen1 uen35 u æ u æ tso5 tsu21 tsu42 tsu43 tsy42 tsu42 tsou42 tso42 bri3 bri3 dro4 kitchen range kitchen range steamer straw or palm-bark rain cape house p h board plank; pillar sua (plot) dr garden food bamboo ladle chopsticks dzro3 interest tack b t nail; tile door m bed stove; dro firewood sjen1 cooking bj pot jar kettle; ka vat; needle tsre 蓑衣 房子 瓦 木頭 木板 柱子 門 園子 床 柴 灶 蒸籠 勺子 筷子 壺 缸 利息 針 釘子 493 494 509 511 512 513 514 522 526 534 544 548 551 555 559 560 576 578 580 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 189 21 33 55 i55 o42 o42 33 i55 i55 en42 42 i to55] to55] mo33) mo33) t t ku 33 33) 33) 33 p i55 t 33 ts i35 i53 t i tsu42 ts k mo33 mo33 t 44 i35 i55 t ou42 tsou42 ts 33 ts 33] 33] ou44 so44 so44 ien42 t o21 tsv21 dzu21 i t. t. [tsa ts t t t.i 42 kua42 (pa 42 33 pu33 p 21 i55 t 33 i55 i55 ien42 t i tsou42 (ne31) lou21 lo21 lo21 t kui55 tui42 (s t 22 p 22 ts 21 jen21 je21 jen21 i55 t 21 jen21 je21 [li55 22) 22) 42 t 55 yi22 yi22 u21 tsv i i55 a qua55) qua55) t kui55 kue55) mo22 t t. 22 21 22 p i55 t 21 44 (so22pa22 42 tse 22 u21 t o55 (qua42) pio55 piou35 pia35 pio55 piou35 pio55 o55 (qua42) i55 i55 ia a t kui55 m t 21 21 22 p i24 t 22 ts o21 t i24 i24 ia ia t kui24 mo22 t 55 24) tse 24) 42 tyi43 42 tyi43 ti42 ( i55 t 22 ts n12 n12 i55 i55 in42 tsi43 ts e e za t ku mu22 t t.i 55 t (pio24) 35 dzao12 t 35 dzao12 42 qua21 qua42 qua42 ku 33 pu33 p 33 i55 i55 t i55 ien21 t 35 lao12 lo21 lo21 lo21 lo21 lo21 35 lao12 v i t kue55 mo3 mo3 3t t. 1 1 5 due21 ty 5 due21 2 p u 1 t i1 t i2 o4 su42 su24 su55 su44 so55 sou44 s o4 su42 su24 su55 su44 so55 sou44 i1 i1 1b l ua4 gu zr sr t ku t du manure manure hulling rice hulling rice ) trip-hammer for ) trip-hammer key key stick dro4 diu42 tio21 dzu21 ts whip pr axe chisel p saw dzo4 zu42 tsu21 dzu21 tsy42 tsv21 tsou42 fo43fv42 fv42 fv42 fv42 fv42 fv42 pjo5 fv21 pfu42 (large) d hoe rope fertilizer; s sickle jen1b jen35 j sifter l mo2 fan sieve; winnowing 水碓 boat; ship jen1b jen35 j jen35 jen1b ship boat; t ploughshare ( arrow t tsjen5 paper t 鑰匙 棍子 鞭子 船 斧頭 鑿子 鋸子 鏵 鋤頭 繩子 肥料 鐮刀 碓 篩子 簸箕 箭 紙 585 586 597 602 605 607 608 615 617 619 623 624 626 629 630 637 647 190＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 21) 21 55 55 33 21 21 33] 33] 33 42 33 o21) o21) 55 u33 i ua44 p m ( k (ni44) (ni44) ki (ni44) t 53 m 55) 55) 31 35 mi 33 21 55 e44) e44) o31 e44 i i31 e44) e44) mi ts ( k ( t ) tso 35 mi 13 33 ua44 35 pi35 pi55 33 42 m 33 (z 33 to33 do ien21 p ke55 (jien44) t (jien44) 31 m 55 (tso 44 ua 33 33 k an31 ia44) ia44) ia44) 33 to i21 man31 man31 p u tou21 pi55 pi ki55 ( t ( 21 55) 42 m 55 42 22 to 22 kv33 ko33 t 22 42 55 tsv 22 k 55 i44) i44) i44) a 22) ye o55 mian55 mi o55 mian55 e ma p (la22kue55) (lo55 t (p t. no qa55 ( tsi21 ( o55) o44 55 m a55) a55) 22 x u55) fe22 fv33 fv33 (po33) [xo fe22 (po33) fv33 fv33 u55) 22 i44) i44) i44) a42 io55 tso o44p ya55 ya55 ua44 ma42 ma42 p t (la55t qa44 ( tsi21 ( 24 24 43 43 m 22 qa22 qa 24 æ a55 t 22 ts i22) i22) i22) 22 (p 22 x u22 u22 ku33 (k æ æ æ i f p ma43 q ( tsi21 ( 55 mi 24 m 12 do21 (t 33 do22 to22 22 24 ua55 n55 tsu i21 22 ts 22 12 t 55 i22) i22) i22) o12 u55) u55) an42 u i e man22 man22 p p t.i d i e q ( ( 21 21 55 ts 35 do 33 do 42 ua 33 qan22 q 33 qan22 33 33 ( a y55 tj y55 ua55 u ien35 ma p (jien42) (jien42) 2 do 1 1 tsv 2 qo n3 5 mo21 mo 5 mo21 1 do 2 2 f n1 qa n1 qan55 æ en1 u æ æ æ ua4 do pj djo man3 man3 the upper part; part; the upper up reaches; above language orientation ) 地 (soul); spirit p spirit (soul); track tsu name trace; mj shadow q direction; left behind back, t pri1(a) outside ( today q yesterday d 河流 ; speech; words; speech; kro2 spirit drum ghost; dream m 勢 話 鼓 鬼 靈魂 名字 痕跡 影子 夢 方向 左邊 後邊 外邊 上方 今天 昨天 651 659 669 673 687 695 698 699 703 710 713 714 722 738 739 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 191 33 55 21 21 33 55 55 42 42 55 i44 i 44 u 33 o55) o55) i i 33 ua44 21 i44 ne44 ts ( a p sua44 33 t 33 i44 t i55 t 21 t 42 ts 42 44 p i i i44 i ts ne44 pe33 sua44 33 t 35 tsou35 tso 33 kou33 ko 33 kou33 33 ua44 33 55 sa55 sa 44 pia44 42 tsv42 ts i44 t ien55 t 44 p 21 t 42 ts 42 a i o o 33 mu33 33 mu33 i44 t.i t. t.i ne44 t. pe33 sua44 33 t 44 42 55 i44 t ien55 t 44 ua 33 ko 33 55 55 s 21 ti i 33 o i44 ne44 pe su 33 ko 55 t 21 42) 42) 42 tsa42 i a55 i55 t o21 tsv 55 u 22 po21 po21 po21 22 55 s 55 tso ua55 pio44? pia ua55 pio44? i22 t u22 v i55 i o i t. tsa42 ( x sua44 i21 tso44a42 t 21 42 42 i55 t i44 ts u42 t i44u22) ya44 t ya44 i22 t u22 ua44 ua i ts (kv22) (kv22) qa42) qa42) ( sua44 22 t 21 tsu44t 21 22) 22) 55 pa44 pa55 pa44 p 55 i24 ts i55 ts o21 t 55 21 ts 21 ia24 u22 æ i i ( ts n x sua55 12 tio24 (sy55qa42 33 ku22 kv33 ko 24 ua55 a43 a42 a42 a42 a31 24 sa24 so55 sa 42) 42) 21 ts 21 24 p ian55 ts i24 ts 21 55 ua24 pia55 t i22 t o22 i i æ i24 si55 si44 55 n (ja55 (ja55 x d e sua24 35 di12 di 55 tso 33 ko 42 ua 42 55 sa 33 ien55 t i42 t 42 d 42 33 i33 t o42 t u v33 v42 dzao21 t v42 dzao21 i42 su ne42 1 sa 1 tio 1 di 2 t 2 ko en1 t o4 i4 4 pa42 p 4 pa42 ji4 t 2 p a zr zr æ ua4 u2 a4 a21 a a4 a21 p d +year + ne4 evening representing the 12 years ) classifier tro ) classifier dj at night; in the the 12 animals year back next twelve ‘ten’ half pjo2 fv33 po22 pfw22 fe22 a f 紙 鳥 month month one two three ko four s five sji4 six seven fv44 fv44 fo44 fv44 xo55 xo44 fo55 ts eight pjo4 pfu24 fo42 t nine pra4 ten t d hundred p thousand tsj ( ( 晚上 屬相 月 明年 一 二 三 四 五 六 七 八 九 十 十二 百 千 一半 張 只 752 767 771 781 797 798 799 800 801 802 803 804 805 806 808 824 826 832 839 842 192＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 1 44) 1 1 33 21 21 55 44 i55) i55) 55 u55 2 ua44 o33 2 en33 o42 2 31 dz a44 k 33 k e21) jen21 e21) 44 ts u55 ts e33 t 55 k ou55 e44 ni44 uo33 k o21 no o31 u i i 55 k 21 tsou21 tso 31 ts 33 ts e21) (p e21) 42) 42) bi33 35 k ua33 (pa42) ua33 (pa42) (k u55 ts 31 42 nou53 lo 42 nou53 21 no31 nen42 21 no31 33 k 35 ka35 ka ua44 k u33 k ua44 sua44 sua44 ien33 t o o o t. t. t. 44 ts 44 k 55 ts 31 44 s 55 k a31) (p a31) 21 u 55 ka 42 no 31 33 ke 55 k o u ou33 k ien33 t u 22 pi33 22 55 k o55) t o55) 42 ts 42 ke 55) ts 55) 55 tsa44 u55 ts 21 42 no 21 ye 55 k o ua55 k o22 k 21 (p 21 tso i55 jen33 42 uo o t. 44 a44 q o55) (ts o55) 42 pu42 pu31 p 42 55) (qe 55) u55 t 42 no 21 no yi22 d yi22 i42 o55 k o22 q 21 ze u21 o42 o u 22 d 43 d 22 q 43) 43) v33 (j 24) (q 24) 43 p 22 ti22 tyi22 tuen33 tue33 tsuen33 24 qa55 qo55 k u24 t o24 k ua55 q o22 q 21 z i22 (ts æ o43 no i22 o43 æ 55 k 24) (q 24) n22 ty 42 55 qa24 qo55 qa 24 tia55 (so55)t n42) (I n42) 42 di n12 z u55 t 22 e 12 no21 no 12 no21 ou12 tjo21 t y22 dzy y22 ien22 t o ua24 q o22 q e æ æ i22 a42 i e 55 k 21 d 35 no 33 no 55 qa 55 qan55 q 55 qan55 33 q 42 sua24 sua55 sua44 sua55 su 33) (gu22) p (gu22) 33) 33 33 (I v55 ts uo42 (d 21 no nou31 no42 no42 21 na42 no43 to42 do42 tou42 tou42 do42 21 da42 da43 do42 uo42 q o yi33 d yi33 t. 3 1 k 1 dv35 d 3 di 3 lia 1b no 1 q 2 2 q 4 tia42 ts 4 tia42 n1 qa ua4 ts ru1 en2 jen33 d 3 n 3 pu31 po31 (k bo21 ba42 bo42 uo55 bo42 mo42 5 d ua4 q o ua4 su æ æ ) classifier k ) classifier ) classifier q ) classifier dr ts ) classifier ) classifier bjo2 ) classifier v no q short ) low; bri2 米 樹 菜 衣服 柴 米 房 矮 ( ( ( ( ( ( ( classifier no zi zi35 classifier zen1 day nji4 step I a year old (g pu3 you s he C- n big b wide d high ts ( qa long far dro tiu near tue33 tuen2 wide d narrow q tr thick 粒 棵 把 件 背 袋 間 兩 庹 天 歲 步 我 你 他 大 粗 高 低 長 遠 近 寬 窄 厚 845 848 852 864 876 881 889 894 899 910 914 916 928 931 934 964 966 968 969 972 974 975 976 977 980 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 193 42 55 33] 33] 55 55 21 55 42 55 55 44 44 33 21 21 v42 u u o s i 55 t 42) x 42) 55 ts 44 [xo 42 t 44 x 35] k i 21 p 42 p v44 k i35 ti55 55 sen55 v21 i 55] [u 55] 55 t 55 ts 44 ts 55 ko 55 s 44 (mi 44 x i 33 tsv33 tso i 21 p 42 p 21 31 ue21 ven21 35 ka35 ka o i35 t o t. . t. t. 55] [p 55 k 44 x i 33 42 tso42 ts ian55 t an55 a44 55 ka 21 ue v44 [uen35] k v44 [uen35] i55 t v 21 vo 22 tsv 55 k 55 x 55 k 55 ts u21 tsv 55 san55 o 21 pan21 p 21 pan21 55 k o ue55 [p a a55 ts 21 v ue21 ue i i22 tyi55 tuen55 tuen35 tue35 (tsuen55) 44 55 q 44 x x (mian42) 44 a42pa42 22 me22 me33 me33 me33 m me33 me33 22 me33 me22 a55 a44 u21 t 21 o o22 d o ua55 q u44 k u 55 xo yi22 tsyi22 tsu33 tsyi22 yi22 i44 ji42 ji31 ji21 t i44 o i 24 t 24 q 24 t 55 t 21 k æ æ 55 x 24 to55t 24 ti55 tyi55 (tsuen55) tuen55 tuen35 miou42 22 m i o21 t 21 pa21 pa o22 d æ æ o24 q u o55 k yi22 t yi22 24 s i i i43 o21 u i 55 q 22 d 55 q 12 55 qa24 qo55 qa æ 24 t n55 ty n55 ty n22 m 12 b 21 pa21 pa42 pa21 pa42 p 21 an55 t an55 t 24 24 x n12 o u ao24 k e e e y22 t y22 55 s a æ e æ i42 æ e e .i 55 ts 55 q 55 ts 55 ti55 ti24 ti55 t 55 35 33 dzo 55 qa 35 b 42] 42] 42] 33 m ia 55 o v42 k yi33 t yi33 a42 t ia o v t v42 dzao21 i . 4 2 1 q 1 n1 t 1 q 1 ba 4 t n1 t 1b 1 q æ 4 [x 4 [x 1 t æ u 2 m 4 ba42 b 4 ba42 j æ æ u o4 k o re r r uen1b uen35 u o æ æ zr q tuen1 tue55 ty k ts learning learning standing bent crooked; (porridge) late sharp m ji3 ji21 ) watery/thin muddy; turbid d turbid muddy; 粥 晚了 鋒利 deep empty s q many round tj smooth b be slanting; vertical, tu tue55 straight tuen1 curved; black white red b yellow t dark heavy dzru light early t ; t tsu2 ; dry ( qa 深 空 多 圓 平 偏 豎 直 彎 黑 白 紅 黃 暗 重 輕 早 遲 尖 渾濁 乾 稀 982 985 987 990 994 999 1002 1003 1004 1005 1006 1007 1008 1013 1014 1015 1018 1019 1020 1023 1028 1031 194＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 21 33 33 55 21 55 55 44 44 55 u21 33 a21 en33) en33) o en55 t i i 33) 33) i 55 p 31 k 35 k ou31 k u31 ts 35 tsen55 35 (men33 35 (men33 u33 k e44 a31 t i ou35 i35 i k ts 55 sua55 sua 42 55 p 35 35 35 ts u31 ts o 21 (t u31 k ien55 ua ia31 t ou42 e o t. t. k ka21 31 ts 31 t 55 s 55 55 o u31 21 a55 p u33 k i 21 44 jen44 ou42 io ien55 uen55 uen35 uen55 u t (thing); k (weather, feeling) 55) t. 42 k 42 55 k 55 tsan55 55 su 55 22 u42 ts a55 p u22 k 55 a v42 ts i44 je i21 je o (a42 t. 42 42 que42 kua44 kue42 ku 55 ue 42 g 55 k 44 u42 55 o42 k a55 p u22 q 55 se a42 i44 i21 u t t 24 p 24) 24) 43 qu 21 xo55 xo22 xu33 x 21 24 sua55 t 24 21 43 g 24 k ia55a43 o43 ts 24 ts u22 q æ æ iu43 i55 o24 xo55 xo35 xou35 xou55 (kv42) xo55 æ y io24 m u i t tsi24) k 42 ts 55 55 55 p 42 qu 42 g 12 ts 12 o u42 (x n22 u22 q i24 æ e ien55 si24 s io e t.e ga12 21 ts 35 dzan12 di 35 dzan12 55 21 g 21 qu 55 sua 55 55o33) u21 u42 u42 55 21 (t o i 55 ho12 a55 p o33 q 35 v21 ts ien55 o k t. 1 so 3 ts 1 dia 1 1b je 1 p 1 3(a) qu 3(a) 3 ge 1 1 o 1 h u2 q æn jen1 ua a3 t ru3 t ru3 o4 (ts æ æ o uen1 uen55 u uen1 uen55 (thing); (thing); g (weather, feeling) nje (plant) ) tender young young tender ) ) lukewarm lukewarm ) easy 植物 水 correct; right h right soft correct; p real fraud tsre old g t new qu (things) used, s good bad dr ( hot cold jen42 nje4 k ( t (smell) smelly fragrant stinking; sour bitter s salty q ts 軟 對 真 假 新 舊 好 壞 嫩 熱 冷 溫 容易 香 臭 酸 苦 鹹 1035 1045 1047 1048 1050 1051 1052 1053 1057 1062 1063 1064 1068 1069 1070 1072 1074 1076 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 195 42 21] 21] 42] 42] 33 21 33 42 21 21 44 i33 i [/pi44] [/pi44] p s 55 [t 21) pa21 21) 42) 42) 21 p 21 i 55 i33 i 55 p 21 m 31) (j 31) 21 p 31 p i 44 s i33 .i ja44 (ma21) (ma21) [ts (ma21) (ma21) p ko21 21) 21) 55 p 31 pa35 (n 44) 44) 44 42 i i33 (/ pien42 pi42 pi (/m 55 pien55 pi35 pien55 pien55 55 a55 p 55 pio42 42) pan31 42) p o 55 sa44 ye i22 y i . - p 42 (ka42)pe42 yi22) i42) i42) 22 pu22 pu33 p 22 22 bu22 pu33 po55 b 22 ui42 ya55 t ya55 a44 t 22 ve22 v33 22 ve22 (j yi55 t yi55 yi55 mi55 mi55 mi55 me35 me35 me55 yi55 i /ts (to42 (ka42)p 24 t 24 t 21 (do42) ma21 man21 m ma21 21 (do42) man21 22 p 22 p 43 (su42) (so 43 (su42) 21 æ 43 i æ 55 (k æ æ n55 p n55 tsu n42 p e 12 m e e 12 p u ua21 pia21 t æ y y æ i22 si22 si22 t. 21 ban42 b 21 ban42 33 pu33 p 33 bu22 b 42 bvu21 fo21 u42 fo21 u21 v42 fv42 fv42 bvu21 42 p v 33 ua55 35 gao12 ko21 ko21 ko21 ko ko21 ko21 ko21 35 gao12 ku21 ko21 ko21 ko21 kou21 35 gao12 yen21 t yen21 yen55 t yen55 42 ja24 ja55 o44 (a55) jo44 42 ja24 ja55 o44 (a55) 42 tsua24 s 42 tsua24 o42 d i33 .i t. 1 b 1 4 1b ma35 1b ma35 m 2 p 2/p æ n3 ba 1 ba35 b 1 ba35 1 g 1 g r æ æ i4 æ æ sr p ja4 j p bo21 ba42 bo42 bo43 bo42 m m-pa3 b mi55 me1a mi55 mi24 unripe unripe precipitous of finger) palm fill one the back fields) fields) mouth) ) to plait to ) pren1 t ) ) pull up (weeds) br ) to rake (the (the ) close cliffy; cliffy; change pren5 t 草 田 口 辮子 astringent; like astringent; rich dead g loud sji2 g like m (with love; press ( ( child) v (a bind; tie up bjo2 hug have eaten one’s bjo4 (shoulder) carry b v carry ( ( to be ill b 澀 富 死 響 陡峭 愛 按 拔 耙 綁 飽 抱 背 背 閉 編 變化 病 1078 1083 1089 1094 1124 1126 1129 1131 1132 1141 1148 1149 1151 1151 1155 1156 1158 1160 196＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 55 33 21 21 42 55 44 u33 o44 uen55 55 ien55 44 a42 tv21] tv21] xen5 m 55 p ue55 ts 35 k 21 44 ji44 u33 ts o44 ts 44 t e44 t i xe55 m 44) pe42 44) p 21 tsou21 tso i 21 35 k yen55 t yen55 44 j u33 ts ou33 ts u55 p 44 t ou33 tsou44 tso44 e33 t t. tu33 [t t. xen55 m 55) 55 t 55 p 55p 55 k 21 tso ye 44 j ou44 ts u33 i 42 ta42 t 42 e44 t tan44 t xen55 man21 42) 55 t 42) fv55 fv55 fv55 p fv55 fv55 fv55 42) 55 p o 55 k 55 t 42 tso o55 ts ue 55 21) ts 21) i o55 tsou44 ts xe ma21 55 55 p 21) (o 21) 55 q 22 pu22 pu33 pu33 tse33 p pu22 pu33 tse33 22 55 o55 ts 22 42 pe42 (t 55 o u44 u o ta42 ta42 t ta42 ( b x ma21 43) 24 ts 24 p u 21 o43) p o43) 24 q 22 p 55 ji44 ji55 j u55 ts u 24 24 (xue55) (t 24 (xue55) æ iu22 i (/ts (sa24tsa55) (so55qa21)(sa55bo24) (so55qa (so55pu55) (so55pu55) (ts m x n55 ts 12 tso21 tsu21 tso e 12 a24) (t a24) 24 a24 (lo43) a24 (lo43) t y 55 q n55 æ yi22 t yi22 e e u h m 55 pu55 p ia42) (ts ia42) 35 dzo 33 pu22 p 55 q u42 ts 55 pfu55 f 55 pfu55 ien55 t 42 ta v33 t i42 t xen55 ma35 1 f 1 zo 1 p 4 t 1 q en 4 ju42 ju24 j ju24 4 ju42 uen1 t o4 ts 4 (t j ru2 t ru2 je4 t æ p q t tju55 tsu24 tju42 tro4 ts +cry t p seedling); insert rice) shoes) fibers) (clothing) trumpet) ) patch (clothing) (clothing) pu2 patch ) p hide ) ) to poke; insert b dzo unseam ) (food) weigh ) ts (the blow ) ) transplant (rice ) transplant ) fill (a bowl with ) put on (the (hemp ) twist to bet fight to tu2 thunder t sky tv33 (ta55)tu22 to 衣服 東西 牌子 秧 衣服 糧食 飯 鞋 喇叭 繩 ( ( step on; tread da4 ( ( (uen21) t stir da21 ( ta21 stir-fry, ( ( eat ( j ( ( 補 踩 藏 插 插 拆 炒 稱 盛 吃 穿 吹 搓 打架 打賭 打雷 1161 1161 1168 1169 1171 1172 1174 1186 1188 1194 1198 1212 1218 1225 1234 1240 1248 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 197 21) 1 21) a 33 44 44 42) 42) 44 42 ou42] ou42] 44 22 v55 i i55 a 2 t k ju31 33 55] k 42 [t 42 z 42 t 33 t 44 t 55 k 44 s a55 (p (fu44) (fu44) xua55) i ti31 31) tua42 31) (d 44 s 44 t 42 35 [k 44 k 33 t 42) (la55) p (la55) 42) a44 pien55 35 fv35 i35 n42 t i21 21 z ou33 tso44 a44 t i u55 su55 sv55 k . t. . t ju31 42) t 42) 55 k 42 (n 44 t 31) (ta 31) 42 u33 (k no42 42 o 55 fv 42 t 44 tj 33 t i31 31 z 33 i ( t ju31 i21 22 (t 42 nv 42 55 k i55 22 t 55 t ye a44 42 t a55 t a55qa21 sa44 u55 tsou44 t q da42t u42 22) (fv55ji55) ji i21 i22 55 fi55 pi55 fv35 fv55 fv55 55 fv so55fi55 55 42 55 q i55 42 te 44 t 42 no yi22 d yi22 o44 u55 42 zi42 s o55 t a44 i t q d do42t ju42 i43 22 so55t 24 24) 24) 55 21 24 q 55 qa42 qa55 ka44 k 55 43 z a55 24 xu 24 xu 43 t 55 t æ ua55 t æ i i t q tsu da43d ju43 42 no43 no 55 f 24 q 24 dua21 tua42 tua42 tu tua42 tua42 24 dua21 24 21 i21 a55 i22 42 ts a24 t æ y55 y55 i æ t q d ju24 e 55 33 di22 dij 21 no 21 di24 t 42 42 42 t 55 q 42 ti24 t 55 pfu55 f 55 pfu55 55 pfu 21 z i21 u21 a42 s i i q 4 2 di 1 t 5 no 4 5 ti 1 q 3 z 4 qa42 q 4 qa42 æ 4 t r a4 t æ u1(a) u1(a) be2 bi33 bi22 (ta22 (ta22 bi22 be2 bi33 +‘wag’ . t q pjen1 f wind) wind) oneself over side of (a river) (things) (things) ) wear (a hat) (a ) wear tro4 bracelet) tj (a wear ) tiu42 tsu24 tju55 t share divide; ) ) ) to block (the drop to ) dua4 (u42?) t ) pull (a quilt) (meat) s ) cut ) be on the other ) to pen in no get; acquire acquire t get; quake ‘earth’ wait earth burn dj burn to jen33 nji2(b) to (fi22p (xu24) 帽子 手鐲 風 下 東西 被 肉 河 羊 ( ( ( t hungry ( read be fly ( f pje1 ( ( ( till hook tso4 give tsu42 tsu24 tsu55 q z tsou33 plough; tso55 tsou44 to tso44 ( 戴 戴 擋 得到 等待 地震 燃燒 燃燒 掉 讀 餓 飛 分 蓋 割 隔 給 耕 鉤 關 1252 1254 1256 1263 1264 1265 1269 1269 1274 1287 1298 1318 1319 1332 1339 1343 1345 1347 1348 1357 198＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 33 55) 55) 42 44 42 55 44) 44) 31 42 44 i31] i31] 33 55) 55) o55 ia42 u21 i tia ( 55) k 55] t 55] 33 m 55 t 42 ts 21 42 k 42 ts 33 o i i i i 44] [t 44] 55 (ts 44 t 33 42 k 42 k i44] tsue44 i44] [t 42 ts 21 ts 35 ka35 ka o i i 33 i t.i 44) ts 44) 55 k a44] [t a44] a44 t 55 ka 44 ja44 (jo31) (x 44 ja44 (jo31) 55 - la35 (k i o 33 i 55) k 55) 22 xuan44 22 xuan44 m 55 [t 42 tsa42 ua55) (p ua55) a44 t 21 kv31 ko21 t 21 55 san55 ju33 55 san55 55 k 22 i ua53 pio42 pia42 pia42 p i i t. t ( u55 ou44 o44 ( . 55) o44 22 m i55) i55) a44] t a44] 55) (le55) (le55) 55) tsui44 [t 44k 42 a44 t ya55) ya55) 55 22 ya21 t ya21 i i (ts o55(/xu ( tsu21ko55) 55 (n 22 m m 22 55 [t 55 t 43 21 qa42 qa55 ka42 k 21 qa42 qa55 ka42 k 21 21 ts o24 (t 22 24 s æ æ æ k 24 tsu 55 qa24 qo55 qa 24 t 24 t 22) 22) 24) u55 24) 21 q 21 q 21 ts 12 tsi21 ua21 pia21 t 42 dz i ao55 55 s æ æ i æ t.i æ æ .i 42) ts 42) 33 sa55mu22 m 33 mu22 m 42 t 55 qa 21 42 d 55 o55 q 33 (o 42 ja55 ja55 jo44 ja55 j 42 ja55 jo44 l lo55 lo55 lo24 55 lao12 a42 a42 o42 d k . 2 1 3 1 4 tsue42 tsu 4 tsue42 2 m 2 m 4 4 t 1 q 1 (t 2/ 4 4 o æ e 4 o42 (l 4 o42 æ sr tsu æ æ t q (sheep) milk) with chopstick) sprinkle/irrigate (money) with chopstick) with chopstick) ) ) pick up (food ) lift (the lid) la1a (tools) t borrow ) to l ) squeeze (for ) squeeze ) pick up (food water/ ) to bark ) to br borrow ) to wave; wield wave; exchange m steep dzi1 zi35 dz soak; 奶 腰帶 菜 水 狗 蓋子 錢 工具 kneel m change gro drink to return ja4 j ( ( up ( dzri4 pick scissor ( teach ( qa ( ( ( 跪 喝 換 揮動 回 擠 系 夾 撿 剪 交換 澆 教 叫 揭 借 借 浸泡 1360 1370 1383 1384 1385 1405 1412 1413 1414 1416 1419 1422 1425 1432 1438 1442 1443 1444 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 199 1) 1 21 21 44 55 21 21 55 44 55 en55) i 21 o44 2 2 31 ko 55 k 55 t u 44 k 31 21 k 21 k 42 m o44 k o55 k o i33 (k a i 44) fv42 fv42 44) fv42 55 k 42 k en55 t u55 k 31 k 42 m 21 m 31 21 k 21 k 44 mou55 mo44 mo44 44 mou55 e44 (ue42) ( e44 (ue42) a44 k i33 t o . i t. 55 k 44 xua44 xua44 44 k u44 m 21 k 21 k 44 mo 21 mau21 mo21 mo21 mo21 mo21 21 mau21 21 pi21 21 ien55 t e44 31 ko 31 ou55 k i33 t o ( k 55 k 21 pi 21 21 k 21 k 55 t a55 k o55 k ye a44)fv42 t 55 q 22 55 tse io55) io55) 21 q 21 k o44 q u44 q 21 yi21 t yi21 a44)fv42 ( ( (pa21kv42) (pa21kv42) ts (ji42) (ji42) /t 43) 24 q 55 (ji42) (ji42) tsui44 (ji31) tsue44 tsu tsue44 (ji31) tsui44 (ji42) (ji42) 55 55 mu55 55 mu55 mo55 mo 43 ma42 ma42 ma42 m ma42 ma42 ma42 43 21 m man21 21 q 21 k 43u i22 (k a55 q u55 q o24 43 æ æ ua55 xua44 xua55 xu (u (qui21) t (qui21) n12) e 24 m 42 m 12 m 55 q o55 q 42 12 k y 12 q i22 d a24 q u24 q æ æ 22 i24 e a e .i 55 q 42 xua24 42 q 55 q 21 35 g 42 mo 35 ma12 mo21 mu21 mo21 mo mo21 mu21 mo21 35 ma12 35 ien55 ts ien55 o42 q i42 t i33 d 1 q 4 (ji42) (ji21) tsu (ji21) 4 (ji42) 3 gv21 go43 ko 5 ma21 m 5 ma21 1b ma35 1b ma35 m 1 1 q 4 q 3 1 g 4 m 1b m jen1 t i2 a4 q æ æ re4 t o hua4 hu mi24 mi55 mi55 me1a me35 me55 mi55 mouth) lightly lightly mouth) boiling ) close (the ) close ) twist (a tower) tsu ) open ) be ) (water) q ) roast in fire leak ) to m cry/chirp ) (birds) 嘴 ) (flour) t whet (a knife) grind ) m live; reside ko5 kv42 ku43 kv42 ko42 reside kv21 kao42 live; cough q to g flow) old (water numb ku2 kv22 ku22 kv22 ku33 kv33 kv33 ku22 bri2 (d be (de33) ( 門 水 火 水 鳥 刀 面 毛巾 to saw fv21 pjo5 to ( ( thirsty q ( tug be d cry pull; q peppery ts ( buy sell m m ( touch stroke; ( ( ( 居住 鋸 開 開 烤 咳嗽 渴 哭 拉 辣 老的 流水 漏 麻木 買 賣 鳴 抿著 摸 磨 磨 擰 1452 1454 1461 1462 1474 1477 1478 1485 1487 1489 1493 1502 1506 1513 1516 1517 1521 1523 1525 1526 1527 1533 200＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 33] 33] 55 21 44 55 44 44 en33 uen33 42) 42) 55 u55) u55) 33 ui33 o en55 21 u a44 42) s 42) 42 (t 55 p 33 x 21 (ua21) 21 (ua21) 21 p 44 m ou33) pi33 ou33) ua33 ts 35 ui44 k ou55 k e42 (ta e55 k a44 33 a55 ts o i i i ( x 33 ts 42 tsou42 t 44 m n55 k 21 k 21 p ou44 [so33] ou44 [so33] [s ua 42) k 42) 33 u33 k ou33 p ou31 p ia44 o e t. xu33(xa55) t. 33 ts ia44) (ta ia44) 55 p 55 k 21 pu21 p 21 k 44 42 ou44 u 33 44 sa44 (t o a44 p e ou31 p uen55 wen35 uen55 u i o42 p 22 t 22 a44) (t a44) 21) v33 21) vo 21 p 22 k i 22 s 22 55 e55 k o42 p u44) ts u44) a55 o55 ts a55p o42 tso i . o55 22 t a44) (t a44) 55 ue 55 q 21 p 21 k io44 u42 22 (t u55 k o42 p 22 a44) ( a44) o44 yi21t u i i t ( 22 22 (t 55 55 ma44 ma55 ma44 m ma44 ma55 ma44 55 24 24 q 22 ts 22 x 21 p 21 k 22 s 21 pa21 p y 22 v u o24 k o43 p æ iu55 t æ æ u (/ji21) 22 t 55 k 22 q 22 ts 24 p 24 m n55 q 42 p 12 k 12 p ua u24 t n22 n22 a24) xa55 a24) u o æ 22 æ æ e e a e t. .i 33 ts 33 q 55 k 33 21 p 35 bu12 b 35 g 42 ( 33 bvu22 v 33 bvu22 o 21 ha42 xo43 xo42 xo42 xou31 xou31 ho31 xo21 ho31 xou31 xou31 xo42 xo42 21 ha42 xo43 33 u a42 p an55 q 42 sa24 sa55 so42 sa55 s 42 sa24 sa55 so42 55 iu42 ts t. i .i 2 ts 1 p 2 k 4 diu42 dzu21 tiu21 4 diu42 dzu21 t 4 p 2 4 ma42 m 4 ma42 2 xe 3 p 1 b 1 g 2 v 1 ba35 b 1 ba35 ua ren2 3 h u u en1 q a4 æ t ro4 æ æ uen1 uen55 u uen1 uen55 q ts sr h (from an illness) (from cow) along cow) (vegetable) rice) the sun ) fully recover ) fully ) dry (clothes) in ) (people) crawl m crawl ) (people) p (firewood) chop ) (a ) pull/lead ) up to owe (money) cut ) bj 病 ) heat up (cold pee sa4 ) piss; (seeds) ) scatter s ) arrow) shoot (an dro vomit/throw up k up vomit/throw compensate b float b ( 人 柴 牛 錢 菜 飯 尿 種 衣服 箭 ( p open ( lay k cut/rip pave; ride ( g ( ( ( ( ( seep kill t ( ( out (the stretch ts 嘔吐 爬 賠償 劈 漂浮 剖 鋪 騎 牽 欠 切 痊癒 熱 撒 撒 掃 殺 曬 射 伸 1535 1536 1546 1552 1553 1561 1562 1566 1568 1569 1574 1580 1587 1596 1597 1601 1602 1604 1611 1613 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 201 1 55 42 42] 42] 21 44 55 55 33 i55 u55 o55 u42 55 y55] y55] i44 55) 55) i33 i2 l [ dzi 55 t 31 t 55 44 pi i v55 ts 31) so 31) 55 t 33 21 p e55 p i55 t i 35 t i i i i33 i ts ts 42 55 t 21 t 55 ts 44 pi 21 mo21 (li 21 mo21 i u55 ts i 33 ts e55 p 31 (s a13] t a13] o35] o35] i44 t i33 o42 sv31 [su31] i [. t.i . t.i t. (t xa55) [ 55 42 44 sua44 sua44 55 55 21 m ian55 t 31) 31) u55 an31 t i 33 31 31 so i44 t i i i ou31) i33 i (ts t t 55 t 55 ts yi55 yi55 p ia u44) t u44) 22 ts o21 (tsv 55 san55 (ju33) (ju33) 55 san55 [su u42 sv ua55 pia44 pi 55 tan55 u55 ts i22 i i t. (fe55) ts (fe55) i . o42) o21) 21 mu21 21 mu21 mo yi55 t yi55 ia55 t 22 a44) ( a44) u21 t 55t 55 55 u42 ya44 t ya44 i i ( i o43) (f 24 t 21 m 55 t 43 æ 24 (a42 22 ts i 24t o21 t 24 ta55 ta i24 t æ 24 s iu24 xa i33 si22 æ i (f tsi55 t 12 m 24 pi 22 ts 42 (tsa55) (tso55) (tsa55) sv (tsa55) (tso55) 42 (tsa55) 22 dz ian55 t y55 t y55 ien55) p 12 i u n55 t 55 s ua42) ua42) i i33 e (t (pfu12 t t.i .i t. 55 t 55 35 mo 55 21 dzan42 dz 21 dzan42 42 21 sa 42 (tso42) su (tso42) 42 ia i 21) 21) 42 bvw21 fo21 u21 u21 p u21 u21 fo21 bvw21 42 v55] v55] i42 55 o55) o55) a 33 su22 so22 so22 so22 tsou42 su33 so33 ts 33 so22 so22 tsou42 so22 su22 33 d i42 t ua42 t v55 . a i33 v42 dzao21 t v42 dzao21 v21 p t t. [/ . i (/f . t. 1 n1 t 1 n3 1b m 4 3 sv i2 o4 re ri1 t 1 ta55 t 1 ta55 e1 (t 2 s æ o5 e t ru1 æ zr zr æ æ m sr sr away arm) ) (fruit) be ripe d ache ) (head) su ) tie (a cow) to bjo4 v ) lock (the door) s ) shave (the head) d ) spit smell ts ) to t escape; run escape; 果子 牛 門 頭痛 頭 痰 嗅 to comb comb to toss ( lose (a game) ts p rip fling; ( up, suck say t tsji4 tear su sua4 die ( sji2 lap ( d ( lick, listen ( t pr question blind ( t ask; be 梳 輸 熟 甩 拴 吮 說 撕 死 鎖 逃跑 痛 剃 舔 聽 吐 聞 問 瞎 1634 1635 1638 1643 1645 1648 1649 1650 1651 1656 1663 1666 1668 1674 1681 1688 1707 1708 1715 202＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 33 33 44 55 21] 21] 21 33 44 en55 o44 55 a o55] o55] o42 io ts i44) jo 33 dz 44 ts 33 35 [tsen55] 35 [tsen55] 55 ts 35 k 44 44 k ou44 i a44 ts i (vu33 55 ts 33 ts 35 k 33 jou 44 21 ts i31) so31 i31) s 35 ts 44 k ou44 ou44 (pe21) ou44 (pe21) [ o33 tsv33 tsv33 uen42 tsue42 tsuan42 e ou42 ien42 se42 sen42 t. t. t. t. t. t. 33 ts 55 k 55 an55 ou44 33 ts 55 44 ja44 44 33 jo 44 jo i i ou42 ou44 55 ts 22 jo 55 ts 22 ts 55 ts i22 ts o o55 mian55 mier35 mier35 o55 mian55 42 sen42 u22 tsv55 o55 ts u42 jo mi22 mi33 mi33 mi33 [ mi33 mi33 mi33 mi22 i t. i 42) 42) 55 22 42 zye42 tsuen42 42 zye42 55 k io44 i22 d o a44 42 se i44 u22 t i55 u44 (la55) u44 (la55) i (/su i 22 d 43 zy 24 t 24 ts 55 t 22 pa21 24 q 55 ka44 ka55 ka44 k 55 43 s o22 u22 t y iu55 t æ o55 i 55 ts 55 mia24 55 mia24 24 t 12 di n42 t 22 24 k 22)w21 u21 u42 u42 24 ti 55 q 12 ti e e n42 s y e a æ e i t.e ( t.i 55 33 n 42 a42) k a42) 33 jo (tso42) (tsa21) 42 (tsao21) 55 q 33 dzi22 d 33 dzi22 33)uo42 21 su42 su43 sy42 su42 sou31 ( 21 su42 su43 sy42 su42 sou31 55 dz 42 ja24 ja55 a44 a55 j v33 tsao22 t v33 tsao22 iu42 i u42 (bi12) u42 (bi12) yen21 zy yen21 i t. ( t. 1 2 j 2 jv 4 jv n1 juang55 1 di 2 e 2 ti 4 tj 1 q 3 s 4 (t æ uen5? o4 ro4 t ro4 u4 æ sr ja4 j tr q knife down walking stick) (water); ladle out ) (wasps) sting ) (wasps) t ) lay (eggs) (eggs) lay ) sen5 fall sen21 ) (rain) s ) up scoop ) mj (you) d have ) around d turn ) 蛋 雨 雞 水 錢 馬蜂 身 think mi2 mi33 mi22 mi22 ( ( mi33 think mi2 push laugh pare/peel with a press; s njo itch/tickle ( to ( njo need want; ( tr knit ( steam dr weave; swell tsr boil t k capture cook; lean on (a use or ( catch; 下 下 想 削 笑 壓 閹 癢 舀 要 有 蜇 蒸 織 腫 拄 煮 轉 捉 1718 1719 1726 1733 1735 1745 1746 1749 1754 1755 1764 1793 1797 1799 1802 1803 1804 1806 1813 Appendix 1: Lexicon of Proto-Bai＼ 203 21 1 55 i44 42 a21 u21 55) 55) 55 o55 u 2 en55 xo55) xo55) /ko44 ven21 k pe21 o 31 i55 t 42 k u55 k a55 p ko44 ts pe21 21 42 k kou44 t. pe21 31 v44 o55 v55 (t k p mi21 (tsu44 (tsu44 mi21 kou44 ts pe21 i44) pe35 p i44) pe35 22 u44 21 i55 t i55 u42 (v42) ts (v42) u42 21 ue21 a55ji21 ue21 21 u55 o22) o22) e42) e42) i (/lu21) (/lu21) kua55 kua55 kua44 kua55 kua55 q ko44[‘foot’] ( tree +skin p 21 21 ue 22) 22) u42 ts i55 t ua42 u24 q a44 (tso u55 yi21 (t yi21 u i44) i44) tree +skin q tsi22) 43 q æ 43 qa42 qa42 ka42 k 43 u43 ts i55 ts u u24 q a55 p o o43 ui21 æ o55 ( tree +skin pi24 ( kua55 (kui55li45 42 q 21 12 55 q æ 12 42 q i24 ts u42 ts n12 u a24 p u o42 i e æ i24) i24) bi21 d 21 ua21 q q p dj bi35 3 æ 5 qa21 q 5 qa21 ji4 u3 t ts 4 u u1 q a1 æ uen1b u o3 o4 - o4 - ao24 q +skin p ) q bark jar tree pe1 ( stomach ts language) kua4 (xx kua 草 sit sit ko5 kv42 ku43 kv42 ko42 kv21 kao42 leg q price q mi1b piece mi21 mi12 bamboo paint ts ( 坐 泥鰍 腿 樹皮 甄子 價 牛虱 酒糟 篾 漆 嗉子 蕨菜 薅 語言 1819 1823 1829 1852 1858 1863 2073 2075 2086 2105 2109 2118 2121 2124 204＼ Comparison of Languages in Contact 44) 44 21 42/ 55 i55 55 o42 42] 42] 33 i i21 i v55 o ui55 en55 t t (ts ts a55ni55 p ts t t ka e55 t 33 i ou55] x ou55] 21ts 55 t 31 [s ue55 t i i35 i pa21 a55mi55 [t ka35mi44 ka35mi44 l e55 33 t 55 ts 21 35 35ni55 35v 31 s ue55 t tsou44 t.i t.i ma21 a wei33 sa42 .i ou31) ou31) 55t 21 i i55 m v33 ka t 55(ts 42 pe 55 55 55 en55 33 i ui55 t 55ni55 i tsou44 i tse21 t ts pia so tsou42 tsou42 tsou42 tsou42 s k k se33 se33 se33 se33 se33 se33 55 se 55 pio42/ 55 o 21 o a44 yi22 yi22 e55 i xo22 kv21 pa f pie21 i 55 s ku21 55 a44 t o42) o42) 55 u55 55 o44 yi22 i xo55 xo22 xu33 xu33 (t f xo22 q pa21 i t 1 ku2 si24 55lo21 xua55lo21 xua55lo21 22 21 55 q 21 æ o43) 24 æ o24 a55 æ f (t xo22 tso24 di i pia21 i 24 ku12 ku12 55 24 q ua21 12 p ua42) ua42) 24 55 o 22 æ i ien55 i22;tsu la42 lo43 lo42 lo42 lo42 la42 lo43 zao21 zo21 zo21 tso21 xjao22 .i b dzan12 dzan12 i pfu12 (t q 21) 21) 21)/ 21)/ ien55 35 xua55lao21 xu t gv35 ( 35 55 42 42 q 33 33 i42(t 42l 55 55 35 o 21 a o42 d f h dia q hj l z i t pull up (weeds) pull up (weeds) gather (firewood) (shoelace) come loose spit wash clothes good sweet stool) (a move dig ba35 chew try; attempt ) ) ) ) ladder ladder q ) 草 柴 痰 衣 cat ( ( ( ( 鞋帶散 貓 梯子 好 甜 拔 搬 刨 打 嚼 散開 ( 開了 試 吐 洗 II. Secondary reconstruction II. Secondary reconstruction Bai.] Eastern and Bai Western between distinction the are supporting lexicon of a roots [Different Index Chinese Gloss 291 TL 582 1052 GX 1073 1131 EQ 1139 1150 EG 1239 JM 1424 1599 JX 1627 1688 DS 1713 ZC MZL Appendix 2: Sino-Bai Related Words [Notation: 1. Rank is defined according to Chen (1996). OCr is the index for the final correspondences.] Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr Rank 1 sky xen1 祆 hin xen1a 20 2 2 sun i4 日 it nyi4b 19 1 4 moon ua4 月 wjat jwot4b 25 1 5 star sjæn1 星 si se1a 17 1 7 cloud 1b 雲(雲彩) wjn hjun1b 23 1 9 wind pren1 風 pjm pjuw1a 28 2 12 snow su4 雪 sjat sjwet4a 25 2 14 frost so1 霜 srja srj1a 14 18 fire xui2 hjdx xjwj2a 21 1 < *smjdx 20 air; breath ti4 氣 kjdh kjj3a 21 22 earth di3 地 diarh dij3b 24 1 23 mountain sren1(a) 山 srian srn1a 26 1 30 river qo1 江 kra kæw1a 11 31 lake 1 湖 wa hu1b 12 2 38 path; road tju2 道 dwx dw2b 4 1 38 path; road tju2 途 da du1b 40 soil; earth tu2 土 tax tu2a 12 43 stone dro4 石 djak dzyjek4b 13 1 44 sand sr1 沙 srar sræ1a 24 1 46 mud n1b 泥 nid nej1b 18 47 water ui2 水 srdx srwij2a 21 1 51 gold ten1 金 kjm kim1a 28 52 silver en1b 銀 jin in1b 20 66 village j4 邑 jp ip4a 27 70 bridge u1 橋 jaw jew1b 7 73 body tsren1 身 srin srin1a 20 74 head dj1 頭 du duw1b 9 1 79 eye uen2 眼 ranx n2b 26 1 96 belly pju4 腹 pjkw pjuwk4a 5 1 103 foot ko4 腳 kjak kjk4a 13 1 107 hand sr2 手 stjwx srjuw2a 4 1 120 skin be1 皮 bjiar bje1b 24 206／Comparison of Languages in Contact 130 tendon; sinew ten1 筋 kjn kjn1a 23 132 brains no2 腦 nawx nw2b 7 133 bone qua4 骨 kt kwot4a 22 1 139 tongue dr4 舌 djat zyjet4b 25 1 143 lung pra4 肺 pjadh pjwoj3a 25 144 heart sjen1 心 sjm sim1a 28 1 145 liver qa1 肝 kan kn1a 26 1 149 intestine; guts dro1 腸 drja drj1b 14 2 150 bladder p1 泡 prw pæw1a 4 151 excrement sri2 屎 stjidx srij2a 18 153 fart pj3 屁 pidh pjij3a 18 154 sweat a1b 汗 anh hn3b 26 162 corpse tso1 喪(喪事) sma s1a 14 167 person; human being en1b 人 in nyin1b 20 1 173 man tsi2 子 tsjx tsi2a 1 1 174 woman o2 女 nrjax njo2b 12 1 179 soldier kro1 軍 kjn kjun1a 23 213 guest qæ4 客 krak kæk4a 13 218 father bo2(b) 父 bjax bju2b 12 2 219 mother m2 母 mx muw2b 1 2 224 grandson sua1 孫 sn swon1a 23 228 younger brother tje2 弟 didx dej2b 18 234 nephew di4 侄 drjit drit4b 19 254 cattle 1b 牛 jiak juw1b 13 263 horn q4 角 kruk kæwk4a 10 1 264 hoof ba1 蹯 bjan bjwon1b 26 268 horse mæ2 馬 mrax mæ2b 12 274 sheep (general) o1b 羊 la yj1b 14 284 pig d4 彘 drjadh drjwej3b 25 289 dog qua2 犬 kianx kwen2a 26 1 293 chicken q1 雞 ki kej1a 15 306 dragon lo1b 龍 ru ljow1b 11 308 monkey sua1 猻 sn swon1a 23 310 leopard; panther ba4/5 豹 pawh pæw3a 7 320 mouse sro2 鼠 stjax srjo2a 12 326 bird tso4 雀(麻雀) tsjak tsjk4a 13 1 351 fish o1a 魚 ja jo1b 12 1 352 scale qæ4 甲 krap kæp4a 29 353 worm dzru1 蟲 drjw drjuw1b 6 2 356 louse i4 虱 srjit srit4a 19 1 Appendix 2: Sino-Bai related words／207 364 leech tsji4 蛭 tjit tsyit4a 19 365 ant bri1 蚍(蜉) bid bjij1b 18 367 bee pjun1 蜂 pjun pjow1a 11 372 tree dr3 樹 djuh dzyju3b 9 1 382 willow 2 柳 rwx ljuw2b 4 385 pine zro1 松 rju zjow1b 11 388 pine torches m1a 明 mjia mjæ1b 14 389 bamboo tsr4 竹 trjkw trjuwk4a 5 391 thorn; splinter tshje3 刺 tshjih tshje3a 15 392 peach d1 桃 daw dw1b 7 403 paddy rice 1 禾 war hw1b 24 405 seed tsru2 種(種類) tjux tsyjow2a 11 1 408 rice straw ma4 秣 mat mwt4b 25 410 wheat m4 麥 mrk mk4b 2 413 buckwheat o1 蕎 jaw jew1b 7 419 hemp si2 黍 stjax srjo2a 12 420 vegetable ts3 菜 tsh tsoj3a 1 423 onion; scallion tsu1 蔥 tswu tsuw1a 11 424 garlic sua3 蒜 sanh swn3a 26 425 ginger ko1 薑(生薑) kja kj1a 14 439 rice m2 米 midx mej2b 18 443 meat æ1 膎 ri h1b 15 1 445 grease, fat tsri1 脂 tjid tsyij1a 18 1 446 vegetable oil j1b 油 lw yjuw1b 4 454 tea dr1 茶 dra dræ1b 12 456 medicine j4 藥 lak yjk4b 13 462 cloth s4 緆 sik sek4a 16 479 shoe 1 鞋 ri h1b 15 481 comb sro1 梳(梳頭) sra srjo1a 12 490 pillow tsren2 枕 tjmx tsyim2a 28 493 straw or palm-bark bri3 萆 bjik bjiek4b 16 rain cape 512 plank; board pæn2 板 pranx pæn2a 26 513 pillar dr2 柱 drjux drju2b 9 514 door m1b 門 mn mwon1b 23 526 bed dro1 床 dzrja dzrj1b 14 534 firewood sjen1 薪 sjin sin1a 20 555 chopsticks dzro3 箸(筷子) drjah drjo3b 12 578 needle tsre1 針 tjm tsyim1a 28 580 nail; tack tæ1 釘(鐵釘) ti te1a 17 208／Comparison of Languages in Contact 602 boat; ship jen1b 船 djan zyjwen1b 26 605 axe p2 斧 pjux pju2a 12 607 chisel dzo4 鑿 dzak dzk4b 13 619 rope so4 索(繩索) sak sk4a 13 2 623 fertilizer; manure ti1 圊 tsi tse1a 19 624 sickle jen1b 鐮 ram ljem1b 30 629 sieve; sifter l1b 羅 rar l1b 24 647 paper tsri2 紙 tjix tsyje2a 15 651 speech; words; do1 唐 da d1b 14 language 669 ghost; spirit kro2 鬼 kjdx kjwj2a 21 687 name mjæ1 名 mji mjie1b 17 1 695 mark; trace; track tsu1 蹤(蹤跡) tsju tsjow1a 11 703 direction; orientation pj2 方 pja pjw1a 14 714 outside ua4 外 wadh waj3b 25 798 two ko2 兩(兩個) rax lj2b 14 1 799 three sa1 三 sm sm1a 28 2 800 four sji4 四 sjidh sij3a 18 2 801 five u2 五 ax u2b 12 2 803 seven tsji4 七 snjit tsit4a 19 804 eight pra4 八 priat pt4a 25 805 nine t2 九 kjwx kjuw2a 4 806 ten dzri4 十 djp dzyip4b 27 824 hundred pæ4 百 prak pæk4a 13 826 thousand tsjen1 千 tsin tsen1a 20 839 tro1 張 trja trj1a 14 845 classifier q1 顆 kadh kwoj3a 24 845 classifier q2 顆 kadx kw2a 24 881 bag no1b 囊 nak n1b 13 889 classifier (house) qæn1 間(空間) kran kn1a 26 910 day i4 日 it nyi4b 19 2 914 a year old sua4 歲 skwjadh sjwej3a 25 928 i C-3 我 adx 2b 24 931 you n3 爾 idx nyje2b 13 931 you n3 若 ak nyk4b 13 966 wide tsru1 粗 tsa tsu1a 12 968 high qa1 高 kaw kw1a 7 969 low; short bri2 庳 bix bjie2b 15 972 long dro1 長(長短) drja drj1b 14 1 976 wide qua4 闊 kd kwt4a 21 2 Appendix 2: Sino-Bai related words／209 977 narrow træ4 窄 tsrak tsræk4a 13 2 980 thick 2 厚 ux huw2b 9 2 982 deep sre1 深 stjm srim1a 28 985 empty qo1 空(空虛) ku kuw1a 11 990 round uen1b 圓 wjan hjwen1b 26 1 994 smooth bæ1 平 bji bjæ1b 17 2 1003 straight tuen1(a) 端 tan twn1a 26 2 1005 black 4 黑 hmk xok4a 2 1 1006 white bæ4 白 brak bæk4b 13 1 1007 red træ4 赤 skjiak tsyjek4a 13 1 1008 yellow o1b 黃 wa hw1b 14 1 1014 heavy dzru2 重(輕重) drjux drjow2b 11 2 1018 early tsu2 早 tswx tsw2a 4 1019 late m2 晚 mjanx mjwon2b 26 1020 sharp ji3 利 rjidh lij3b 18 1028 dry qa1 乾(乾濕) kan kn1a 26 1 1031 watery/thin (porridge) tsjæn1 清 tsji tsje1a 17 1047 real tsre1 真 tjin tsyin1a 20 1050 new sjen1 新 sjin sin1a 20 1 1051 used, old 3 舊 wjih juw3b 1 1062 hot e4 熱 at nyjep4b 25 1 1069 fragrant (smell) o1 香 hja xj1a 14 1070 stinking; smelly tru3 臭 krjiwh tsyjuw3a 4 1072 sour sua1 酸 san swn1a 26 1074 bitter qu2 苦 kax ku2a 12 1078 astringent; like unripe sri4 澀 srp srip4a 27 1089 dead sji2 死 sjidx sij2a 18 1124 cliffy; precipitous præ1 偏 pin pjien1a 20 1131 pull up (weeds) bræ4 拔 briat bt4b 25 1132 to rake (the fields) bæ1 鈀(鈀子) bra bæ1b 12 1141 bind; tie up bjo4 縛 bjak bjwk4b 13 1148 have eaten one’s fill pu2 飽 pwx pæw2a 4 1149 hug b2 抱 bwx bw2b 4 1151 carry (a child) one the ma3 挽 mjanx mjwon2b 26 back 1156 to plait pren1 編 pin pjien1a 20 1160 to be ill bæn3 病 bjiah bjæ3b 14 1161 patch (clothing) pu2 補 pax pu2a 12 1168 step on; tread da4 蹋 dap dop4b 29 1169 hide dzo1 藏(隱藏) dza dz1b 14 210／Comparison of Languages in Contact 1171 to poke; insert b4 bt bit4b 22 1186 stir-fry ,stir tru2 炒 tsrrux tsræw2a 9 1198 eat j4 食 djk zyik4b 2 1 1212 put on (the shoes) tro4 著 trjak trjk4a 13 1263 get; acquire t4 得 tk tok4a 2 1264 wait dj2 待 dx doj2b 1 1287 read 4 學 rkw hæwk4b 5 1298 be hungry t1 饑(饑荒) kjid kjj1a 18 1318 fly pje1 飛 pjd pjwj1a 21 1 1319 divide; share (things) pjen1 分(分開) pjn pjun1a 23 1343 be on the other side qæ4 隔 krik kk4a 16 of (a river) 1347 plough; till tso4 作(作坊) tsak tsk4a 13 1348 to hook q1 鉤 ku kuw1a 9 1370 drink 2 飲(飲酒) jmx im2a 28 1 /2(b) 1413 pick up (food with æ4 夾(夾菜) kiap kep4a 29 chopstick) 1422 to 4 沃 akw owk4a 8 water/sprinkle/irrigate 1425 teach qa1 教(教書) krw kæw1a 4 1432 to bark bræ4 吠 bjadh bjwoj3b 25 1461 open q1 開 kd koj1a 21 1477 to cough q1 咳(咳嗽) kh koj3a 1 1485 cry q4 哭 kuk kuwk4a 10 1489 peppery tsjen1 辛 sjin sin1a 20 1493 old ku2 老 rwx lw2b 4 2 1502 (water flow) 1 流 rw ljuw1b 4 2 1506 to leak 3 漏 ruh luw3b 9 1517 sell 1 kja kjo1a 12 1521 (birds) cry/chirp mæ1b 鳴 mji mjæ1b 17 1525 stroke; touch m4 摸 mak mk4b 13 1526 whet (a knife) m1b 磨(磨刀) mar mw1b 24 1546 compensate bæ1 賠(陪) b bwoj1b 1 1552 chop (firewood) p3 破 parh pw3a 24 1553 float b1 浮 bjw bjuw1b 4 2 1561 cut/rip open pæ4 pak pæk4a 13 1566 ride 1 騎 jar je1b 24 1597 scatter (seeds) sa4 撒(撒種) san st4a 26 1601 seep tro4 蠚 trjak trjk4a 13 Appendix 2: Sino-Bai related words／211 1602 kill a4 殺 sriad srt4a 25 1 1611 shoot (an arrow) dro4 射 djiah zyjæ3b 12 1613 stretch out (the arm) tsren2 伸 *stjin srin1a 20 1637 (rice) be cooked/done dzro4 熟(悉) djkw dzyjuwk4b 5 1649 say sua4 說(說話) stjuad srjwet4a 25 1 1650 tear up, rip pe1(a) 披 par pje1a 24 2 1656 lock (the door) s2 鎖 sarx sw2a 24 1663 escape; run away m1b 亡 mja mjw1b 14 1668 shave (the head) dzjæn3 淨 dzjih dzje3b 19 1674 lick, lap dzri2 舐 djix zyje2b 15 1681 listen tæn1 聽(聽見) ti te1a 1 17 1688 spit tsri1 齝 t tri1a 1 2 1713 wash clothes se2(a) 洗 sidx sej2a 18 2 1726 think mi2 愐 mjianx mjien2b 26 2 1735 laugh s3 笑 sjawh sjew3a 7 2 1745 press; push down ja4 壓 rab æp4a 29 2 1749 to itch/tickle o2 癢 lax yj2b 14 1755 want; need o4 欲 luk yjowk4b 10 1799 weave; knit tr4 織 tjk tsyik4a 2 1802 swell tsre1 撐 tra træ1a 14 2 1803 use or lean on (a tr2 拄(拐杖) trjux trju2a 9 walking stick) 1804 cook; boil tsr2 煮 tjax tsyjo2a 12 1813 catch; capture kæ4 格 krak kæk4a 13 1829 thigh, hipbone quæ3 胯 krah kwæ3a 12 2 2105 paint tsji4 漆 tsjit tsit4a 19 2109 stomach of birds tsu3 嗉 sah su3a 12 Appendix 3: Layers of Sino-Bai Related Words within Swadesh 200 Basic Words [Notation: 1. YR= Yakhontov’s rank; 2. SR=Swadesh’s rank; 3. In Layer column, “O” indicates ‘the oldest layer’, while ‘L’=later borrowing.] Index Gloss PB Chinese OC MC OCr YR SR Layer 129 blood sua4 + 1 133 bone qua4 骨 kt kwot4a 22 + 1 O 1089 die sji2 死 sjidx sij2a 18 + 1 O 289 dog qua2 犬 kianx kwen2a 26 + 1 O 81 ear ? + 1 450 egg sen5 + 1 79 eye uen2 眼 ranx n2b 26 + 1 L 18 fire xui2 hjdx (< xjwj2a 21 + 1 O smjdx) 351 fish o1a 魚 ja jo1b 12 + 1 O? 984 full ? + 1 1345 give z3 + 1 107 hand sr2 手 stjwx srjuw2a 4 + 1 O 263 horn q4 角 kruk kæwk4a 10 + 1 O 928 i C-3 + 1 1798 know ? + 1 356 louse i4 虱 srjit srit4a 19 + 1 L 4 moon ua4 月 wjat jwot4b 25 + 1 O 687 name mjæ1 名 mji mjie1b 17 + 1 O 1050 new sjen1 新 sjin sin1a 20 + 1 O 80 nose ? + 1 797 one a4 + 1 43 stone dro4 石 djak dzyjek4b 13 + 1 O 2 sun i4 日 it nyi4b 19 + 1 O 267 tail ? + 1 942 this ? + 1 139 tongue dr4 舌 djat zyjet4b 25 + 1 O 137 tooth ? + 1 798 two ko2 兩 rax lj2b 14 + 1 O 47 water ui2 水 srdx srwij2a 21 + 1 L 954 what ? + 1 953 who ? + 1 214／Comparison of Languages in Contact 931 you n3 + 1 963 all ? 1 63 ash ? 1 1852 bark tree + skin 1 O 96 belly pju4 腹 pjkw pjuwk4a 5 1 O 964 big d5 大 dad d3b 1 L 326 bird tso4 雀 tsjak tsjk4a 13 1 O 1753 bite ? 1 1005 black 4 黑 hmk xok4a 2 1 O 94 breasts ba4 1 1269 burn sru1(a) 燒 skjaw srjew1a 1 L nji2(b) 燃 njan nyen1b L 307 claw ? 1 7 cloud 1b 雲 wjn hjun1b 23 1 L 1063 cold æ1 1 k1 1491 come ? 1 1370 drink 2 飲 jmx im2a 28 1 O? 2 1028 dry qa1 乾 kan kn1a 26 1 O 22 earth di3 地 diarh dij3b 24 1 O 1198 eat j4 食 djk zyik4b 2 1 O 299 feather ? 1 443 flesh æ1 膎 ri h1b 15 1 O 1318 fly pje1 飛 pjd pjwj1a 21 1 O 103 foot ko4 腳 kjak kjk4a 13 1 O 1052 good ? 1 445 grease, fat tsri1 脂 tjid tsyij1a 18 1 L 1009 green tsæn 青 tsi tse1a 17 1 O 75 hair a4 1 head + hair 74 head dj1 頭 du duw1b 9 1 O? 1681 hear tæn1 聽 ti te1a 17 1 O 144 heart sjen1 心 sjm sim1a 28 1 O 1062 hot e4 熱 at nyjep4b 25 1 L 1602 kill a4 殺 sriad srt4a 25 1 O 101 knee ? 1 376 leaf sr4 葉 *slep zyep4b 29 1 O 1661 lie down ? 1 Appendix 3: Layers of Sino-Bai related words within Swadesh 200 basic words／215 145 liver qa1 肝 kan kn1a 26 1 O 972 long dro1 長 drja drj1b 14 1 O 173 man tsi2 子 tsjx tsi2a 1 1 L 987 many tj1 1 23 mountain sren1 山 srian srn1a 26 1 L sro4 84 mouth ? 1 89 neck ? 1 752 night p2 1 1976 not [a35/a42/mo33] 1 38 path tju2 途 da du1b 1 L 167 person en1b 人 in nyin1b 20 1 O 10 rain r-wo2/4 雨 wjax hju2b 12 1 1007 red træ4 赤 skjiak tsyjek4a 13 1 O 375 root t4(a) 1 mi1a(b) 990 round uen1b 圓 wjan hjwen1b 26 1 O? 44 sand sr1 沙 srar sræ1a 24 1 O 1649 say sua4 說 stjuad srjwet4a 25 1 1471 see ? 1 405 seed tsru2 種 tjux tsyjow2a 11 1 L 1819 sit ko5 1 120 skin be1 皮 bjiar bje1b 24 1 O 1646 sleep ? 1 965 small ? 1 /little 19 smoke fire + *sjien1 1 1784 stand 1 5 star sjæn1 星 si se1a 17 1 O 1763 swim ? 1 948 that (far) ? 1 372 tree dr3 樹 djuh dzyju3b 9 1 O 1815 walk pe4 1 j4 930 we ? 1 1006 white bæ4 白 brak bæk4b 13 1 O 174 woman o2 女 nrjax njo2b 12 1 O 1008 yellow o1b 黃 wa hw1b 14 1 O 914 a year old sua4 歲 skwjadh sjwej3a 25 + 2 O 61 salt pren1 + 2 216／Comparison of Languages in Contact 9 wind pren1 風 pjm pjuwŋ1a 28 + 2 O 1830 and ? 2 1832 animal ? 2 91 back ? 2 1053 bad qu3 2 1826 because ? 2 1218 blow p1 2 1854 breath ? 2 169 child ? 2 1045 correct h1 2 1652 count ? 2 1468 cut ? 2 910 day i4 日 it nyi4b 19 2 O 1698 dig ? 2 1086 dirty ? 2 1835 dull ? 2 63 dust ? 2 1274 fall dua4 2 974 far tuen2 2 218 father bo2 父 bjax bju2b 12 2 O 1366 fear ? 2 988 few ? 2 1234 fight tæ4 2 801 five u2 五 ax u2b 12 2 O 1553 float b1 浮 bjw bjuw1b 4 2 O 1502 flow 1 流 rw ljuw1b 4 2 O 377 flower ? 2 16 fog ? 2 800 four sji4 四 sjidh sij3a 18 2 O 1550 freeze ? 2 378 fruit q2 2 436 grass ? 2 149 guts dro1 腸 drja drj1b 14 2 O he 2 1014 heavy dzru2 重 drjux drjow2b 11 2 L 944 here ? 2 1228 hit(a tæ4 打 2 person) 1528 hold/ take q4 2 957 how ? 2 Appendix 3: Layers of Sino-Bai related words within Swadesh 200 basic words／217 1230 hunt ? 2 247 husband ? 2 17 ice ‘snow’ 2 o1(b) 1827 if ? 2 1775 in ? 2 31 lake 1 湖 wa hu1b 12 2 L 1735 laugh s3 笑 sjawh sjew3a 7 2 L 710 left pri1 2 1829 leg quæ3 胯 krah kwæ3a 12 2 O 1087 live/alive ? 2 219 mother m2 母 mx muw2b 1 2 O 977 narrow træ4 窄 tsrak tsræk4a 13 2 O 975 near den2 2 1493 old ku2 老 rwx lw2b 4 2 O 1703 play ? 2 1487 pull di2 2 1689 push ? 2 711 right ? 2 30 river qo1 dro1(b) 江 kra kæw1a 41 2 O 619 rope so4 索 sak sk4a 13 2 O 1330 rot ? 2 1163 rub ? 2 1805 scratch ? 2 32 sea 1 湖 wa hu1b 12 2 L 1324 sew ? 2 992 sharp ？ 2 973 short ? 2 1184 sing ? 2 1 sky xen1 祆 hin xen1a 20 2 O 1707 smell tru1 2 994 smooth bæ1 平 bji bjæ1b 17 2 L 347 snake kro2 2 12 snow su4 雪 sjat sjwet4a 25 2 O 1688 spit tsri1 齝 t tri1a 1 2 L 1650 split pe1 披 par pje1a 24 2 O 1745 squeeze ja4 壓 rab p4a 29 2 O 1221 stab 2 586 stick ua4 2 1003 straight tuen1(a) 端 tan twn1a 26 2 L 218／Comparison of Languages in Contact 1648 suck tsji4 2 1802 swell tsre1 撐 tra træ1a 14 2 L 950 there ? 2 936 they ? 2 980 thick 2 厚 ux huw2b 9 2 O 981 thin ? 2 1726 think mi2 愐 mjianx mjien2b 26 2 L 799 three sa1 三 sm sm1a 28 2 O 1591 throw; ? 2 toss 1141 tie bjo4 縛 bjak bjwk4b 13 2 O 1806 turn duen5 轉 2 L 1535 vomit ku2 2 1713 wash se2(a) 洗 sidx sej2a 18 2 O? 1029 wet ? 2 955 where ? 2 976 wide qua4 闊 kd kwt4a 21 2 O 248 wife ? 2 298 wing ? 2 50 woods tree + group 2 353 worm dzru1 蟲 drjw drjuw1b 6 2 L Summary: Rank Sino-Bai related words Swadesh-1st 100 basic words 32 (Yahontov-35) 13 (+1?) 68 26 (+3?) 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Baiyu shi Hanbai yuzu de yizhi duli de yuyan [The Bai language is an independent language of Sino-Bai family]. In Shi & Pan (1999), 19-73. LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS is a department of the INSTITUTE OF LINGUISTICS, ACADEMIA SINICA. It furthers the Institute’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing pioneering articles and monographs in Linguistics and other related fields. All publications have been reviewed rigorously according to academic standards. Copyright © 2006 by INSTITUTE OF LINGUISTICS, ACADEMIA SINICA 128, Sec. 2, Academia Road, Nankang, Taipei 11529, Taiwan, R.O.C. http://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw All rights reserved. LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTICS MONOGRAPH SERIES B FRONTIERS IN LINGUISTICS III Wang Feng Comparison of Languages in Contact: The Distillation Method and the Case of Bai 《語言暨語言學》 《語言暨語言學》隸屬於中央研究院語言學研究所，以出版語言學及相關 領域之最新研究成果為宗旨。所有出版品均經過嚴格學術審查。 《語言暨語言學》專刊乙種之三 Comparison of Languages in Contact: The Distillation Method and the Case of Bai 汪 鋒 著 出版：中央研究院語言學研究所 發行：中央研究院語言學研究所 115 台北市 南港區 研究院路 2 段 128 號 http://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw 版權所有 翻印必究 印刷：文盛彩藝事業有限公司 初版：中華民國九十五年六月 [2006] 定價：新台幣300元／US$15 ISBN: 986-00-5228-X (平裝) GPN: 1009501270