sign in sign up
<<
Home , Head (linguistics), Specifier (linguistics), Syntax

CAS LX 522 X-bar parameters

Syntax I ¥ Many (most?) of the world have something like a basic order, an order in which come in in “neutral” sentences. ¥ English: SVO Ð Akira ate an apple. Week 5. movement ¥ Japanese: SOV Ð John wa ringo o tabeta. Ð John top apple acc ate Ð ‘John ate an apple.’

X-bar parameters X-bar parameters ¥ These two word ¥ Notice that in English, orders work nicely TP TP both V and T are head- TP TP initial, and in Japanese, with X-bar theory as DP T′ DP T′ DP T′ DP T′ it stands; the both V and T are head- difference can be Akira T VP John VP T final. In fact, languages Akira T VP John VP T stated in terms of a -ed -ta tend to be consistent in -ed -ta simple parameter V′ V′ their headedness: V′ V′ which differentiates Ð Japanese has V DP DP V postpositions, C comes V DP DP V tabe tabe languages as to eat after TP in embedded eat whether they are an apple ringo o … an apple ringo o head-initial or head- Ð English has prepositions; final. C comes before TP in embedded clauses…

X-bar parameters X-bar parameters ¥ By changing the order of the TP and the X′, we can get ¥ There are also languages in which the basic VOS order, and by changing the T′ DP is VOS, although they are few in order of both (with respect to number. English) we can get OVS order. T VP ny vehi- [PAST] vavay TP ¥ Malagasy: VOS V′ ¥ Malagasy: VOS T′ DP Ð Nahita ny mpianatra ny vehivavay. Ð Nahita ny mpianatra ny vehivavay. V DP Ð saw the student the woman nahita VP T bïrye- Ð saw the student the woman [PAST] Ð ‘The woman saw the student.’ ny mpia- komo Ð ‘The woman saw the student.’ ¥ Hixkaryana: OVS natra V′ Ð Kana yanïmno bïryekomo ¥ See how we might generate an X-bar DP V structure of this? Ð Fish caught boy yanïmno Ð ‘The boy caught a fish’ kana

1 X-bar parameters The problem of VSO languages

¥ So by changing the parameters of head- ¥ There are quite a number of languages, order and specifier-X′ order we however, for which the basic word order is can generate the following basic word VSO. Irish, Welsh, and are among orders: them. Ð SVO (spec-initial, head-initial) (English) Ð SOV (spec-initial, head-final) (Japanese) ¥ Try as we might, there is no way to set the Ð VOS (spec-final, head-initial) (Malagasy) X-bar parameters to get VSO order—we Ð OVS (spec-final, head-final) (Hixkaryana) have a specifier (the ) between the ¥ And that’s all… and its complement.

French French ¥ In French the is TP TP ¥ French presents a similar Ð Je mange souvent des pommes. problem; consider the DP T′ Ð I eat often of.the apples DP T′ English sentence Ð ‘I often eat apples.’ I T VP ¥ The souvent appears I T VP Ð I often eat apples. [PRES] [PRES] ′ between the verb and its ′ V complement; there is no place to V ¥ The adverb often is an AdvP V′ put it in this tree. AdvP V′ , attached at V′, ¥ Moreover, it should be basically in often V DP the same place as in English, given often V DP as seen here. eat eat apples the structural similarity and the apples sameness of meaning.

X-bar theory: A sham? Movement

¥ So is X-bar theory not up to the task of ¥ Consider English yes-no … being a universal principle of structure, despite its initial promise in ¥ To form a from a statement like: English (and Japanese and Malagasy and Ð Bill should eat his peas. Hixkaryana)? Should we scrap it and start ¥ We prepose the modal should to the front of over? the sentence, before the subject. Ð Should Bill eat his peas? ¥ Answer: No… There is a way we can ¥ Where is should in this sentence? salvage all the good stuff we’ve gotten from X-bar theory so far…

2 Movement Movement

Ð Should Bill eat his peas? ¥ All of this suggests that the way to look at ¥ There is one position in our sentence structures so far that this is that we start with the sentence… is to the left of the subject, the one where the complementizer that goes (C): Ð Bill should eat his peas Ð I said that Bill should eat his peas. ¥ …as usual, and if we’re forming a yes-no ¥ This is where we expect should to be. It is, after all, a question, we follow this up by moving modal, of category T. It is not a complementizer. should to the position of C. If we can’t ¥ Also notice that if we embed this question, should stays after the subject, and if is in C: move it (in an embedded question, there’s Ð I wonder if Bill should eat his peas. already something in C: if), it stays put.

Movement French

Ð Jean mange souvent des pommes. TP ¥ Given that things do seem to move around Ð Jean eats often of.the apples DS in the sentence (that is, they start where Ð ‘Jean often eat apples.’ DP T′ we’d expect them to but we hear them ¥ If we suppose that the French Jean somewhere else), this gives us a way we sentence starts out just like the T VP English sentence, we have the [PRES] might “save X-bar theory” from Irish and underlying DS (deep structure) V′ French. representation shown here. AdvP V′ ¥ Let’s go back and look at French with this ¥ What needs to happen to get the souvent V PP in … mange correct surface word order? des pommes

French Why does this happen? Ð Jean mange souvent des pommes. Ð Jean eats often of.the apples TP ¥ Why would a need to move its verb up to Ð ‘Jean often eat apples.’ SS tense? DP T′ ¥ Of course—the V (mange) ¥ In French, are marked for tense and Jean agreement— verbs look different from present moves up to the T position. Vi+T VP ¥ This always happens in French mange+[PRES] tense verbs, which look different from verbs. with a tensed/agreeing verb. V′ If the tense is in T ([PRES]), and the verb This generally doesn’t happen reflects this, somehow the verb needs to get together V′ in English. AdvP with T. ¥ French does this by moving the verb to T. ¥ Hence, the difference in souvent ti PP “adverb position” (really, of ¥ English does this by moving T (-ed) to the verb. course, it’s verb position) des pommes

3 Pondering about T Features

¥ In the DS of every matrix sentence (French or ¥ In general, as far as is concerned, we can think of the English or anything) there is a TP. things at the terminal nodes in our tree as being “bundles of features” or “collections of properties.” ¥ In the example Jean mange souvent des pommes, ¥ The T node has (by definition) the “is of category T” the tense marked on the verb is present tense. So, for one. Terminal nodes have categorial features, like [T]. we suppose that T was present, which we can ¥ The T node also has features indicating what kind of tense it mark as being [PRES], i.e. having the feature for is ([PRES], [FUT], [PAST], [-FIN]). “present” on tense. The present tense in ¥ The V node has features indicating its theta-grid, and so French is ¯, so the feature is clearer. forth.

Projections Projections ¥ When we say the category of the head of an X-bar phrase determines the category of the phrase as a whole ¥ One consequence of modeling category this way is (i.e. an N heads an NP, a D heads a DP, and so forth), that an XP node doesn’t have a category feature we sometimes refer to this as projection of the category intrinsically, it essentially inherits it from its head. feature (property). ¥ For this reason, an XP (a phrase, a projection) must ¥ A DP is a DP because the [D] feature of its head always have a head. projects up to the phrase level (and through the intermediate bar-levels as well). ¥ For similar reasons, we also assume that an XP can’t have two heads—only one head projects its features ¥ For this reason, XPs are sometimes referred to as to the XP. “projections (of their head)”.

What happens when What happens when V moves to T? V moves to T? TP TP ¥ If we think that V moves to T SS ¥ The T and V must fuse in some SS in order to get the verb together ′ way, retaining the features of T, ′ with the tense feature, then DP T since the tense feature of T is DP T certainly V cannot replace T. T why the verb needed to move Vi+T VP Vi+T VP must still be there, with its mange+[PRES] up there. mange+[PRES] tense feature. V′ V′ ¥ In fact the features of T must AdvP V′ AdvP V′ ¥ Moreover, if T were replaced still be primary, since a phrase

by V, the TP wouldn’t be a TP ti PP cannot have two heads and it ti PP any longer, would it? remains a TP (not a VP).

4 What happens when What happens when V moves to T? V moves to T? ¥ To show that V attaches to T, TP ¥ This structure that is formed in this way is but that T remains primary, this SS a complex head. It’s a head (T) with DP T′ is drawn in the tree structure another head (V) attached to it. T like this. T VP ¥ Importantly, it’s still a T head, it still heads the TP. It just has a V attached to it. Vi T ′ mange [PRES] ¥ We say that V head-adjoins Vi T V ¥ The tree structure shown is the normal (attaches, head-to-head) to T. mange [PRES] convention for drawing this, so we will ′ AdvP V follow this convention. This will require a bit of concentration. This is one head, ti PP there is one T—with a V attached.

What happens when What happens when V moves to T? V moves to T? ¥ Last year I experimented with introducing ¥ We should also consider what TP a convention of drawing the connection happens to the VP from which SS DP T′ between the “two T’s” in the diagram T the V moved. differently to help reinforce the idea that ¥ This too is still a VP, it must T VP it’s not a normal mother-daughter Vi T still have a head. relationship. mange [PRES] ′ ¥ We notate the original location Vi T V ¥ I will try to continue this tradition this year, of the V by writing t (standing mange [PRES] ′ using a double-line (to evoke the idea of an for “trace” left behind by the AdvP V extra-strong connection), although outside original V), and we co-index ti PP this class you will almost always see it the V and trace to indicate their drawn as a regular line. relationship.

What happens when What happens when V moves to T? V moves to T? ¥ Since the VP is still a VP, it still TP ¥ What has changed is that the TP gets a [V] category feature SS original verb is now related to a SS projected up from its head. DP T′ higher position in the tree, and DP T′ for many purposes, the top ¥ So the trace is still a verb. T VP T VP ¥ In fact, there’s no reason to copy in the tree is considered to ′ be primary. ′ suppose that any of the features Vi T V Vi T V of the original verb have been mange [PRES] mange [PRES] ′ ′ removed given that [V] is still AdvP V ¥ What we have created by AdvP V there. moving the verb is a chain of ti PP ti PP ¥ We write it as t, but its content positions in the tree that the has not really changed. verb has occupied.

5 What happens when Why does V move to T? V moves to T? ¥ When we think of moved TP ¥ “The verb and tense have to get together” is what I elements in SS and LF SS said before, but we can this question a little DP T′ structures, we will often need to bit more. consider the chain of positions; this is usually written like: T VP ¥ Think about the English past tense morpheme, generated in (originating in, at DS) T, which V T V′ i we’ve written as -ed. ( Vi , ti ) mange [PRES] AdvP V′ ¥ We wrote it this way because it isn’t a whole word, ¥ referring to the two positions t PP it is the regular past tense suffix that appears i attached to verbs. held by Vi and ti in the structure here.

Why does V move to T? Why does V move to T?

¥ Similarly in French, regular tense is realized ¥ In English, the tense affix (e.g., -ed) moves down as a suffix on the verb. to the verb rather than the verb moving up to T. ¥ One productive way of thinking about why the verb and tense need to get together is that tense is a verbal suffix. ¥ However, the negative marker not blocks this ¥ By definition, a verbal suffix can’t stand on its own, it movement—for reasons that are controversial, but needs a verb to attach to. we can state the fact as a stipulation (not ¥ That is, the “need” for the verb and tense to get together otherwise derived from our system) like so: isn’t something that the verb needs, it’s something that ¥ Affix lowering is blocked by the presence of not tense needs. A verbal suffix needs a verb to attach to. in English. ¥ If tense is “stranded” with no verb, the result is morphologically ill-formed = ungrammatical.

Why does V move to T? Why does V move to T?

¥ What happens in negative sentences in English, then, ¥ We can state the rule like this: is that the tense affix is “stranded” up in T; it can’t ¥ Do-insertion lower to the verb because not is “in the way”. When there is no other way to support ¥ Bill -ed not buy cheese. (DS) inflectional affixes in T, insert the dummy ¥ As a “last resort”, English has a rule which salvages verb do into T. this situation by inserting the meaningless verb do to ¥ Bill did not buy cheese. “support the tense affix”— do is only there to provide ¥ In this sentence, the verb has not moved up to something for -ed to affix to. T nor has T moved down to V. And we see no ¥ Bill did not buy cheese. (SS) tense suffix on the verb as a result.

6 Why does V move to T? Why does V move to T?

¥ English has two special verbs which do move to T, ¥ Notice that if there is something in T already, like the auxiliary verbs have and be in English. a modal, then the verb doesn’t move up to T. Ð Bill is sloppily eating apples. ¥ John might not be eating apples. Ð Bill is not eating apples. ¥ And moreover, the verb has no tense inflection. Ð *Bill sloppily is eating apples. Ð *Bill not is eating apples. ¥ This all suggests that the view that it is the affix in Ð *Bill did not be eating apples. T which causes V to move to T. The verb is happy Ð Bill has not eaten the apples. not to move, but will move when it can in order to Ð *Bill not has eaten the apples. help T out. ¥ There are requirements on T, not on V.

A word on auxiliaries A word on auxiliaries

¥ English has two auxiliary (“helping”) verbs have ¥ The DS of a sentence with an TP and be, which are not the main verbs of a sentence would be DS DP T′ but generally serve to indicate differences in something like this, where the verbal aspect (progressive, past perfect, …). auxiliary verb heads a VP, and T VP takes the main verb’s VP as its -ed complement. V′ ¥ These auxiliary verbs are verbs, but they have ¥ Notice that we are treating the special properties. Among these properties: they V VP past participle eaten as just a have move to T, and they have no theta-roles to assign. special kind of verb. This is V′ good enough for present purposes. V … eaten

A word on auxiliaries English yes-no questions

¥ The DS of a sentence with an TP ¥ Now, let’s go back and think about English yes-no auxiliary verb would be SS questions, which we took originally to be DP T′ something like this, where the motivation that movement occurs. auxiliary verb heads a VP, and V +T VP Ð Bill will buy cheese. takes the main verb’s VP as its i have+-ed Ð Will Bill buy cheese? complement. V′ ¥ What’s happening here? Well, we saw earlier that ¥ Notice that we are treating the it is reasonable to think that the modal will, which past participle eaten as just a ti VP special kind of verb. This is starts out in T, moves to C in questions. V′ good enough for present Ð Willi Bill ti buy cheese? purposes. V … eaten

7 English yes-no questions ¯+Q

¥ Why does this movement happen? SS ¥ Incidentally, lots of languages have an overt CP question morpheme, which adds plausibility ¥ By analogy with the motivation for C′ to our assumption that English has a V-to-T movement, we will take C question morpheme in C that is just null. to hold a special (this time silent, Ti+C TP Ð Akira ga hon o kaimasita ka? (Japanese) or perhaps prosodic) affix that will+¯+Q must be joined up with T. This DP T′ Ð Akira top book acc bought Q affix is the “question” morpheme, Bill t Ð ‘Did Akira buy the book?’ of category C, which we can write i VP as ¯ . +Q buy cheese

English yes-no questions T to C

¥ Also notice that if there is an overt question ¥ In English, anything that would be in T moves to morpheme there in English (which happens C. So, modals and auxiliaries all “invert” around in embedded questions), there is no need to the subject: move T to C: Ð Will Bill buy cheese? Ð Is Bill buying cheese? Ð I asked if Bill will buy cheese. Ð Has Bill bought cheese? Ð *I asked (if) will Bill buy cheese. ¥ But main verbs never raise to T in English. Consider then: Ð Did Bill buy cheese?

T to C Negation

Ð Did Bill buy cheese? ¥ We’ve used negation as a test, like (in fact usually ¥ Why is there a do there? Before, we only saw do better than) to see if the verb appears to the in sentences with not, inserted because the tense left (suggesting it has raised, in a head-initial language) or to the right (suggesting it has not raised). affix couldn’t “reach” the verb, blocked by not. ¥ Negation acts a little bit different from adverbs in a ¥ What seems to be the case is that if T moves to C few ways. One way negation acts different is that (that is, the past tense suffix -ed in this case), it negation blocks affix lowering in English but adverbs also gets too far away from the verb (now Bill is don’t (in the tree, both come between T and V at DS): between the suffix and the verb), and Do-insertion Ð Bill did not buy cheese. is required. Ð Bill never buys cheese. Ð Bill quickly bought cheese.

8 NegP French negation ¥ A common view of negation is that it has its ¥ In , the negation of a sentence own projection, a NegP, headed by a negative NegP morpheme. For example, something like this. generally involves a morpheme ne placed before the tensed verb and a morpheme pas placed after it, as in: ¥ Interestingly, negation sometimes comes “in Neg′ Ð Jean ne mange pas des pommes. two parts”, with two implicated Ð Jean NE eats NOT of.the apples in negation. NegP has in principle two Neg positions available for negative morphemes, Ð ‘Jean doesn’t eat apples.’ its specifier and its head. ¥ However, English gives us reason to believe (assuming NegP is in the same place in the tree in both languages) ¥ Standard French ne…pas is an example of that NegP comes between TP and VP: this which we’ll look at now. Ð Bill will not eat apples.

French negation French negation

¥ A common view of how French TP ¥ How do we get the correct TP negation looks at DS is like this, with DS word order? DS ne being a morpheme of category ′ ′ Neg, heading a NegP with pas in its DP T DP T specifier. ¥ We know that V needs to move T NegP T NegP [PRES] to T, but wouldn’t this yield: [PRES] ¥ For the moment, we won’t concern pas Neg′ Ð Jean mange pas ne des pommes. pas Neg′ ourselves with the categorial status ? of pas; clearly it must be an XP of Neg VP ¥ You’d think so, yet the facts tell Neg VP some kind itself, maybe also of ne ne category Neg, but it never heads the us that we actually get: V′ V′ main NegP in a sentence. I’ll write it Ð Jean ne mange pas des pommes. just as pas in the specifier. V PP V PP

French negation French negation ¥ Note that we take ne to be a ¥ Suppose, however, that the verb TP TP moves first to Neg, and then DS prefix (not a suffix), which moves up to T… ′ means when we create the ′ DP T complex head, the verb adjoins DP T T NegP on the right. T NegP ¥ What will happen first is that [PRES] ¥ Now, the verb still needs to [PRES] the V will head-adjoin to Neg, pas Neg′ move to T, but it is attached to pas Neg′ creating a complex head… the Neg now… so the Neg Neg Neg VP moves to T. VP ne ′ ¥ Complex heads move as a unit. Neg Vi ′ V ne V You can’t “dis-attach” a head

V PP from a complex head. ti PP

9 French negation French negation ¥ This final movement ends up with the verb close enough to TP SS ¥ So, we see that assuming that ne is the head of the tense suffix to satisfy the NegP in French (with pas in the specifier), and DP T′ requirement that tense have a assuming that the verb “stops off” to attach to Neg verbal host, while at the same T NegP before moving (now as a part of the complex Neg time “taking ne along” to get head) up to T, we get the right word order. us the right word order. Negj T pas Neg′ [PRES] Ð Jean ne mange pas… Neg V t ne i j VP ¥ Note that, since *Jean mange pas ne des pommes is ungrammatical, we also know that the verb has V′ to stop off at Neg on the way up.

ti PP

Head Movement Constraint Colloquial French?

¥ This is an example which motivated the ¥ It turns out that the negation morpheme ne that we hypothesis that head movement is constrained by suppose is the head of the NegP projection is the Head Movement Constraint (or HMC) which actually generally optional (or even preferentially says that when a head moves to another head, it omitted in colloquial French)—yet pas doesn’t act any differently (i.e. it doesn’t get “picked up” by cannot “skip” over a head inbetween. So, the the verb on the way up to T instead of ne). reason the verb stops at Neg is because Neg is ¥ What this suggests is that colloquial French has a between where V began and T. null morpheme which is the head of NegP—that ¥ Head Movement Constraint pas is still in SpecNegP, but the head is ¯ instead A head cannot move over another head. of ne.

English negation English negation ¥ A common view of English negation is actually ¥ Not doesn’t act this way, though—and often an extension of this: Many people consider not sounds a bit archaic: to be in the specifier of NegP, with a null head. Ð Has Bill not bought cheese yet? ¥ However, sometimes English negation does Ð Hasn’t Bill bought cheese yet? appear to be the head of NegP, when it’s “contracted” as -n’t. ¥ There are lots of interesting questions about Ð Isn’t Bill hungry? negation in English and other languages—we can’t pursue them here any ¥ Notice that when the verb moved to T and then further, but this is a good first to C, it seems to have carried negation along. approximation to how negation works.

10 Irish Back to VSO ¥ In support of verb movement, consider: Ð Phóg Máire an lucharachán. ¥ Now, let’s return to the question of VSO order in languages like Irish (remember that?). Recall that Ð kissed Mary the leprechaun we started off with the observation that there isn’t Ð ‘Mary kissed the leprechaun.’ any way to “generate VSO order” at DS using X- bar rules because V and O are sisters at DS. Ð Tá Máire ag-pógáil an lucharachán. Ð Is Mary ing-kiss the leprechaun ¥ However, now that we have verb movement at our disposal, we could certainly derive VSO like this: Ð ‘Mary is kissing the leprechaun.’ ¥ We find that if an auxiliary occupies the verb slot at the ¥ DS: Subject Verb beginning of the sentence, the main verb appears ¥ SS: Verbi Subject ti Object between the subject and verb—it remains, unmoved. ¥ This suggests that deriving VSO from SVO is on the right track.

VSO order in Irish VSO order in Irish

¥ Where is the verb moving to, though? ¥ Except, consider these: ¥ The verb ends up to the left of the subject, Ð An bhfaca tú an madra? which in English we took to be movement Ð Q See you the dog to C: Ð ‘Did you see the dog?’ Ð Will Bill buy cheese? ¥ A natural thing to suppose is that the verb Ð Duirt mé gur phóg Máire an lucharachán. moves to T and then to C in Irish to get Ð Said I that kissed Mary the leprechaun VSO order. Ð ‘I said that Mary kissed the leprechaun.’ ¥ If the verb moves to C, where are an and gur?

VSO order in Irish A VP-internal subject?

¥ One possibility that this suggests is CP ¥ In English (and German and other languages) that the verb is only moving to T, but SS if there is something in C, the verb doesn’t the subject is actually lower than C′ move there (it doesn’t need to): T—and we have a place in our tree Ð Is Bill hungry? which hasn’t been used yet, the C TP specifier of VP. Ð Should Bill be hungry? T′ Ð I wonder if Bill is hungry. ¥ But what about English? We expect that DS looks pretty much the same T+V VP ¥ But in Irish, we see an overt complementizer across languages, so why does the i followed by VSO. subject seem to start in different DP V′ places in Irish and English? ti …

11 A VP-internal subject? A VP-internal subject?

Ð All the students will leave. ¥ Actually, though, there’s some reason CP CP to think that in English the subject DS Ð The students will all leave. DS originates in SpecVP too, contrary to C′ Ð *The students will leave all. C′ what we’ve been assuming—and ¥ First of all, all the students looks like moves to SpecTP. C TP the basic form—this is what the C TP ¥ One for this concerns the second sentence means, but the all T′ T′ “floating quantifier” all. has somehow “floated off”. Ð All the students will leave. T VP ¥ However, if the subject moves from T VP Ð The students will all leave. SpecVP to SpecTP and if the students Ð *The students will leave all. DP V′ can move, leaving all behind, then all DP V′ ¥ Where can all be found? got left behind in SpecVP. V … V …

A VP-internal subject? The Italian DP ¥ The movement of DPs (like subjects) will be the topic of next week’s class, CP DS ¥ Remember earlier (not so long ago, really), but this idea the subject appears in we supposed that proper could be of SpecVP in Irish (and indeed in English) C′ is not implausible. category D, but yet we observed that in C TP some languages, it is possible (even ¥ Note: For this week’s homework, feel T′ obligatory) to say the Bill (rather than Bill, free to continue drawing your DS as if as we say in English). the subject originates in SpecTP. Since T VP we haven’t talked about the details of ¥ Let’s take a look at Italian, which has this DP V′ “NP” (DP) movement, you need not property. concern yourself with it… yet. V …

The Italian DP The Italian DP ¥ In Italian, in many cases, there is simply an option (stylistically governed) as to whether you say The Gianni ¥ However, there is a difference with respect to the or just Gianni: order of and the depending on which one you use. Ð Gianni mi ha telefonato. Ð L’ antica Roma Ð E’venuto il vecchio Cameresi. Ð Gianni me has telephoned Ð the ancient Rome Ð came the older Cameresi Ð ‘Gianni called me up.’ Ð ‘Ancient Rome’ Ð *Antica Roma Ð *E’venuto vecchio Cameresi. Ð Il Gianni mi ha telefonato. Ð ancient Rome Ð came older Cameresi Ð the Gianni me has telephoned Ð Roma antica Ð E’venuto Cameresi vecchio. Ð ‘Gianni called me up.’ Ð Rome ancient Ð came Cameresi older

12 The Italian DP And English? ¥ So, in Italian, there seems to be pretty good evidence ¥ But this makes perfect sense, if what that the N raises to D. is happening in the cases where there SS ¥ In English, adjectives can sometimes be found with is no is that the N is DP moving up to D (just like V moves up proper names, and they precede it: to T in the main ), and when D′ Ð Good old John there is a determiner, the N stays put. Ð Ancient Rome NP Ð L’ antica Roma D+Ni ¥ However, in English, we can never have a determiner with a proper (*The Mary). Ð the ancient Rome N′ ¥ For now, all we can conclude is that English lacks a AdjP N′ (null affixal) determiner that causes , but Italian Ð Roma antica *Antica Roma has it. Later, we might be able to revise this in light of Ð Rome ancient ancient Rome ti … further discussion.

Wrapup 

¥ So, what we’ve seen is basically that there is an   operation of head movement which can take the head of an XP and attach it (head-adjoin) it to a  higher head.   ¥ This kind of movement cannot skip over   intervening heads in the structure (HMC). ¥ We’ve seen V-to-T movement, T-to-C movement,  and N-to-D movement as examples of this. 

For next time:

¥ Read: Ð Chapter 8 ¥ Homework: Ð Chapter 8: problems 1(abde), 2, 4 Ð One problem (“VP deletion”) not from the textbook.

13