Identity politics and the contentious interactions of the Argentine debate Collective gender identity and the morality of human rights

Maïte Karstanje Supervisor and first reader: MSc Eva van Roekel Second reader: Dr. Robert Jan van der Veen Master thesis Political Science, specialization International Relations June 2015 Index

1. Preface p. 2 2. Introduction p. 3 3. Methodology p. 8 a. 3.1 Qualitative Content Analysis p. 8 b. 3.2 Semi-structured interviews p. 10 4. Theoretical framework p. 12 a. 4.1 Contentious politics p. 12 b. 4.2 Collective identity p. 13 i. 4.2.1 Female identity p. 13 ii. 4.2.2 Moralities of human rights p. 16 c. 4.3 Identity politics p. 19 5. Setting the stage p. 23 a. 5.1 Motherhood p. 23 b. 5.2 Pro-abortion movements p. 25 6. The construction of female identity p. 28 a. 6.1 Feminist identity p. 28 b. 6.2 Motherhood p. 31 c. 6.3 and the patriarchal state p. 33 7. Morality debates of human rights p. 37 a. 7.1 The right to life p. 37 b. 7.2 Mutual use of human rights p. 40 c. 7.3 The right to decide p. 41 d. 7.4 Strategical use of human rights p. 43 8. Conclusion and discussion p. 46 9. References p. 51 10. Appendix 1 – References QCA p. 56

1 1. Preface

A todos activistas que me ayudaron y me inspiraron, muchas gracias por las charlas inspiradoras. Sus luchas personales y políticas me abrieron los ojos a la realidad en que nosotros estamos viviendo.

I would like to dedicate this master thesis to the pro-abortion activists who inspired me academically and personally in being critical upon the way our society is constructed. Without the activists, who always received me warmly and were a big help in developing contacts, this thesis would not have been possible.

Researching and analyzing the situation regarding abortion in Argentina was an intense and a moving process. Through this process I not only developed a better academic understanding of researching social movements and the concept of collective identity, it also motivated me to be more actively aware of my female identity as well as to participate in the collective struggle that we share as women.

Furthermore, I would like to thank my supervisor Eva van Roekel who shared her knowledge of Argentina, and helped me develop a better understanding of the Argentine situation. I want to thank her as well for motivating me to develop certain striking tensions further, which inspired me to critically analyze and develop these perspectives.

I am grateful for my queridos amigos de Argentina for bringing me in contact with pro-abortion activists before arrival, through which my research started to take off. Especially to Eva Colombo for her help with contacts, as well as for always being a soundboard for discussing doubts and ideas.

Finally, I would like to thank my mother, my sister Camie and my fellow student Brigitte for constantly enabling me to discuss my thoughts.

2 2. Introduction

In the report ‘Illusions of Care: Lack of Accountability for in Argentina’, Human Rights Watch (2010: 10) states that the leading cause of maternal mortality in Argentina are the complications of unsafe . Human Rights Watch (2010: 11) mentions official figures in which it is estimated that in Argentina 40 percent of per year end in illegal abortions, resulting in 460,000 illegal abortions a year. The same number was mentioned in the ‘Guía Técnica para la Atención Integral de los Abortos No Punibles’ [Technical Guide for Comprehensive Care for Legal Abortions] of the Argentine ministry of health (2007), this guide also stated that in Argentina around a 100 women die each year because of the complications of abortion, caused by the unsafe procedures of illegal abortions.

Under certain circumstances, however, abortion is legal in Argentina. In the second paragraph of article 86 of the Argentine criminal code, the exceptions of legal abortion are stated. It is stated that the abortion performed by a licensed physician with the consent of the pregnant women, is not punishable: 1) if it is done in order to avoid danger to the life or health of the mother and if this danger cannot be avoided by other means; 2) if the is a result of a rape or an assault on an idiot or an insane woman. In the second case, the consent of the legal representative in the form of a signature has to be required for the abortion. (Ministerio de la Salud, 2007) Nevertheless, there is a discrepancy between law and practice. Very few of such legal abortions are actually carried out, because women are often unaware of the legal circumstances in which they could obtain a legal abortion, or because complicated procedures and hostile service providers obstruct women in health and justice systems (Human Rights Watch, 2010). Often the cases end up in court, where the court has to decide whether the abortion should be allowed. This over-judicialization of legal abortion is caused by doctors being unaware of the law, as well as by the fear of doctors of what the legal and social consequences would be when providing health services like abortion (Human Rights Watch, 2010). This delay can have consequences for women as the legal procedures take up a lot of time, while an abortion is the safest when it is undertaken within eight weeks of the pregnancy.

In Argentina a controversy exists around the theme of abortion, as abortion is only legal under 3 strict circumstances, while very unheard of by many women, and even legally feared by doctors, this can lead to the shaming of women and to the prevention of women obtaining legal abortions (Human Rights Watch, 2010). As stated above, it can be difficult for Argentine women to obtain an abortion, therefore it can be imagined how much of these 460.000 annual illegal abortions are practiced in sketchy circumstances with risky procedures. As (illegal) abortion is such a pressing issue in Argentine society, the social relevance of this case-study is more than evident. This research will be derived from a constructivist perspective, through which the construction of female identity in the contentious politics of the will be analyzed. This will show how womanhood is a heterogeneous concept in which a lot of tensions exist. Not only the collective identity is constructed through the interaction of contentious politics, the morality debates of human rights are as well strategic constructions. This indicates that concepts as human rights and female identity are not so nuanced as presented in the academic world, making the topic academically relevant as well.

To understand abortion in Argentine society, the social importance of motherhood must be stressed. This aspect of womanhood has been emphasized, and the role of women as a mother is encouraged (Sutton, 2010). The Catholic Church has been an important actor in the promotion of motherhood and the glorification of maternal bodies (Sutton, 2010). The Catholic Church not only influences the values of the Argentine society but also influences the policies of the Argentine government (Sutton, 2010; Di Marco, 2011; Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004). This intertwinement between State and Church has profoundly influenced the way that motherhood is perceived in Argentina, and has led to a gender ideal that glorifies motherhood. Therefore, it can be imagined that this gender ideal has influenced how abortion is perceived and judged. As the emphasis on motherhood has a deep origin in Argentine society, its interesting tension with abortion [which can be perceived as the anti-motherhood] can be stated, which provided a motive for this research.

During the 1970s several organizations with feminist orientations emerged in Argentina, these organizations were critical upon the authoritarianism and the subordination of women in society, the household, as well as the Catholic Church (Waylen, 1994, Bastian Duarte, 2012). From 1987 onwards, organizations that focused specifically on abortion emerged, which were active in 4 organizing workshops and campaigns on the depenalization of abortion (Di Marco, 2011). These organizations mainly emphasize the social control and the autonomy of the female body from a feminist perspective; framing abortion as a matter of social justice (Sutton, 2010, Ferree, 2003). This feminist identity is an important collective identity that unifies the pro-abortion social movements, as it upholds solidarity and commitment (Polletta and Jasper, 2001), as well as it influences the content and direction of contention of these social movements (Baud and Rutten, 2004). Thus, the perspective of pro-abortion social movements on female identity influences their actions and strategies, a finding that will be present as well in the results of this research.

Pro-abortion social movements, thus, aim to challenge the dominant cultural views regarding female identity. These contentious interactions are at the core of social movements (Baud and Rutten, 2004), as existing power holders are challenged in the name of a certain group that is being harmed or threatened with harm (McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly, 1996). The pro-abortion social movements perform contentious politics in the name of women who should have the right to choose over their own bodies, challenging the existing power holders, such as the Argentine state, and the Catholic Church. This interaction is of importance as social movements develop and emerge in relation with other actors (van Drunen, 2010). McAdam et al. (1996) propose a constructivist approach of contentious politics theory in which theories on collective identities and social networks are brought together. To furtherly collaborate on this insight of McAdam et al. (1996), I propose a constructivist perspective in which (powerful) institutions are perceived as social-cultural constructions, through which norms and practices are dispersed. I opt for this approach as social movements and their power-struggles are no rigid entities, rather they are constantly (re)constructed and fluid through their interaction. Interaction is important for the construction of collective identities, as it requires some kind of affirmation or ratification of other actors with their own collective identities (Amenta and Young, 1999). Thus, not only pro- abortion social movements use a certain female identity, opponents will do this as well.

In the above it has been explained how different constructions of female identity are present in the abortion debate in Argentina; the traditional female identity exists that focuses upon motherhood and the family, in contrast there also exist the feminist identity that focuses upon women‘s freedom, equality and the right to decide. These different female identities co-exist and 5 mutually influence each other in Argentine society, and in the Argentine abortion debate, therefore I have analyzed them both. For the more traditional female identity of the opponents of abortion the right to life of the baby is pivotal, defending the morality of the human right for a dignified life (Morán Faúndes, 2013; Laudano, 2011). However, pro-abortion social movements have constructed another female identity, as it focuses upon women’s autonomy and the right to control one’s own body, on the morality of the human right to decide (Ferree, 2003). Thus, the opponents and proponents both use different constructions of the morality of human rights, which are interrelated with their collective identities. However, how do these constructions of collective identity and morality interact in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate? This has not been researched before.

It has been researched before how motherhood is an emphasized aspect of female identity in Argentina (Sutton, 2010, Craske, 1999), it has as well been researched how pro-abortion social movements have emphasized autonomy and control as important aspects of female identity (Sutton, 2010, Ferree, 2003). However, this division between the traditional female and feminist identity is not that rigid, as it cannot be stated that feminists are anti-mothers. Instead this thesis provides a more nuanced understanding of the collective gender identity of pro-abortion social movements, and how they incorporate traditional values as motherhood into this female identity. Womanhood is much more complex and nuanced than the label of women’s movements explains, as the female identity is not homogenous and rather implies a lot of tensions. This heterogeneity of the female identity has not been researched and analyzed sufficiently which makes it an academic relevant topic. Therefore the focus of this master thesis will be the various constructs of womanhood with regard to the abortion debate in Argentina. Moreover, it provides an insight in the influence of different morality debates of human rights on the contentious politics of pro-abortion movements. In so doing, theories on contentious politics, identity politics, and female identity have been combined. This combination of different theoretical debates provides an understanding of how female identities as well as human rights are heterogeneous constructions that imply tensions and that can be used strategically. Hence, the focus is upon the following research question: ‘How do constructions of the morality of human rights and female identity interact in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate in (and around) Buenos Aires and ?’ 6

This has been researched by a combination of qualitative content analysis and semi-structured interviews. With the qualitative content analysis, the differently constructed morality debates of human rights that are connected to a certain constructed female identity were unraveled. Therefore the material that has been posted online by proponents and opponents has been analyzed. I have used semi-structured interviews to research the influence of these constructions on the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate. By combining these two methods, a clear view emerged of how female identity is regarded and related to abortion in this debate. Moreover, by triangulating the results of these two methods, the importance of the different morality debates of human rights emerged. It exposes how these conflicting ideas, values, and discourses interact and influence the contentious politics of the pro-abortion social movements.

This master thesis will firstly discuss the data gathering process; the choice for the methods qualitative content analysis and semi-structured interviews will be explained. It explains as well the advantages and disadvantages of these methods. Secondly, the relevant theoretical framework will be discussed, as an explanation will be given of the importance of the constructivist approach of contentious politics theory. This will be connected to the collective identities of social movements, which for this case-study will be connected to the female identity and to the different morality debates of human rights. Thirdly, the relevant Argentine context for the case-study will be discussed in the ‘setting the stage’ chapter. The emergence of women’s movements in Argentina will be explained and connected to motherhood, after which the emergence of the pro-abortion social movements will be discussed. Fourthly, the results will be presented in two chapters: chapter six on the construction of female identity, and chapter seven on the construction of the morality of human rights. Finally, in the conclusion the results of the research will be linked to the theoretical framework, through which a final conclusion and further recommendations will be given.

7 3. Methodology

In this research the choice has been made to combine two methods; qualitative content analysis (QCA) and semi-structured interviews. With the QCA, the morality debates of human rights have been analyzed and connected to the female identity that proponents and opponents of abortion construct in their contentious politics. With the semi-structured interviews, the influence of these debates on the pro-abortion social movements has been researched. This allowed for the research of the contentious interaction of pro-abortion social movements and their opponents with regard to the female identity, as well as the influence of these contentious interactions on the pro-abortion social movements. I have chosen for two qualitative methods, as the research focuses upon the construction and the strategic use of these debates, in which it is of importance how words and concepts are used and interpreted. As this research proposal focuses upon the pro-abortion social movements in (and around) Buenos Aires and La Plata, the research design of a case-study has been chosen. Through this research design an in-depth examination of the situation has been conducted to clarify the unique characteristics of this case (Bryman, 2008: 53). In this upcoming chapter, a further explanation will be given of the chosen methodology, its research sample, and the advantages and disadvantages of the research methods.

3.1 Qualitative Content Analysis Qualitative content analysis (QCA), also called ethnographic content analysis, consists of the searching of underlying themes in the materials (Bryman, 2008: 529). Hsieh and Shannon (2005: 1278) define QCA in the following way: ‘... qualitative content analysis is defined as a research method for the subjective interpretation of the content of text data through the systematic classification process of coding and identifying themes or patterns.’ In this definition it also comes forward how the researcher looks for themes or patterns in the materials. However, quantitative content analysis also systematically classifies data, what is then the difference between the qualitative and the quantitative version? Quantitative content analysis employs the application of predefined categories to the sources, however, even though qualitative content analysis does entail the application of some initial categorization, there is the possibility of refining the categories and generating new ones during the analysis (Bryman, 2008: 531). Thus, QCA is a process in which the researchers move back and forth between the conceptualization, 8 the collection of the data, the analysis, and the interpretation (Bryman, 2008: 531). In this hermeneutic approach, this movement is of importance as a linkage is made between the social and historical context of the text’s production, and understanding the perspective of the author of the text (Bryman, 2008: 533). The goal is to be systematic and analytic, without being inflexible, as it is allowed and expected that other categories emerge during the study (Altheide, 1987: 68). QCA has been chosen instead of a critical discourse analysis as the focus is not upon the discourse of the proponents and opponents, thus emphasizing the role of language, rather it is upon the content of the constructions of the collective identity and the morality of human rights (Merkl-Davies, Brennan and Vourvachis, 2014).

On the one hand, the research sample of the QCA is primary sources published online by the opponents of abortion, all Catholic organizations. On the other hand, the research sample of the QCA is primary sources published online by the proponents of abortion, thus the pro-abortion social movements, feminists and their organizations. A purposive sampling has been chosen, which is a strategic manner of sampling that provides the researcher with a variety in the resulting sample (Bryman, 2008). Purposive sampling, also known as judgmental or selective sampling, focuses upon particular characteristics of the population of interest and thus not randomly selects its sample (Lund and Lund, 2012). This was of use for the research sample of the QCA, as the focus was upon the constructed debate by one population of interest, the proponents, and to compare it with another population of interest, the opponents.

I have chosen for this method, as it has allowed to analyze the constructions of female gender identities used by opponents and proponents of abortion, without being stuck to previously determined categories. During the research there appeared results which were not expected beforehand, therefore it was possible to be flexible and incorporate these new categories for further analysis. An example of this modification is that before the analysis of the opponents’ categories as ‘motherhood’ and ‘family’ were expected. However, during the research categories as ‘the human right to life’ and ‘the defense of the life of the child’ were encountered regularly, after which these categories have been added. This is of importance as it prevented being led by the categories that have been encountered during the previously done theoretical research. However, even though this flexibility is an asset, the qualitative character of the content analysis 9 also complicated the systemization of the results as no exact counting of the categories or documents that were analyzed was possible. Therefore the analysis is more intuitive as the researcher was led by the data.

3.2 Semi-structured Interviews The semi-structured interviews have been chosen instead of structured or unstructured interviews, as the interviews are conducted with a guideline, in the form of an interview guide, in which a set of topics are included that the interviewer wants to discuss. However, this type of interview also gives room for the interviewer to ask questions that are previously not added to the interview guide, depending on the answers of the interviewee (Bryman, 2008: 438). For the conduction of the interviews, the flexibility of the interviewer is crucial, as it gives the researcher possible insights in the ways the interviewees view their social world (Bryman, 2008: 442). Therefore the interviewee is given liberty in how to respond to the questions, and the interviewer will focus upon how the interviewee frames and understands events and issues (Bryman, 2008: 438). Through the qualitative content analysis a focus has been created on what should be discussed, therefore I have chosen semi-structured interviews over unstructured interviews, as more specific issues can be addressed in the semi-structured version (Bryman, 2008: 439). Another reason why the preference was on semi-structured interviews over unstructured ones, is that all the questions of the interview guide will be asked in the semi-structured interviews, with a similar wording, therefore, it is possible to compare the answers of the interviewees (Bryman, 2008: 438). A purposive sampling has been chosen, as the sampling has strategically been done, to create a good correspondence between research questions and sampling (Bryman, 2008: 458). With the purposive sample it was not aimed to construct a general Argentine perspective on abortion, rather the focus was upon the view of pro-abortion social movements and their contentious politics. Sampling has been conducted to ensure a variety in the resulting sample, as it was aimed to have sample members of different movements with different perspectives (Bryman, 2008: 415). Members of pro-abortion social movements in (and around) Buenos Aires and La Plata, two academics, and one activist living partly in Amsterdam and in Argentina have been interviewed. These two Argentine cities have been chosen as it are two important political cities with universities, in which a lot of movement activity is present.

10 During the research it has been noticed that the method of semi-structured interviews suited, as it provided the possibility to get into a (seemingly natural) conversation with the respondents about their movement and activism. This resulted in the respondent telling about their personal and collective experiences, leaving the researcher to ask questions when striking tensions in their story came up. In this conversation a lot of the questions were automatically answered, and therefore in the end only some remaining questions had to be asked. However, as the time period of doing research was fairly short, it was not possible to do follow-up interviews. This was unfortunate as in some cases interesting tensions only became clear after several interviews, and therefore in the earlier interviews these were not questioned sufficiently. For qualitative research being flexible is of importance, and in this case the room and time for it sometimes lacked. For future research it is of importance to also regard this qualitative method for the time consuming method it is, as being flexible and having more time to spend in the field will provide richer opportunities.

11 4. Theoretical framework

4.1 Contentious politics McAdam et al. (1996: 21) define a social movement in the following way: ‘A social movement is a sustained interaction between mighty people and others lacking might: a continuing challenge to existing power holders in the name of a population whose interlocutors declare it to be unjustly suffering harm or threatened with such harm.’ With this, the interaction of social movements with other actors, and especially the power struggle between actors, is emphasized. Baud and Rutten (2004: 5) state that these contentious interactions are at the core of social movements, as concerned social movements make demands in the name of aggrieved populations and uphold challenges against authorities and other powerful opponents. Social movements enact contentious politics, which involve the mobilization of support on the one hand, and confrontation with power holders or opponents, on the other hand. The contentious politics theory is the overarching debate that will be used for the discussion of the Argentine abortion debate. However, as McAdam et al. (1996) explain, contentious politics theory lacks the connection between collective identities and social network theories, something which could be reached through a constructivist approach. I want to propose a constructivist perspective of contentious politics that aims to reveal how the practices, identities, and institutions that are perceived as natural, facts, or as given, rather, are produced by the human agency of social construction (Hopf, 1998: 182). Thus, social movements and their politics are not fixed entities, but rather are constantly (re)constructed through interaction with different actors as institutions, supporters, and opponents. Therefore the power struggle should not be perceived statically as one entity challenging another entity, but rather as an interaction between entities, which influences their collective identity, strategies, ideas, and actions. In this research the focus is upon the content of the collective identity, and how this is influenced and constructed by the interaction that takes place in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate.

Constructivism perceives the world as something that is constantly under construction. With this perspective constructivists differ with positivism and materialism, which take the world as something that is already established (Adler, 2013: 113). Important for constructivism is the communication of norms and practices through which actors develop their relations and 12 understand their social world, as when norms would not be present during actions the actions would be without meaning (Hopf, 1998: 173). For this construction of meaning, identities are necessary, as identities guarantee some predictability and order: it tells you and others who they are, while also telling you who others are (Hopf, 1998: 174-5). However the producer of identity is not in control of what their identity means to others, that is dependent of the meaning that others construct (Hopf, 1998: 175). For constructivism, context is crucial as people acquire epistemic, normative, and ideological consciousness, rules, and discourses from the context through which they construct an understanding of the social world (Adler, 2013: 121). In constructivism identity is regarded within a historical, cultural, political, and social context. This differs with the way neorealism views identity, as is assumes that all units in global politics have only one significant identity, which does not change in meaning across time and space (Hopf, 1998: 175-6). Constructivism is a tendency in International Relations that perceives the social world very differently than more dominant streams as realism and liberalism, as constructivism emphasizes the urgency of context and the construction of identities and social facts that are created by interaction between actors. This suits the collective identity theories of social movements, as these theories also emphasize the importance of construction by interaction. Through this constructivist perspective it will be researched how collective identity is constructed in the contentious politics of the pro-abortion social movements in Argentina. In the next section the female gender identity as a collective identity will be explained, which will be connected to different constructions of the morality debate of human rights. With this it will be shown how womanhood is a nuanced concept.

4.2 Collective identity

4.2.1 Female identity For the pro-abortion social movements their gender identity is of particular importance. Women’s gender identity can be defined as the meaning women attach to their membership in the category ‘female’ (Ely, 1995: 591). Positive, negative, or ambiguous feelings may arise when women identify with this category, depending on the given setting and the nature and prominence of comparative distinctions between men and women (Ely, 1995: 591). Women’s group- and self-attributions, including stereotypic attributions, are affected by these distinctions, 13 for example when women apply female labor stereotypes on themselves influencing their choice of study (Ely, 1995: 591). People may be categorized and identified among many dimensions, but gender classification provides us with certain expectations, basic information, and shared cultural assumptions (Katz, 1979: 3). Gender is a prominent categorization as gender-role socialization is a long process that begins at birth and continues through life; therefore it becomes an integral part of who we are, how others respond to us, and how we think of ourselves (Katz, 1979: 3). The above shows the importance and influence of gender identity, however, the interpretation of gender identity can differ among women. More traditional actors may emphasize motherhood regarding the female identity, by stressing the uniqueness of this role in comparison to men. However, feminists and pro-abortion social movements may emphasize autonomy, and demand the same rights as men.

Liss and Erchull (2010: 8) state how a woman with a fully embraced feminist identity could be classified as holding liberal or even radical gender believes (contrasted by conservative gender believes), being aware of gender inequalities, and believing in the importance to work together to achieve feminist goals. However, to arrive at this fully embraced feminist identity the woman goes through a process of five steps, according to the model that has been developed by Downing and Roush (1985): First, the passive acceptance stage where women accept their traditional gender roles and do not question them, second the revelation stage where women become aware of inequality, third, the embeddedness-emanation stage where women start to interact with like-minded women, fourth the synthesis stage where their sense of themselves as women becomes integrated with their sense of themselves as individuals, and finally the active commitment stage in which women start working on behalf of women’s rights as their feminist identity compels them to act in order to change society (Liss and Erchull, 2010: 85). Through this feminist identity appears as a political identity, through which patriarchal and traditional values are discursively constructed as the enemy (Di Marco, 2011: 297). Nevertheless, I criticize the dichotomy between a traditional and a feminist identity, as I hold the perspective that the collective female (and feminist) identity is much more nuanced than comes forward in this dichotomy. This heterogeneity of female identity will come forward in the results of this research.

14 Feminism incorporates a broad range of ideas, encompassing both an ideology and a movement for sociopolitical change, which is based on the criticism of male dominance and female subordination (Offen, 1988: 151-2). It can be stated how feminism struggles with the more dominant patriarchal powers, these anti-authority struggles are not as much an attack on an institution, group, or elite of power, but rather an attack on a technique or form of power (Foucault, 1982: 781). In the daily life of the feminists this is a struggle: ‘This form of power applies itself to immediate everyday life which categorizes the individual, marks him by his own individuality, attaches him to his own identity, imposes a law of truth on him which he must recognize and which others have to recognize in him.’ (Foucault, 1982: 781). With this it can be stated how the feminist identity is something individual as well as collective, as it connects the personal to the political.

Ireland (1993: 5) states how abortion rights are central to the emergence of new female identities and personal freedoms for women, as a difference is emphasized between a woman’s reproductive capacity and her sexuality. In these new female identities motherhood is one facet of their female identity, and is not automatically central to the development of women’s sense of themselves (Ireland, 1993: 6). This contrasts with more traditional female identities in which maternity has been the cornerstone (Ireland, 1993: 7). Feminism has implemented a cultural context in which the reproductive capacity and the institution of motherhood are beginning to be disentangled from feminine identity (Ireland, 1993: 19). Rosenberg (2013: 104) states that a woman that aborts resists the compulsive patterns of female identity, which institutes motherhood as an inescapable mandate, disrupts the idea of the female body in service of biological reproduction, and self-institutes as a subject with the right of a free chosen motherhood. As the woman stops to be the subject to the femininity of the maternal patriarchalism, she makes room to create another signification of her life (Rosenberg 2013: 107). However, can you claim that having an abortion truly frees women from their compulsive roles and from the patriarchal system, leading to the activation of their feminist identities? The results of this research show that an explanation as these are shortsighted as the female identity in relation with abortions is much more ambiguous in Argentine reality.

15 In the academic world social movements that focus upon improving the situation of women are called women’s movements, however, as the above has illustrated the female identity is not homogenous and does imply different perspectives, ideas and strategies. Acknowledgment of heterogeneity is at the core of this thesis as it shows how female identity is differently constructed in identity politics. There exist different interpretations in Argentina of womanhood, therefore it can be imagined how tensions on women’s rights are also present in Argentine society. One aspect on which feminist may differ with regard to more traditional female actors may be their use and interpretation of the morality of human rights, this will be furtherly elaborated on in the next paragraphs.

4.2.2. Moralities of human rights Human rights have been advanced to legal institutional standards, as individual entitlements developed from modern European thought on natural law (Tibi, 1994: 278). They are individualistic in the sense of one part, or individual, against the whole, in which the whole is the overall political structure of the state (Tibi, 1994: 289). Human rights became international law through the United Nations with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948 and the covenants of 1966 (Tibi, 1994: 278). However, international law may exist but this universality of human rights can be questioned as existing cultures and civilizations contrast considerably with regard to their norms and values (Tibi, 1994: 280). Therefore Tibi (1994: 280) state how it is of importance to create cross-cultural foundations for a universal morality shared by civilizations. Tibi (1994: 282) explains how it is of importance to build a bridge between civilizations through an international morality of human rights, however, as human rights is an individualistic Western concept it clashes with other more collective cultures, as the Islamic civilizations. However, I would like to propose the idea that the morality of human rights may also clash within societies, as I will show is the case in Argentina. Tibi (1994) views the international world and politics from a realist perspective in which a focus is put upon conflicts, states and civilizations and its relation with human rights. A constructivist perspective of the morality of human rights perceives human rights as constructions of institutions. Through the wide range of human rights different constructions of morality can be conducted.

16 But what is exactly the morality of human rights? Perry (2004: 5) states how the International Bill of Human Rights consist of three documents: the ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, the ‘International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights’, and the ‘International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights’. The Universal Declaration mentions in its preamble ‘the inherent dignity… of all members of the human family’ from which Perry (2004: 6) follows: ‘the fundamental conviction at the heart of the morality of human rights is this: Each and every (born) human being--each and every member of the species homo sapiens--has inherent dignity and is therefore inviolable.’ The majority of modern democracies have promised to promote and ensure these international agreements, among the many agreed upon rights are the rights to life, the right of equality and non-discrimination, to right to be free of cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, the right to personal security, the right to enjoy the maximum possible physical and mental health, and the right of freedom of conscience and religion (Busdygan, 2013: 125).

From this it can be conducted that dignity is inherent to being a human being, it can also be conducted that all human beings are inviolable, which includes that no one should violate any human being, which leads to not tolerating others violating another human being (Perry, 2004: 7). Nevertheless, how do you handle a violator without becoming a violator? With this I want to show the contradictions that are inherent to human rights, and which also can be connected to the abortion debate. A tension that Busdygan (2013: 125) mentions is the tension between two fundamental rights that are mentioned in the declarations: the right to life (also unborn) and the right to be free from interference in reproductive decisions. Freedom and life are values that are key for people's dignity, as there is no dignity possible if the life of a human being is not guaranteed, nor is there freedom when a person cannot make decisions about their own body (Busdygan, 2013: 126). As proponents of abortion may defend the life of the woman and the inherent dignity of her life, the opponents may defend the life of the baby and the inherent dignity of his/her life. These are contradicting constructions of the morality of human rights that cause conflict within societies. There is not one single morality, rather there are many and therefore it becomes a question of which are going to prevail (Perry, 2004: 57). As moralities of human rights are constructed it can be imagined how these constructions are used strategically in line with the collective identity and therefore support their actions, ideas, and demands.

17 For feminists a core value is autonomy and abortion is often framed as a matter of choice, which women, as right-bearing citizens should be able to exercise freely (Ferree, 2003: 352). When recognizing the moral ability of women to make a deliberate decision regarding abortion, the state would symbolically acknowledge women’s full as well as draw back its coercive power from a significant arena of women’s life (Ferree, 2003: 352). As abortion is criminalized or prevented, the maternal bodily giving has been enforced through state politics (Sutton, 2010: 97). The pro-abortion movements have claimed the right to abort not as a reproductive right anchored in bodily autonomy, but as a civil or individual freedom right (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 10). However, as is stated by Daich and Tarducci (2012: 10) this appealing to the liberal individualism has meant to appeal to contradicting rights (the right of the fetus versus the right of the women). This is where the feminist political identity becomes crucial as it explains how it is not an individual right but rather a collective one, as it is the product of the feminist resistance against the structural and systematic oppression, the obligated heterosexuality that makes motherhood compulsory (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 10). The demand for women to have the capacity to decide over their own bodies has been linked by social movements to the more general struggle for secularism, diversity and citizenship (Di Marco, 2011: 297). In which they are opposing the influence of the Catholic Church in almost all aspects of the social, cultural, and political life of the country, mainly the opposition of the Church in the realization of women’s rights (Di Marco, 2011: 298).

In the case of abortion cultural concepts that are interconnected with the female body, such as motherhood, fertility and the heterosexual family, are put in a tense relation. In this sense abortion does not only break the process of biological reproduction but also the social and cultural reproduction of the power on the sexuality and body of women (Morán Faúndes, 2013: 40). The main sectors that have opposed the legalization of abortion can be associated with the agenda of the Catholic hierarchy, including not only religious leaders, but also medical and legal sectors and civil organizations, articulating a movement that they call ‘pro-life’ (Morán Faúndes, 2013: 40). The central axe of the Catholic conservative discourse focuses upon the idea of the life of a new human being that begins from the moment of fertilization, and therefore all threats against this life implies an assassination (Morán Faúndes, 2013: 41). The Catholic sector raised the signification of the defense of life from conception, in which the fetus is identified as a 18 person with the right to decide and the right to be heard, associating abortion with murder (Laudano, 2011: 64). They position themselves as defending the right to life of those who cannot talk and cannot decide, of a defenseless person (Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004: 195). So, on the one hand there is the perspective that a new life is anchored to the biological moment of fertilization, on the other hand, a juridical character is connected to this life and therefore all actions against this human life becomes an attack against the right to life (Morán Faúndes, 2013: 41-2).

In the above it has been explained how female identity is a construction with a lot of ambiguity and tension. One manner of constructing a female identity is the feminist identity, which connects the personal to the political, and which serves as a collective identity. But why are collective identities important for social movements? This will be explained in the next section.

4.3 Identity Politics Rupp and Taylor (1999: 364) have stated how feminism should be perceived as not only a gender ideology as it is also a collective identity. Feminist struggles take place within a social movement community which includes the activists who see gender as an important category of analysis, who are critical upon the female disadvantage, and who are working together to improve the situation of women (Rupp and Taylor, 1999: 364). The participants in a movement construct a shared sense of identity through collective action, as on the one hand similarities are emphasized, and on the other hand the (shared) differences from whom they oppose are emphasized (Reger, Myers and Einwohner, 2008: 4). This creating of boundaries, through creating an ‘us’ and a ‘them’ is also something that comes forward in the following definition of Polletta and Jasper (2001: 298):

‘Collective identity describes imagined as well as concrete communities, involves an act of perception and construction as well as the discovery of pre-existing bonds, interests, and boundaries. It is fluid and relational, emerging out of interactions with a number of different audiences (bystanders, allies, opponents, news media, state authorities), rather than fixed. It channels words and actions, enabling some claims and deeds but delegitimizing others. It provides categories by which individuals divide up and make sense of the social world.’ 19

However, it can be doubted if these categories of ‘us’ and ‘them’ that are created by collective identity are as rigid as Polletta and Jasper (2001), or Reger et al (2008) assume. Polletta and Jasper (2001) already state how collective identities are fluid and relational, and as they are influenced by interactions, it can be imagined how these categories change and overlap. This allows for an understanding of feminism as a constantly negotiated and altered political identity through their work within their social movement communities, therefore this feminist identity can be seen as an accomplishment of the wider movement (Rupp and Taylor, 1999: 365). Even though social movements have a shared collective identity, it is important to acknowledge the differences of identity and interests, as feminist identity does not include one ideology or political approach (Rupp and Taylor, 1999: 366). Categories as ‘us’ and ‘them’ are less fixed as theory might present them, and this heterogeneity influences social movements in their strategies and actions. Interaction is of particular importance, as social movements emerge and develop in relation to other political actors, and especially the state (van Drunen, 2010: 30). Amenta and Young (1999: 35) state how collective identities require a sort of affirmation or ratification from outside actors, this because actors in civil society (as the media), as well as the state can be instrumental in the development of collective identity. Through the interaction within the movement the collective identity is constructed, preserved and mobilized as three processes of the formation of political identities are present: ‘the creation of boundaries that mark off a group; the development of a consciousness of the group's distinct and shared disadvantages; and the politicization of everyday life, embodied in symbols and actions that connect the members of the group and link their everyday experiences to larger social injustices.’ (Rupp and Taylor, 1999: 365).

Van Drunen (2010: 28), in her work on social movements and victimhood in Argentina, mentions the sharing of a collective identity as contributing to the sustainability of social movements, as collective identity is needed for collective action to develop into a movement. Collective identity is important for a movement as it is crucial in upholding solidarity and commitment (Polletta and Jasper, 2001: 291). Collective identities are also of importance for movements as they determine the content and direction of contention: the challenging of power holders (Baud and Rutten, 2004: 1). Therefore, collective identity is important for the strength 20 and legitimacy of social movements, however, collective identity gets strengthened as well through social movement activity (Van Drunen, 2010: 28). Hence, the creation of a collective identity can be seen as a process in which collective action is crucial. Reger et al. (2008: 4) call this identity works, which grounds on a constructivist perspective of identity in social movements, as through collective action, negotiation, and interpretive work identities are constructed and maintained. Thus, the collective identity of a social movement is not something that is static, rather it is fluid and relational, and can be influenced by the interaction with outside actors. I perceive this as identity politics, as these collective identities are of influence on the content and direction of the politics of the movements, which is a strategic way of using identities. This strategic use of collective identities will be furtherly explained by the process of framing.

For collective identity the process of framing is of importance, as "frames" are the interpretive packages that activists develop to mobilize potential adherents and constituents.’ (Polletta and Jasper, 2001: 291). With these frames, movements explain the pressing injustice that is done as well as the agency that is needed to change it, besides that, frames construct the identity of the opposition (Polletta and Jasper, 2001: 291). Collective identities are used by activists as strategies of protest, defining it differently depending on the strategic situation (Polletta and Jasper, 2001: 294). Thus, the framing of collective identities can be perceived as something that social movements can enact strategically to strengthen their movement internally, as well as to win over external actors or allies. Social movements and their participants are not the only ones that are engaged in the process of framing, they also compete with the frames used in media, and by states. (van Drunen, 2010: 32). Frames develop in a context of interaction with other agents (van Drunen, 2010, Baud and Rutten, 2004). Thus, the reality construction of the collective identities of social movements is influenced by framing, not only by the frames used by the members of the movement, it is also influenced by the frames that are used by other actors.

By combining theories of contentious politics, identity politics, and female identity, the focus is upon the way that the pro-abortion social movements are internally organized, on the one hand, as well as their interaction with other actors of the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate. For the movement to be able to enact these contentious politics, it is of importance that 21 the social movement is well organized internally by constructing a collective identity that strengthens the movement. However, social movements are heterogeneous, and even though they may have a shared collective identity, categories may not be rigid, but rather flexible and relational. Interaction influences the collective identity as in this contentious interaction collective identity can be framed differently. In the above it has been explained how female identities and the related moralities of human rights are constructed and used strategically to legitimize and explain their actions, strategies, and aims. Different female identities will construct different moralities of human rights and vice versa, how this influences contentious politics remains unclear. This linking of the contentious politics of pro-abortion social movements in Argentina to collective gender identity and morality debates of human rights has not been conducted in previous research. In the next chapter, an overview will be given of the development of (traditional) women’s movements and pro-abortion movements in Argentina. This overview is important as it provides an understanding of the context in which the proponents and opponents of abortion have emerged, which is critical for the understanding of Argentine’s female identity.

22 5. Setting the stage

In this chapter, the context in which pro-abortion social movements in Argentina have emerged will be explained. It will be shown how in Argentine society an emphasis exists on motherhood and on more traditional female gender roles, moreover, it will also be shown how feminist movements have emerged that emphasize other female gender roles to which concepts as autonomy, and control over one’s own body are central.

5.1 Motherhood In the 1970s and the 1980s, women’s movements in Latin America started to emerge in which a connection was made between political participation and motherhood (Craske, 1999). A common identity of motherhood among Latin American women exists: this common identity is used as a mobilization strategy (Craske, 1999: 120). To understand the context in which pro-abortion social movements emerged in Argentina, it is of importance to discuss the country’s history regarding motherhood. Two important actors that emphasized the importance of motherhood while also placing it from the private into the public sphere were Evita and ‘Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo’:

From 1946 until 1955 (and again from 1973-1974) populist leader Juan Domingo Perón was the , he and his wife Eva Duarte de Perón (Evita) were very popular among the working class and the poor (Sutton, 2010: 21). The Peróns were promotive of women’s activities outside the house, and developed policies that encouraged this, while at the same time, emphasizing motherhood, family, and (by Evita) the subordination to Juan Perón (Craske, 1999: 80). This participation of women into political life was legitimized by the role of women as wives and mothers, as it was an extension of women’s private responsibilities into a broader network (Grammático, 2010: 129). Even though Evita emphasized traditional aspects of the female identity, she contributed to the placement of femininity into public space, this was also done by ‘Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo’ [the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo]. This is an important women’s movement that emerged during the military period from the 1970s to the 1990s (Craske, 1999). In search of their disappeared husbands, sons, and daughters, women started to encounter one another, and organizations emerged as a way to support each other and to make 23 the search more efficient (Craske, 1999). The movement of Las Madres redefined motherhood, from something individual and private to something collective and public, a ‘maternidad social’ [social motherhood] (Di Marco, 2011: 257). Las Madres stated "Nosotros no defendemos ideologías, defendemos la vida" [We do not defend ideologies, we defend life], as they refused any identification with political parties or feminism (Safa, 1990: 362). Las Madres used their mother-identity as a strategy to achieve justice, as they have restructured motherhood from something passive and private into something political, and as they used motherhood in a strategic way to challenge the traditional (male) way of politics (Zarco, 2011: 244).

Sutton (2010: 96) states that particularly in Argentina motherhood is a celebrated, expected, naturalized and idealized role for women. Complex processes such as conception, pregnancy, childbirth and parenting are reduced to the word “mother”, which constitutes not only the social and physic identity of women but also that of the society or the nation that is understood as one big family (Chaneton & Vacarezza, 2011: 39). Women have been encouraged to embrace motherhood, regardless of their own ambitions and needs, by powerful ideological influences that are embedded in Argentina’s cultural norms and institutions (Sutton, 2010: 97). The Catholic Church has promoted motherhood and glorified maternal bodies through its religious rituals and beliefs, for example by promoting Virgin Mary (the symbol of celibacy and motherhood) (Sutton, 2010: 97). This strong presence in the public and private spheres of Argentina has made Catholicism more than just a religion that the major part of the Argentine population supports (Di Marco, 2011: 275). In Argentina, the religious orientations of the Vatican are the model by which the Argentine public policies are shaped, among other things the policies of education and reproduction (Di Marco, 2011: 275). In Argentina, the Catholic Church has an influence on women’s rights as the Church has traditionally strong ties with the state, aiming to influence state’s policy and receiving subsidies (Sutton, 2010: 103). For example, during the 1990s President Menem had an alliance with the Catholic Church through which he instituted March 25 as the ‘Day of the Child to be Born’, and proposed to include life from the moment of conception in the new Constitution of 1994 (Sutton, 2010: 103). To understand this emphasis on motherhood in Argentina, it is also of importance to understand the Catholic discourse. The public discourse in Argentina is Catholic and fundamentalist, a discourse that becomes more strongly when the “natural order” is challenged, for example with the approval of 24 the law to divorce in 1986, and more recently with the law of same sex marriage in 2003 (Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004: 194). These struggles are presented with the same discourse that focuses upon the defense of the traditional family, as the pillar of the natural order (Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004: 195). These Catholic sectors make claims in which the family is referred to as the “natural unity” created by god, in which the ultimate goal of marriage is procreation, and in which the woman is referred to as the mother (Tarducci & Tagliaferro, 2004: 199).

In sum, it can be stated that the emphasis on motherhood in Argentine society has influenced Argentine perception of gender issues. The Argentine female gender ideal is mostly perceived as a woman who is nurturing, and takes care of her husband and family. The widespread practice of (illegal) abortion in Argentina contradicts this national gender ideal that glorifies motherhood and the family unit. In the next section, it will be discussed how pro-abortion social movements have emerged and which (other) aspects of female identity they emphasize.

5.2 Pro-abortion social movements In the 1970s feminist organizations emerged in Argentina, claiming the politicization of everyday, influenced by the impact of the European and American “second wave” feminism (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2). One feminist organization that emerged was the ‘Unión Feminista Argentina’ [Argentine Feminist Union] (UFA), who explored the meaning of ‘lo personal es político’ [the personal is political], through conscious-raising groups that realized lectures and discussion of texts of (European and North-American) feminists, as well as through actions and protests (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2). Already in the 1970s the UFA aimed to demystify the maternal role, drawing attention to areas that were considered private or apolitical, including unwanted pregnancies and clandestine abortions (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2-3). The feminism of the 1970s was critical upon the symbolic power of the Catholic Church, calling out the religious hierarchy subordinating women (Bastian Duarte, 2012: 156).

In 1987, feminist organizations proposed the creation of a commission that would dedicate completely to the theme of abortion, and in March 1988, different women’s groups founded the ‘Comisión por el Derecho al Aborto’ [Commission for Abortion Rights] (Di Marco, 2011: 280). This commission was functioning as the pioneer in the abortion discussion, diffusion of 25 information, and clarification of concepts on abortion, its decriminalization, and legalization (Di Marco, 2011: 281). In 1989 and 1990 workshops were installed on abortion and anti-conception, resulting in a campaign for the legalization of abortion now framed as an issue of human rights (Di Marco, 2011: 280-1). The year 1994 can be seen as a milestone for the pro-abortion movements as the demands for abortion rights acquired visibility (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2). This was generated after president Menem’s proposal to include the ‘defense of life from conception’ into the new Constitution, therefore the issue of abortion was installed in the public and political arena generating a heated debate (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 2). Alerted by this proposition, which was supported by conservative sectors and Catholic organizations, ‘Mujeres Autoconvocadas para Decidir en Libertad’ [Women Self-convened to Decide in Freedom] (MADEL) emerged, consisting of 108 women’s organizations with different political and institutional backgrounds (Laudano, 2011: 63). This was a decisive moment for the formation of the pro-abortion movements, as it defined a collective identity, an ‘us’ of women that defended the right to decide, against a ‘them’ that became identified with the Catholic hierarchy (Laudano, 2011: 63).

The post-2001 crisis in Argentina generated a wave of social protests against neoliberal economic policies and governmental corruption, these protests provided opportunities for renewed demands and struggles regarding women’s sexual and reproductive rights (Sutton, 2010: 105). In 2003 the ‘Asamblea por el Derecho al Aborto’ [Assembly for the Right to abortion] was organized, which ended in a march of thousands of women from different backgrounds with the slogan: ‘Anticonceptivos para no abortar, Aborto legal para no morir’ [Contraceptives to not abort, Legal abortion to not die] (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 7). Wider sectors of women’s movements and political organizations were including long-term feminist’s demands, as legal abortion, into their struggles (Sutton, 2010: 105). This widening of the debate is of importance as it has provided more acknowledgment of an alternative female gender framework for understanding sexuality, reproduction and women’s bodies (Sutton, 2010: 106). Instead of frames of naturalized motherhood and sexual guilt, frames were used in which sexuality not necessarily is linked to reproductivity, emphasizing women’s right on sexual pleasure and the right to decide on their motherhood (Sutton, 2010: 106).

26 In 2004 at the Argentine national women conference in Mendoza the idea to constitute a National Campaign was shaped, and decided on at the meeting in Cordoba on the 14th of March 2005, promoted by the movement ‘Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir’ [Catholics for the right to Decide] (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 8). On the 28th of May 2005, the International Day of Action for Women’s Health, the ‘Campaña Nacional por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito’ [National Campaign for the Right to a Legal, Safe and Free Abortion] was launched, consisting of a large number of organizations, NGOs, and movements (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 9). Currently the National Campaign includes more than 300 organizations, groups and personalities from various fields, which commit to recover the dignity of women, by defending the integrity of human rights and the right to abortion (Daich & Tarducci, 2012: 9).

In sum, it has been stated how motherhood has been an important element of female identity that has been emphasized in Argentina. Nonetheless, pro-abortion social movements have emphasized the female gender right of controlling your own body. The pro-abortion activists are still challenging the dominant motherhood perception of gender identity in Argentine society. However, it is unclear how the proponents and opponents of abortion interact with these differing and often contradicting female identities in the abortion debate. In the upcoming two chapters, the research results will be discussed. These chapters clarify different processes of construction in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate. Even though traditional actors and pro-abortion social movements use different perspectives on female identity, it does not mean that the feminist gender identity is against motherhood; rather it incorporates new modes of motherhood into the female identity. Female identity can be constructed in many ways, emphasizing womanhood as a nuanced concept. This can be related to the different constructions of the morality of human rights, which are interrelated with the collective female identities. Firstly in chapter 6 the construction of the female identity will be discussed. Secondly, in chapter 7 the construction of the morality debates of human rights will be regarded.

27 6. The construction of female identity

In this chapter, the construction of the female identity by the pro-abortion movements will be discussed and related to their opponents. An overview will be given of the construction of womanhood in the Argentine abortion debate. It will be shown how different perspectives on motherhood are present within the construction of womanhood, as becomes clear when analyzing the positions of the opponents and proponents. For the pro-abortion movements their construction of the feminist identity is important, as this identity creates adversaries against which they struggle. Thus, the construction of the feminist identity will be outlined, through which it will be shown how this collective identity creates solidarity and legitimacy, while also creating mechanisms of in- and exclusion, of a ‘we’ and a ‘they’ (Polletta and Jasper, 2001). It will be shown how feminism is more than a gender identity, as it is also a collective identity through which women struggle collectively (Rupp and Taylor, 1999). This collective identity is important for the movements as it influences the content and direction of the contentious politics of the pro-abortion movements (Baud and Rutten, 2004). However, it will also be shown how for this construction of collective identities the contentious interaction is crucial, and therefore breaking the rigidness of categories such as ‘us’ and ‘them’. With this an insight will be given in the importance of interaction for identity politics, as the pro-abortion movements and their collective identities are constantly influenced and (re)constructed through these interactions. In sum, it will be show how the interaction with their adversaries is crucial for the development and strengthening of their feminist collective identity, as social movements develop and emerge in relation to other political actors (van Drunen, 2010; Polletta and Jasper, 2001). With this it will be shown how the feminist identity is a complex and flexible identity that is constructed through the interaction influencing their contentious politics.

6.1 Feminist identity The feminist identity is strongly present among the pro-abortion activists, they relate this identity to their daily experiences as Argentine females, as activist Jesica1 puts it “lo personal es politico” [the personal is political]2. As their personal identity is linked to their political identity,

1 The names of some of the activists have been altered on their request 2 The citations have been translated from Spanish to English by the author 28 this feminist identity is also related to their activism and strategies in the pro-abortion movements, making it a collective identity of the pro-abortion movements. The feminist identity is connected by pro-abortion activists to a constant struggle and discussion in the Argentine society. As activist Elsa states: “I am a feminist, being a female feminist implies some constant discussions, some constant negotiations at all levels, family, socially”. The feminist struggle is connected to other struggles such as the anti-patriarchal and anti-capitalist struggle. Activist Josefina perceives the feminist struggle being entwined with a politically left wing struggle, she states how we are living in a patriarchal and capitalist system in which gender is exploited, thus these two struggles should join hands. The suppression of women is connected by the movement Nuevo MAS (2014-B) to the denial of the right to decide which is suppressed by the patriarchal system: “The denial of the right of women to decide over their own body is the deepest form of violent patriarchy exercised by the bourgeois state”. Through the advances of this feminist struggle the patriarchal system is enabled and the role of women is changing activist Jesica states, describing the feminist identity as a “herramienta libertadora” [liberating tool]. In the above, it has been stated how the feminist identity is connected to several personal and collective struggles that are present in Argentine society (as well perceived as an universal struggle), these struggles are related to the daily interactions of the feminist activists with the Argentine state, as well as with the capitalist, patriarchal system. These interactions are thus crucial for the construction of the feminist collective identity as it gives content and direction to their struggle. With this it can be stated that the interplay of the feminist identity with opponents is an important characteristic of their collective identity.

Thus, the anti-patriarchal struggle influences the construction of the feminist identity. This anti- patriarchalism was for some of the interviewees also an important collective identity, this can be clearly recognized in the movement of activist Diego ‘Varones Antipatriarcales’ [Anti- patriarchal Males], which consists out of males struggling for the same feminist causes. Crucial for their anti-patriarchal identity was the construction of the male identity, in which males were expected to be rational leaders, something his movement also wanted to denaturalize. Activist Diego explains that they do not identify themselves (publicly) as feminist, as they were males and therefore could not totally understand and relate to the struggle of women. When the movement started organizing feminist movements mistrusted them as they were men and 29 therefore carried the patriarchal gene, though after a while they earned their trust through showing their participation and support. This is interesting as it shows how the feminist identity is not all-inclusive but rather excludes a large part of the population, therefore creating strong boundaries as the feminist struggles are perceived as women-only struggles. This could also be seen in relation to abortion, as none of the female activists speak of the participation of the male in the process of a woman getting an abortion, only activist Diego speaks of the role and the responsibility of the male.

Related to the construction of the female identity of the pro-abortion activists is their perception of having a female president. Several respondents state how special it is to have a female president, but that Cristina Fernández de Kirchner does not see herself as a feminist, and therefore does not struggle for women’s rights such as the right of abortion. Activist Josefina explains that a conceptual error exists in the thought that a female president will improve women’s rights, as she explains how president Cristina has stated not to be a feminist, and to be in favor of the right to life contrasting this with the right to abortion. Accordingly activist Diego states how president Cristina has stated “that she is feminine and not feminist”. It is interesting to see how president Cristina also makes this distinction between feminine identity and feminist identity, emphasizing the heterogeneity of womanhood. However, even though Cristina may not be a feminist, other activists mention the positive value of having a female president. Activist Jesica expresses having a female president, and therefore having an Argentine woman in the highest position of power as something positive. Activist Carla mentions the following positive contributions of having a female president: “in fact to have a female president signifies a lot because it signifies the activation of a lot of women, that is all reflected in the position of Cristina” However, she also states how president Cristina does not use this public position sufficiently, which she relates to the fear of politics to talk about the issue of abortion as she does not believe that the government is completely against abortion as they have stimulated other progressive and left wing policies. In the end it can be stated how the interaction of the pro- abortion activists with the patriarchal state is not only negative as they do realize how the current government have made positive contributions to the practice of human rights and women’s rights in Argentina. With this the interaction of the pro-abortion activists with other actors can be

30 stressed, as the context of the Argentine society constantly influences their debate, actions and strategies, as well as their collective female identity.

The feminist identity can thus be seen as an important collective identity for the pro-abortion movements. However, in the interviews it came forward that the National Campaign ‘La Campaña Nacional por el Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito’ [The National Campaign for Legal, Safe and Free abortion] does not present itself as feminist. Activist Elsa explains that the campaign initially was created from a feminist perspective, but for pragmatic reasons has developed into a campaign that does not present themselves this way as there are organizations aligned that do not perceive themselves as feminists. So it can be stated that the National Campaign, in order for the hundreds organizations to collaborate, supports the feminist goal of the right to decide over one’s own body, the right of abortion, but it does not frame this in feminist terms. Thus, a compromise is preferred, as keeping the collaboration intact is perceived as crucial. This can also be connected to the heterogeneity of the National Campaign as it has connected hundreds of organizations, movements, institutions and individuals in the struggle for abortion. Activist Elsa explains how all the aligned actors support their slogan: ‘Educación sexual para decidir, anticonceptivos para no abortar, aborto legal para no morir’ [Sexual Education to decide, contraception to not abort, legal abortion to not die]. Thus, for the sake of the National Campaign the feminist identity is not expressed publicly, as not all contributors agree with this identity. As the National Campaign does not adhere to the feminist collective identity out of pragmatic reasons, it can be imagined how it is an identity that is not applicable to all women’s movements, therefore emphasizing the ambiguity of womanhood. Somehow being too feminist is also not regarded as a positive contribution to the pro-abortion movement, as perceived by the National Campaign. Another manner in which this nuanced concept of womanhood can be analyzed is when discussing the incorporation of motherhood into the female identity.

6.2 Motherhood In the research the emphasis in Argentine society on the institution of the family and motherhood came forward. In the content analysis of the opponents of abortion it was observed how they use words as “bebé” [baby], “hijo” [child], “padres” [parents] and “madre” [mother] or “mama” to 31 describe the pregnancy. With mentioning words as child and mother, the role of the female as the mother is emphasized. For example the organization La Episcopado (2010-A) calls the pregnant women “la futura mama”. With this emphasis of a certain female role, it anticipates into the Argentine valued motherhood, and a certain caring role of females is expected. The role of the mother taking care of the child is emphasized and contrasted with abortion, which is perceived as an action in which the mother kills her child. Interesting as well is how pro-abortion activists Elsa and activist feminist queer Mabel, both mothers, express that in interactions with opponents their motherhood was regularly questioned [“if you would be a mother, you would know…”], this contrasts pro-abortion activism with motherhood, thus questioning their nurturing characteristics. Organization AICA (2015-F) emphasizes motherhood as gods given that brings joy: “At the end, I warmly bless pregnant mothers, whom God made happy with the gift of motherhood”. With the above the joy of motherhood is emphasized, in which the natural role of females as mothers is mentioned. This can be contrasted to the demands of the proponents for which the choice of motherhood is fundamental.

The pro-abortion activists perceive their female gender as socially and culturally constructed and therefore see certain expected roles and behaviors constructed in the Argentine society. Activist Josefina expresses how these socio-cultural constructions influence femininity and masculinity from an early age, socializing boys and girls in certain behavior, which activist Cristina aims to change through a process of denaturalization. In the research it came forward that roles in which women are expected to be caring and nurturing, connected to the gender role of being a mother, are then not so much disconnected but rather seen as optional and not as the ultimate female role. Movement Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (2014-H: p.11-2) state: “Symbolically the beginning of a new life is located in the uterus of the women, in this moment she is a women and yet not necessarily a mother; motherhood is something that is constructed afterwards and throughout life”. This is an interesting statement when relating it to the opponents of abortion, who refer to the pregnant women as a natural mother. However, the proponents perceive motherhood as a construction and a process rather than as something natural and preexisting, thus emphasizing women’s choice for motherhood.

32 In the above two paragraphs proponents and opponents have expressed different perceptions on their construction of motherhood, the opponents perceive it as something natural and ideal, while the proponents perceive it as something constructed, disconnecting it from the pregnancy. This has led to the conclusion that motherhood is a nuanced concept that can be incorporated into the construction of the female identity in different ways. These different perspectives of motherhood are related by the feminist activists to their collective identity. the struggle for a chosen motherhood is centrally connected with their feminist struggle. The pro-abortion activists relate their struggle for a free motherhood also to the suppression of their adversaries, the Catholic Church and the patriarchal state, this will be regarded in the next section.

6.3 Catholic Church and the patriarchal state Strongly connected to the collective identities of the pro-abortion activists are enemies as (partially) the Argentine state, and (mainly) the Catholic Church. The Argentine state is perceived by the pro-abortion activists as partially an enemy as they should be upholding women’s rights, improving the situation for women. Instead it illegalizes and penalizes abortion, therefore the right for women to decide over their own bodies is violated. According to the pro- abortion activists this can be explained by the patriarchality and machista [macho] characteristics of the Argentine state, because of which they are not upholding these responsibilities. Academic Camila expresses the hegemonic discourse that perceives motherhood as something good, and opposes abortion as something bad. She explains how this is a false opposition that is executed by the ones with powers, and often presented in the discourses of the media. Another connection that is made with motherhood, is the matrix women equals mother, and how to abort means to say no to this matrix (activist feminist queer Mabel3). Activist Josefina also relates this matrix to the capitalist, patriarchal system that depends on the reproductive, private and free tasks of women in the home and in their families.

On the one hand the pro-abortion activists state that it is the capitalist, patriarchal system that pressures women in the traditional female role. Thus, Josefina connects the repression of women into the private sphere to their opponents: the capitalist, patriarchal system, a system against

3 On the request of Mabel I will mention her as ‘activist feminist queer’ 33 which the feminist are also struggling as can be read in the earlier paragraphs on feminist identity. Activist Elsa connects the struggle for abortion to the questioning of the cultural and social base of Argentine society, she describes the struggle for the free choice to become a mother as one of the last patriarchal, capitalist battles. Thus, the feminist activists relate their struggle of a free motherhood to their struggle against the patriarchal, capitalist system, thus to one of their opponents. With this they strengthen their boundaries against their enemy, who is perceived as opposing women to choose their motherhood. With this the feminist enemy is furtherly constructed and related to the cause of abortion.

On the other hand, the pro-abortion activists view the Catholic Church as the primary oppressor of women’s rights, not wanting women to obtain better positions in the Argentine state. They perceive the Catholic Church as a more conservative institution that connects women to motherhood and to the family, thus, to the private sphere. Academic Monica relates the emphasis on motherhood to religion, in which motherhood is viewed as the female unique position. Activist Diego states how the Catholic Church legitimizes the institution of the family, and inherent to it motherhood and fatherhood, in which some roles for women and others for men within the family are deemed natural. He explains that the Catholic Church influences Argentine politics, as there is a strong alliance between the Church and government, simultaneously the Catholic Church influences the Argentine society. Activist Diego states that the notion of abortion as something bad is naturalized in Argentina society, abortion has been made into a taboo by Catholic institutions. Activist Cristina also states that these Catholic values have been incorporated into Argentine society; even people who are not active practitioners of the religion have these hierarchical, Catholic values.

In the content analysis it was observed that the opponents of abortion emphasize values of the Catholic Church, traditional values as the family, marriage, parenthood are perceived in contrast with abortion or anti-conception. Organization AICA (2015-C) states the following values that the Catholic Church promotes and actions (including abortion) they disapprove of: “Promote the doctrinal principles of the Magisterium of the Catholic Church on human sexuality, the right to life, marriage, responsible parenthood, chastity, etc. including not accepting nor recommending (in any case) abortion, sterilization, contraception nor the artificial insemination as a means of 34 family planning”. In the analysis of the documents of opponents the value of marriage and the family is emphasized; the bond between the father and mother, the importance of a stable family- life, and the protection of all the values that are connected to the family. With the mentioning of parenthood and family life certain roles and behavior of Argentine citizens have been emphasized. Thus, the Catholic Church provides the values that are inherent to the Argentine society in which institutions as the heterosexual family and motherhood are emphasized, through which the naturalized role of the woman equals mother is stressed. As it develops the perception of their enemy, it furthermore strengthens the boundaries of the collective feminist identity, legitimizing their struggle for legalized and depenalized abortion.

In the interviews the pro-abortion activists also stress the negative characteristics in another way, namely by delegitimizing the Catholic Church, as they relate this institution to the last dictatorship. The proponents of abortion speak negatively about the Argentine Pope and the Catholic Church, emphasizing their sketchy history with regard to the last dictatorship, as both have been accused to have collaborated (academic Monica). Organization Aborto Legal (2012- H) has also been critical upon the Catholic Church blaming them of being complicit during the dictatorship. Activist Elsa explains how these suspicions have delegitimized the Catholic Church in Argentina, as this institution has been losing its prestige. The Argentine Pope with a more progressive position had to enable a new legitimization of the Catholic Church in Argentina. Therefore Elsa does not believe that the Catholic Church is really changing, rather she perceives it as a strategic change. Activist Carla explains it as a political project created by the Vatican to restore their hegemony in Latin America. Activist Josefina emphasizes accordingly how the discourse of the Catholic Church has changed to provide a new legitimization, however, their doctrines did not change. With this, it can be shown how a negative image of the Catholic Church is emphasized by the proponents of abortion, through which they distance themselves from their adversary and strengthen their collective feminist identity.

In sum, in the above it has been explained how the pro-abortion activists construct their collective identity in relation with adversaries as the patriarchal, machista state and system, and the Catholic Church. As these adversaries are central to the collective feminist identity, it can be concluded that the content and direction of their actions and strategies are all influenced by these 35 anti-struggles. This can also be concluded from the different constructions of motherhood, as it is shown that the feminist construction of motherhood is inherent to their feminist identity. They are connecting their construct of motherhood to their adversaries that are suppressing the freely chosen motherhood. With this constant emphasis of their opponent, their internal-external boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’ is constantly constructed and negotiated which strengthens them internally as it justifies their cause and action against a clear enemy. However, the strict division between ‘us’ and ‘them’ can be undermined, as it has been shown how the actors create their collective identities, and the interconnected demands and strategies, in interaction with other political actors. These contentious interactions with their enemies the patriarchal state and the Catholic Church are pivotal for the construction of their female identity. This can as well be concluded from how the political, social, and cultural context influences their feminist identity, as for example has been stated by the influence of having a female president. It can thus not be stated that the pro-abortion movements are independent entities, rather it are entities that are influenced constantly by this interaction. However, these interactions are also strategically used by the proponents as they propose a collective enemy against which should be struggled. With this it has been shown that in Argentina different constructions of female identity exist, which are strategically used in the contentious politics around the pro-abortion debate. One cannot solemnly speak of women’s movements as reality is more nuanced, and the concept of womanhood is more heterogeneous. The construction of female identity is crucial for the contentious politics of the abortion debate in Argentina, as abortion in Argentine society is connected to motherhood, or frankly to saying no to motherhood. Therefore, the ambiguity of womanhood has a major influence on the construction of the female identities of the proponents and opponents, as it is used as a strategical device in the legitimization of the struggle and the cause. Another manner in which the contentious politics of the proponents and opponents is influenced is through the different morality debates of human rights in the Argentine society. These different constructions of the morality of human rights are also used strategically, as it further legitimizes their struggle.

36 7. Morality debates of human rights

Human rights have been concretized into legal institutional standards by the United Nations, accompanied by the idea of universality as they apply to all human beings (Tibi, 1994). However, as Tibi (1994) explained this universality can be questioned as opinions between cultures differ with regard to norms and values. Nevertheless, I am of the opinion that not only between but also within cultures opinions differ with regard to norms and values. Human rights are fixed entities (expressed in treaties), however, the construction of the moralities of human rights are constantly negotiated and (re)constructed. This because human rights treaties consists of rights that inherently contradict or have a tense relationship with other human rights. One tension can be seen between two fundamental rights that relate to the abortion debate: the right to life (also unborn) and the right to be free from interference in reproductive decisions (Busdygan, 2013). In the upcoming chapter it will be shown how the morality of human rights are differently constructed by the proponents and opponents of abortion, with this the inherent tensions of human rights will be stressed. It will also be stressed that human rights are not static, rigid concepts but rather fluid constructions that are used strategically. It will be shown that the moralities of human rights are socially and culturally constructed, and used strategically to support the aims and objectives of social movements. These human rights are no concepts that are independent from interpretation; this interpretation is related to the way that collective identities are constructed as a certain construction of the female identity is connected with a certain construction of the morality of human rights. This indicates that different constructions of the morality of human rights influence the construction of female identity, and vice versa.

7.1 The right to life The most profound result of the analysis of the documents of opponents of abortion was the emphasis by all eight organizations on the baby’s right to life. Several opponents emphasize the existence of human life; the life of an innocent, and defenseless baby. This baby’s right to life is connected to the perspective of abortion as murder as, for example, the organization Por Acción Católica (Unknown-D) state: “the cruel and merciless murder of an innocent and absolute defenseless life”. By defending that the baby has a right to life they aim to undermine the proponents who propose abortion as a solution. For example both organizations Episcopado 37 (2014-B) and Acción Católica Argentina (2014-B) mention the same quote: “No es progresista pretender resolver los problemas eliminando una vida humana” [It is not progressive to pretend to resolve problems by eliminating a human life]. This right to life is also connected to the dignity of all human beings, of the life of all human being, emphasizing the value of this life and the importance of defending this right to a dignified life.

However, the proponents of abortion also use this morality construction, but in their case emphasize the woman's right to life. The organizations Aborto Legal and Despenalización mention the right of women to live a dignified full life, without violence and risks. The organization Aborto Legal (2011-A) states that: “Las mujeres tenemos derecho a vivir una vida plena y sin violencia” [Women have the right to life a full life without violence]. In the content analysis the defense of women’s right to life is framed by all 10 pro-abortion organizations as the defense of human rights; the right to healthcare, the right to equal treatment, the right not to be discriminated, the right for intimacy, the right to decide, the right to be free, and the right on a autonomic reproductive life. It can be stated that the construction of the morality of human rights is crucial for the arguments of the pro-abortion movements. The proponents perceive not having the possibility of a legal abortion as a violation of this right to life. In the report of CELS it is stated how this right to life, and all its aspects, is violated (2015: p.7): “On a daily basis their right to life, to health, to physical, mental and moral integrity, to autonomy, to intimacy, to dignity, to be free of violence and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment, and to equality”. This right to life is connected to the autonomy of women, who as citizens have rights that should be guaranteed by the state (Las Mujeres al Oeste, 2011-A). They defend the freedom of women, as with the illegality of abortions their autonomy and their freedom to choose are violated. These rights should be guaranteed for women, independent of them being pregnant, as is stated in the report of the Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Right (2013: p.23): “A woman is a person and therefore a human being that has the right to fully exercise her human rights, regardless of her pregnancy”. This emphasizes how the legal situation of a woman does not change if she is pregnant or not, contradicting the statements of the opponents. This coincides with the feminist identity in which motherhood is seen as a construction and not as something natural that comes with pregnancy, thus not equalizing a pregnant woman with a mother.

38 Activist Elsa is also critical upon the ‘pro-life’ arguments of the opponents, which she calls ‘against rights’ as the pro-abortion activists also defend a life, a chosen life, in which she emphasizes the importance of the decision of the women. Activist Diego states how these pro- life arguments are limited as the situation of the mother and father is not incorporated, and the arguments are only biological and not social. He states that the opponents do not think about the life of the women, and how they do not perceive pregnancy as something about which women should decide. Accordingly activist Jesica sees the opponent's defense as an attack on the autonomy, and the decision making of women. Activist Josefina relates the arguments of the opponents to being anti-women, as they want women to remain subordinated in the home. It is also emphasized that mainly women are hurt by the lack of these rights, as men do not have their autonomy restricted in any similar way: “El derecho argentino no restringe la autonomía de los varones en ninguna forma parecida” [The argentine law does not restrict the autonomy of males in any similar way] (Despenalización, 2014-B). Neither are they exposed to the health risks that women experience during illegal abortions (Aborto Legal, 2015-C). According to the report of ‘Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Right’ (2013: p.23) this exacerbates gender oppression and inequality. This can be connected to the struggles against which feminists are organizing.

In the above, the conflicting constructions of the moralities of human rights have been stressed. It has been shown how both, the proponents and opponents, use the right to life, while constructing it differently. On the one hand, the opponents of abortion state the right to life of the baby, an innocent and defenseless life that should be protected, through which the opponents portray abortion as a murder of this life. On the other hand, the proponents of abortion emphasize the woman's right to life, the right to a dignified life. Not having the possibility of a legal abortion violates this right, as it violates the autonomy of women. The proponents place the responsibility of upholding these rights in the hands of the state that should guarantee them. Thus, a connection is made between the pro-abortion movements and their adversaries, as is done in the collective identity. The pro-abortion activists undermine the pro-life arguments of the opponents, as they state how they do not incorporate the life of women in their arguments, therefore violating her rights. Gender inequality is emphasized, as only women’s rights are restricted, thus emphasizing one important struggle of the feminist identity. However, as 39 explained earlier both the proponents and opponents use a human rights framework to support their arguments, as both stand in constant interaction it can be imagined how the mutual use influences their contentious politics. This will be discussed in the next paragraph.

7.2 Mutual use of human rights The arguments of the opponents and proponents are all expressed in a human rights framework, namely the right to life, and the obligation to protect and take care of that life. This is a striking result of the content analysis as both the proponents as well as the opponents use a human rights framework. Activist Elsa explains that the Catholic opponents abandoned their Catholic discourse for a human rights discourse, in which they do not say that they talk in the name of the Catholic Church, but that they talk in the name of human rights, of science, of law, of ecology. They speak of parenthood and family but not in religious precepts, but as the right to life, like a human right, as well of the rights of women, with differing interpretation of international treaties. Elsa states that because of this the proponents also have to actualize their discourse in order to be able to discuss them, as it would not have made sense to keep using biblical phrases. Elsa explains: “they appropriated it, as they appropriated the right to life, they appropriated the human rights discourse and they emptied its content in return”. This is an interesting statement as it is explains how the interaction between the proponents and opponents have influenced the strategies and arguments of the pro-abortion movements, delegitimizing the proponents human rights framework. Academic Monica also explains that this mutual use of the human rights discourse has complicated the debate as it has led to a loss of a productive discussion. Activist Cristina stresses how the mutual using of rights is not going to serve for the legalization as nobody will win the discussion when both are claiming the right to life (of the mother or of the fetus).

In sum, these by the proponents perceived challenges can be related to the feminist morality debate, as they are defending women as capable citizens that have the right to decide over their own life and body. However, on the other side of the debate there is the morality debate of the opponents of abortion, in which the human right to life is also emphasized. This right to life is connected by them to the sanctuary of the family, and mainly the mother who is ought to protect this defenseless life of the baby. Because of the constant interaction of the contentious politics of 40 the proponents and opponents of abortion, both have constructed human rights discourses. However, this mutual use of human rights has complicated the debate of abortion, as it delegitimizes their use. But why is the use of human rights so popular in the contentious politics? The use of the human rights discourse by the pro-abortion movements and its connection to the feminist identity will be explained in the next section.

7.3 The right to decide With regard to abortion, the right to decide over one’s own body and life is a human right that is mentioned by all proponents that have been analyzed in the content analysis, which is connected to women being morally capable to make decisions and to judge right from wrong. Activist Elsa also states that this right to decide will construct another femininity, in which females are perceived as citizens fully exercising their rights. In the content analysis it came forward how this right to decide has different aspects, firstly there is the right to decide over their own sex life; to have a healthy sex life, without risks, violence, coercion, and not tied-up to procreation. Connected to this is the right of women to decide if they want to become a mother or not, the right to not have a forced motherhood. Activist Carla explains how there is a tendency in Argentine policies in which opportunities are provided for those who want to be a mother, but not for those who do not. Choosing motherhood is connected by the activists to the right to decide, and as activist feminist queer Mabel explains: “women have to have this option, and have to put their motherhood in discussion, if there is legal abortion, you are going to put in discussion your motherhood, if there is no legal abortion you are not going to put it into discussion”, with this room for discussion it can also be imagined how room can be created to discuss these naturalized gender roles. The construction of the right to decide coincides with the construction of the feminist identity, as it is a strategical portrayal of the demand that women make their own decisions, which is centrally connected to the right to decide to become a mother or not.

In the content analysis it was observed that pro-abortion movements connect the current Argentine situation of illegal and penalized abortions to forced motherhood. Pro-abortion activists oppose this as they are against a state that imposes motherhood. Rather they perceive motherhood as a free decision and commitment of the women themselves: “We hope that 41 motherhood will be a choice and not a mandate” (Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir y la Asociación por los Derechos Civiles, 2010: p.3). So this right to decide over one’s own body and over one’s own motherhood is connected to the autonomy of women, which is violated by not having the right to abortion. These statements on forced and liberated motherhood are in contradiction with other statements on women being capable to decide over their own body, which in illegality is done clandestinely. With the high number of clandestine abortions it can be illustrated that Argentine females do have an agency in their choice to become a mother. Activist feminist queer Mabel also undermines the connection between illegal abortions and women having no agency, as she states that having an illegal abortion is a form of decision-making, only in worse conditions.

Oppression of the women’s right to decide over their own bodies is connected to the Catholic Church by the pro-abortion movements such as Aborto Legal, Nuevo MAS and Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir. The movement Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (2013-D) states how the Catholic Church “does not recognize the leading role of women”, as they do not recognize the rights of women. The movement Aborto Legal (2012-H) states how the Catholic Church has a moral anchored in the past, and forms the main opposition in the progression of the human rights of all people, but especially women. Thus, Aborto Legal perceives their construction of morality as outdated. Activist Elsa relates this to the democratic state, as she states that a truly democratic state that upholds the human rights and the rights of women can only be a secular state. The organization 28 de Septiembre (2011-A) states how a safe and secure abortion is a reproductive right which is constituted in the human rights exercised by a secular state, which promotes social justice and gender equality. This right to decide is also connected to valorization of the democracy by Despenalización (Unknown-A): “Because we value the democracy, we cannot accept that women in our country are not considered full citizens to decide over their own lives”. This responsibility of the state to uphold human rights is important as it would deepen the democracy [“la profundización de la democracia”] (Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir and la Asociación por los Derechos Civiles, 2010: p.10). The current situation is perceived as a limitation of the democracy, as certain basic rights are not adhered to in the name of religious values, and thus violating the secular state (Despenalización, 2008-C).

42 The pro-abortion movements connect the construction of the right to decide to their adversary the Argentine state, which imposes motherhood upon women, while, also stressing the agency of women. Another actor that suppresses the women’s right to decide, which is related to the state which should be secular, is the Catholic Church. Central to their construction of the morality of human rights is their perception of the democratic Argentine state, which they perceive as the bearer of human rights as the state should uphold and guarantee them. The pro-abortion activists connect this to a secular state as it is stated how only through a secular, democratic state the human rights truly can be adhered. Therefore it can be concluded that the construction of the morality of human rights is done in interaction, which can be explained by social movements constantly being in contact with other political actors. But why is the human rights discourse popular in the contentious politics of the pro-abortion movements? The strategic choice for this discourse will be explained in the next paragraph, and related to the feminist identity.

7.4 Strategical use of human rights In the interviews it came forward that the National Campaign (and movements aligned to it) acts out a strategy which focuses upon passing the law in the Argentine Congress, and thus interacting with the political actors to convince them of the importance of passing a law for legal and depenalized abortion. Activist Carla stresses how certain arguments are used because they are strategically more popular or useful, such as the human rights argument as well as the maternal deaths argument. She explains how the current government also strongly fosters human rights politics, and with the pro-abortion human rights focus they also want to anticipate into this debate. Activist Diego explains how the current Argentine president Cristina has contributed to the human rights debate, contradicting her position with regard to the right to abortion which she does not support. Activist Cristina and Elsa state the advances that the current government has made in relation to human rights, regarding the last dictatorship, as well as regarding women’s rights. It is stated that the current Kirchner government does has supported women’s rights in a positive way (even when it is not on the issue of abortion), such as the law to protect women of violence, or the law of gender identity (with which the gender identity can be changed much more easily) (Activist Cristina and Elsa).

43 Activist Carla expresses how more feminist arguments, such as the right to decide of women over their own bodies and over their own motherhood, are less popular in the Argentine public debate, in contrast with human rights arguments. Activist Martha explains how the organization ‘Socorristas en Red’, an organization that supports clandestine abortion with pre- and post- abortion services, uses a discourse that focuses primarily upon the right to decide. They have altered the last part of the slogan of the National campaign from ‘aborto legal para no morir’ [legal abortion to not die] to ‘aborto legal para decidir’ [legal abortion to decide’]. Thus the activists that support the clandestinity support the autonomy and the right to decide of women, as they provide services through which they encourage women to take control over their own body.

Thus, on the one hand there is the more widely accepted strategy that focuses upon human rights and the passing of the in Congress. With this, the pro-abortion activists play into the human rights discourse of the Argentine government, however also encountering the opponents of abortion who construct human rights in another manner, which undermines the strategical use of these morality constructions. While, on the other hand, the clandestinity strategy focuses much more on enabling women’s right to decide, which could be viewed as a more controversial and feminist strategy, and therefore being less popular with the general public and the Argentine government. This states how the strategic construction of human rights is a process that is developed in interaction with other political actors, such as the state. It can be concluded that the more publicly feminist approaches, such as supporting the clandestinity, are generally perceived less attractive, as they emphasize more radical, feminist arguments that focus upon improving the position of women. This can also be related to the heterogeneity of the National Campaign to which a lot of movements, institutions and organizations are connected. In chapter six it has been explained that this organization does not identify itself as feminist, as not all contributors agree upon this. Therefore the more pragmatic choice of strategy, which focuses upon human rights and passing the law can be explained, as it is a strategy that applies more to the general public. This explains the ambiguity of the feminist identity, as the collective feminist identity is just one of the female collective identities. Somehow being too feminist is neither perceived as a positive contribution to the pro-abortion movement. This also stresses that there are different levels of feminism present within the collective identity. Therefore the nuance of womanhood, which can be constructed in many different ways, should be stressed. 44

In sum, it has been shown that the proponents and opponents of abortion construct the morality of human rights in different manners. Both emphasize the importance of the defense of the right to life a dignified life, however, the opponents emphasize the life of the baby, while the proponents emphasize the life of the women, and inherent her autonomy and right to decide. Both demand from the state that their preferred rights will be guaranteed and place the responsibility in the state’s hands. The pro-abortion movements are connecting the rights of women to their adversaries. With this, contradicting moralities have been constructed through which both sides legitimize their claims, collective identities and struggles. These constructs are inherent to their construction of their collective female identity, as it provides a way of concretizing their female claims. Thus, through the constructions of the moralities of human rights the movements can concretize their collective identity, thus these two constructions are interrelated. This mutual use of human rights constructions can be explained because of the contentious interaction between the proponents and opponents of abortion, as both have constructed the discourse out of a reaction to each other. The focus upon human rights by the pro-abortion movements can be explained as a strategic choice to connect with the discourse of the Argentine government, as well as to the wider public. The importance of interaction can also be stressed in relation to the construction of the moralities of human rights in the contentious politics, through which human rights are strategically constructed to support the demands and actions of the pro-abortion movements. The construction of the moralities of human rights can be interrelated with their collective feminist identity of the pro-abortion movements, as for both autonomy and the right to decide are pivotal. With this the mutual influence of the construction of collective identities and moralities of human rights can be stressed. However, there are also different manners within the pro-abortion movements present on which construction of the morality debates to use. For example, a more feminist construction focuses upon the right to decide of the women, emphasizing her autonomy and free motherhood. However, these feminist constructions are less popular and therefore less used by the National Campaign. Thus, it can also be stated how there exist different degrees of feminism within the pro-abortion movements, sometimes derived out of strategic reasons. Another emphasis that womanhood, and feminism, is a nuanced as well as a strategically used concept.

45 8. Conclusion and discussion

In Argentina abortion is illegal, however allowed under the following exceptions: if the pregnancy causes a risk to the health or life of the woman or if the pregnancy is a result of rape or an attack. Nevertheless even these legal abortions pose a problem for women as medicals fear the consequences and cases often end up at court. Therefore the topic of abortion remains controversial in Argentina, though increasingly discussed, as a heated debate exists between pro- and contra-abortion activists. The controversy of this topic can be related to the influence of the Catholic Church on the Argentine society and politics, which has created a valorization of the institution of the (heterosexual) family and of motherhood. This has constructed a notion of motherhood that is valued, naturalized and expected; consequently abortions [ergo saying no to motherhood] is treated as the opposite and experienced by some as unvalued, unnatural, and unexpected. The pro-abortion movements aim to challenge the dominant cultural perspectives of female identity, which focuses upon motherhood and traditional roles of women. The pro- abortion social movements perform contentious politics, in the name of women's right to choose over their own bodies, challenging and interacting with existing power holders, such as the Argentine state and the Catholic Church. Because of these contentious interactions collective identities are not static but rather fluid and constantly under construction, therefore influencing the movements’ demands, actions and strategies. The collective identities are used strategically by social movements through processes of framing, which are strategies of protest that emphasize the injustice. The collective identities benefit the movements as it helps creating boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’, localizes the threat, attracts constituents and appears crucial in upholding solidarity and commitment within the movement.

For the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate gender identity is pivotal, as the debate focuses upon the female role and motherhood. Interesting about the struggle between the proponents and opponents of abortion is their different construction of female identity and womanhood. From the proponents perspective abortion is perceived as a threat to traditional values, and as they perceive life to be present from the moment of conception abortion is seen to be threatening this defenseless life. The opponents of abortion have constructed a morality debate of human rights, to which the right to life is key. For the pro-abortion movements the 46 feminist identity is crucial, central to the feminist identity are concepts as autonomy and the right to decide over one’s own life and body. Another significant element of the feminist identity is their (daily) struggle with more dominant patriarchal powers through which they connect the personal to the political. In the above the different construction of the moralities of the human rights debates of both the proponents and opponents of abortion have been explained, emphasizing the contradicting use of human rights (right to decide of the women vs. right to life of the baby). These constructions of the morality of human rights are interrelated to the constructions of the female collective identities. Clearly proponents and opponents have constructed different female identities related to different constructions of the morality of human rights. Different female identities construct different moralities of human rights, and the other way around. Through the research the interaction of these two constructs has been clarified. Through these two constructions the heterogeneity of womanhood will be perceived, as it can be debated whether the division between traditional female identity and feminist identity is really as rigid. Feminists are not anti-mothers, they only incorporate motherhood differently into their identity. Thus, womanhood can be constructed in many different manners. The construction of womanhood as a collective identity, interrelated with the construction of the moralities of human rights, is the focus of this research. Through this focus the complexity and inherent tensions of female identity will be emphasized.

In the field research, a clear example of the heterogeneity of womanhood was observed in the different incorporations of motherhood into the collective female identity. The proponents with a feminist identity perceive motherhood as one choice among many, contrary, opponents with a conservative female identity perceive motherhood as the ultimate role. However, opposing these two types of identities is a simplification of female identity, as within and between these categories there are inherent tensions and contradictions. Pro-abortion movements also value motherhood, however, as long as it is the choice of women. Furthermore, the collective feminist identity also inhabits tension, which can be illustrated by the disagreement within the pro- abortion movements in the degree of publicly portraying themselves as feminists. Feminism is only perceived as a contribution for the politics of the pro-abortion movements up to a certain level, which illustrates the strategical use of this identity. Another manner upon which the pro- abortion activists use their collective identity strategically is through the creation of clear outer 47 boundaries, constructing a clear enemy against whom they struggle. The field research clearly indicates that pro-abortion activists construct their collective feminist identity in interaction with their adversaries. Recurrently emphasizing their opponents and their struggles against their opponents enables them to construct a clear enemy, which strengthens the boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’. Because of this the movement is internally strengthened, it legitimizes their cause and struggle against a clear adversary through the strategical use of their collective identity. The constant (re)construction of the collective feminist identity is caused by the interaction with other political actors, such as their opponents. Doing so influences the content and direction of their demands, which are consequently all focused upon the struggles against their opponents. Thus, the feminist collective identity stands central for the contentious politics of the pro-abortion movements, as it is strategically used to frame themselves in one way while framing opponents contrastingly. This can be related to the construction of moralities of human rights, which are also used strategically in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate.

Both proponents and opponents use a human rights discourse, through which they demand the state to be responsible and guarantee their citizens’ rights. With this emphasis on the state’s role, it can be stressed how these constructions are also made through the contentious interactions with other political actors. This stresses how the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate is a fluid and relational process through which interaction is fundamental. Opponents and proponents of abortion construct the moralities of human rights in different manners, in interaction with their collective identity, and with other political actors. The constructions of moralities are fundamental for collective female identities, as it provides a manner to concretize the inherent values of this identity. The two constructions are interrelated, and mutually influence each other's construction. For example, for both constructions of the feminist identity and the feminist morality of human rights autonomy and the right to decide are essential. The contradicting moralities are strategically used to legitimize their claims, actions, and ideas. However, also within the pro-abortion movements opinions differ on the degree upon which the feminist morality construction should be applied, as an openly and controversy feminist construction of the moralities of human rights is perceived less popularly. This emphasizes the

48 ambiguity of this strategical construction used in the contentious politics of the Argentine abortion debate.

The construction of female identity relates to the different morality debates of human rights and practices. One the one hand, there is the more traditional, Catholic female identity in which parenthood, family and the traditional nurturing role of women are emphasized. These values are connected to certain human rights in which the right to life (from conception) is emphasized and connected to baby's (or fetus') right to life. On the other hand the feminist identity is constructed with an emphasis on free motherhood and autonomy. These values are connected to certain human rights that emphasize the right to decide and the right to a dignified life. These different constructions of the morality of human rights influence the demands, actions, and strategies of the opponents of abortion, as it provides arguments through which their demands can be concretized. It can be concluded how these different constructions of the morality of human rights lead to contradicting arguments, as human rights are very extensive and can be used in many ways. This undermines the idea of universality. The moralities of human rights are constructed in a certain context, in relation with a certain collective identity. Both the collective identity and the morality of human rights are constructed in the contentious interactions. Because of this constant (re)construction contradictions and tension arise in the constructions, emphasizing the heterogeneity of these concepts. Collective identities and the moralities of human rights are intrinsically interconnected with each other, contributing to the nuanced womanhood. Womanhood and female identity are thus concepts with very extensive interpretations, as can be shown in the different female identities that are adhered by the proponents and opponents of abortion.

With this master thesis the heterogeneity of female identity has been illuminated, as it inherently entails contradicting characteristics. It has been explained why the academic world should be careful in their use of concepts as ‘women’s movements’ as the female identity is very extensive. In this research only two parts of the comprehensive womanhood have been researched, namely the feminist identity and the more conservative Catholic female identity. Naturally there are more characteristics and identities present in the all-encompassing container concept of womanhood. Interaction with other (political) actors is crucial for the development of the 49 collective female identity therefore context is crucial. With the research of this case-study one context has been researched, however, there are many other cultural, social, and political contexts that influence the constructions of womanhood which not have been researched. It is of importance to further academically analyze the concept of womanhood and to break with the generalization of femininity, as there are a lot of striking tensions present within this categorization. Therefore I recommend further research on the different constructions of female identity, within different context. This would lead to the further incorporation of constructivism into the contentious politics debate, widening the debate by combining identity politics and social networks. By creating an understanding of the collective female identity, and the inherent tensions and ambiguities, a richer perspective of the personal nuanced womanhood and its connection to the collective identity will be provided.

In this research the focus has been upon the construction of the feminist identity by the pro- abortion activists, related and contrasted with the more conservative female identity of the opponents. Because of practicalities, such as the short period of research and extensiveness of this master thesis, only pro-abortion activists have been interviewed. This has been intercepted by the qualitative content analysis of the opponents, though I am aware that my thesis mainly provides a one-sided perspective of the abortion-struggle in the Argentine society. As the debate around the Argentine legalization of abortion is very lively and inhibits profound social and cultural tensions between the opponents and proponents, further research in which the construction of the female identity of the opponents will be analyzed is recommended. This would contribute to a better understanding of the interaction between the proponents and opponents, and the influence of these contentious interactions upon both collective female identities. Hopefully this will lead to a further deconstruction of the homogeneity of the female identity, enabling a more nuanced and realistic approach of womanhood in academics.

50 9. References

Adler, E. (2013) ‘Constructivism in international relations: Sources, contributions, and debates’, in Carlsnaes, W., Risse, T. and Simmons B.A. (ed.) Handbook of International Relations, second edition, London: Sage Publications.

Altheide, D.L. (1987) ‘Reflections: Ethnographic content analysis’, Qualitative sociology, vol. 10, no. 1, pp. 65-77.

Amenta, E. and Young, M.P. (1999) ‘Making an impact: Conceptual and methodological implications of the collective goods criterion’, in Giugni, M., McAdam, D. and Tilly, C. How social movements matter, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Bastian Duarte, A.I. (2012) ‘From the margins of Latin American feminism: Indigenous and lesbian feminisms’, Signs, vol. 38, no. 1, Autumn, pp. 153-178.

Baud, M. and Rutten, R. (2004) Popular Intellectuals and Social Movements: Framing Protest in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Bryman, A. (2008) Social research methods, 3rd edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Busdygan, D. (2013) Sobre la despenalización del aborto, first edition, La Plata: Editorial de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata.

Chaneton, J. and Vacarezza, N. (2011) La intemperie y lo intempestivo: Experiencias del aborto voluntario en el relato de mujeres y varones, Buenos Aires: Editorial Marea SRL.

Craske, N. (1999) Women & Politics in Latin America, New Jersey (USA): Rutgers University Press.

51 Daich, D. and Tarducci, M. (2012) “Aborto legal, una deuda de la democracia”. Aportes para una historia de la lucha por la despenalización y legalización del aborto en Argentina’, ISA 2012 Forum of Sociology, Research Committee on Women in Society, RC32, Session D. van Drunen, S. (2010) Struggling with the past. The human rights movement and the politics of memory in post-dictatorship Argentina (1983-2006), Amsterdam: Rozenberg Publishers.

Ely, R.J. (1995) ‘The power in demography: Women's social constructions of gender identity at work’, The Academy of Management Journal, vol. 38, no. 3, pp. 589-634.

Ferree, M.M. (2003) ‘Resonance and radicalism: Feminist framing in the abortion debates of the United States and Germany’, in McAdam, D. and Snow, D.A. Readings on Social Movements: Origins, Dynamics and Outcomes, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Foucault, M. (1982) ‘The subject and power’, Critical Inquiry, vol. 8, no. 4, Summer, pp. 777- 795.

Grammático, K. (2010) ‘Populist continuities in “revolutionary Peronism”? A comparative analysis of the gender discourses of the first Peronism (1946-1955) and the Montoneros’, in Kampwirth, K. Gender and populism in Latin America: passionate politics, Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press.

Hopf, T. (1998) ‘The promise of constructivism in international relations theory’, International Security, vol. 23, no. 1, Summer, pp. 171-200.

Hsieh, H.F., and Shannon, S.E. (2005) ‘Three approaches to qualitative content analysis’, Qualitative health research, vol. 15, no. 9, pp. 1277-1288.

Human Rights Watch (2010) Illusions of Care: Lack of Accountability for Reproductive Rights in Argentina: http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/argentina0810webwcover.pdf.

52 Ireland, M.S. (1993) Reconceiving women: Separating motherhood from female identity, New York: The Guilford Press.

Katz, P.A. (1979) ‘The development of female identity’, in C.B. Kopp (ed.) Becoming female, New York: Springer Science.

Laudano, C.N. (2011) ‘Reflexiones en torno a las imágenes fetales en la esfera pública y la noción de ‘vida’ en los discursos contrarios a la legalización del aborto’, Revista de CEHIM, año 8, no. 8, pp. 57-68.

Liss, M. and Erchull, M.J. (2010) ‘Everyone feels empowered: Understanding feminist self- labeling’, Psychology of Women Quarterly, no. 34, pp. 85–96.

Lund, A. and Lund, M. (2012) ‘Purposive sampling explained’, LAERD dissertation guide, Lund Research Ltd: http://dissertation.laerd.com/purposive-sampling.php#explained.

Di Marco, G. (2011) El pueblo feminista: Movimientos sociales y lucha de las mujeres en torno a la ciudadanía, Buenos Aires: Biblos.

McAdam, D., Tarrow, S. and Tilly, C. (1996) ‘To map contentious politics’, Mobilization: An International Journal, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 17-34.

Merkl-Davies, D.M., Brennan, N.M. and Vourvachis, P. (2014). ‘Content analysis and discourse analysis in corporate narrative reporting research: A methodological guide’, Academia.edu: http://www.academia.edu/2173695/Text_Analysis_Methodologies_in_Corporate_Narrative_Rep orting_Research

Ministerio de Salud (2007) ‘Guía técnica para la atención integral de los abortos no punibles’, Programa Nacional de Salud Sexual y Procreación Responsable, October, Buenos Aires.

53 Morán Faúndes, J.M. (2013) ‘ᐧ¿Pro-vida? ¿Cual Vida? Hacia una descripción crítica del concepto de “vida”defendido por la jerarquía católica’ n Campaña Nacional por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito, El aborto como derecho de las mujeres: Otra historia posible, Buenos Aires: Ediciones Herramienta.

Offen, K. (1988) ‘Defining feminism: A comparative historical approach, Signs, vol. 14, no. 1, Autumn, pp. 119-157.

Perry, M.J. (2004) ‘The morality of Human rights: A nonreligious ground?’, Emory Law Journal, no. 54, pp. 97-150.

Polletta, F. and Jasper, J.M. (2001) ‘Collective identity and social movements’, Annual Review of Sociology, vol. 27, pp. 283-305.

Reger, J., Myers, D.J., and Einwohner, R.L. (2008) Identity work in social movements, Minneapolis: the University of Minnesota Press.

Rosenberg, M.I. (2013) ‘¿Quienes son esas mujeres? II’ in Campaña Nacional por el Derecho al Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito, El aborto como derecho de las mujeres: Otra historia posible, Buenos Aires: Ediciones Herramienta.

Rupp, L.J. and Taylor, V. (1999) ‘Forging feminist identity in an international movement: A collective identity approach to twentieth-century feminism’, Signs, vol. 24, no. 2, Winter, pp. 363-386.

Safa, H.I. (1990) ‘Women’s social movements in Latin America’, Gender and Society, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 354-369.

Sutton, B. (2010) Bodies in crisis: Culture, violence, and women’s resistance in neoliberal Argentina, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press.

54

Tarducci, M. and Tagliaferro, B. (2004) ‘Iglesia católica: Argentina, ni diversa ni laica’, Política y Cultura, primavera, año 2000, no. 021, pp. 191-200.

Tibi, B. (1994) ‘Islamic law/shari'a, human rights, universal morality and international relations’, Human Rights Quarterly, vol. 16, no. 2, May, pp. 277-299.

Waylen, G. (1994). ‘Women and democratization: Conceptualizing gender relations in transition politics’, World Politics, vol. 46, no. 3, April, pp. 327-354.

Zarco, A. (2011) ‘Maternalismo, identidad colectiva y participación política: las Madres de Plaza de Mayo’, Revista Punto Género, no. 1, pp. 229-247.

55 10. Appendix 1 - References QCA

Proponents

Aborto Legal A. Aborto Legal (2011) ¿Qué es la Campaña?, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=1471, [1 Aug 2011] B. Aborto Legal (2011) Solicitada por el Aborto Legal, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=1108, [8 Apr 2011] C. Aborto Legal (2015) APOYAMOS AL PEDIDO DE AMNISTÍA INTERNACIONAL PARA QUE INICIE EL DEBATE SOBRE ABORTO, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=2248, [8 Feb 2015] D. Aborto Legal (2011) Personalidades a favor del aborto, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=1676, [21 Nov 2011] E. Aborto Legal (2013) Documento enviado por la Campaña a la Comisión Bicameral, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=2126, [20 Nov 2013] F. Aborto Legal (2013) Negar un aborto no punible es un delito, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=2123, [13 Nov 2013] G. Aborto Legal (2013) Solo el Aborto Legal garantiza el Derecho al Decidir, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=2105, [24 Oct 2013] H. Aborto Legal (2012) Aportes en relación al nuevo Código Civil para terminar con los privilegios de la iglesia católica, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=1920, [23 Aug 2012] I. Aborto Legal (2012) Nunca más terrorismo de estado - Nunca más violencia sexual y violaciones contra las mujeres, [ Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=1850, [24 Mar 2012] J. Aborto Legal (2012) Radio Abierta por los derechos de las Mujeres entrerrianas, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?p=1774, [27 Jan 2012] K. Aborto Legal (Unknown) Objetivos, [Online], Available: http://www.abortolegal.com.ar/?page_id=10

56 Despenalización A. Despenalización (Unknown) Quienes somos, [Online], Available: http://www.despenalizacion.org.ar/somos.html B. Despenalización (2014) El aborto en Argentina: datos, normas y argumentos, by Michel, A.R., Ramos, S. and Romero, M. [Online], Available: http://www.despenalizacion.org.ar/aborto-argentina.html, [Sep 2014] C. Despenalización (2008) Ética, aborto y democracia, by Deniz, D. No. 6, Feb 2008. Downloaded from the website of despenalizacion.org.ar.

Mujeres al Oeste A. Mujeres al Oeste (2011) La Mesa Itinerante por el Aborto Legal, Seguro y Gratuito estuvo en Morón en Junio, [Online], Available: http://mujeresaloeste.blogspot.com.ar/2011/06/se-inagura-en-el-oeste-de-la-mesa- por.html, [Jun 2011]

Lesbianas y Feministas por la Descriminalización del Aborto A. Lesbianas y Feministas por la Descriminalización del Aborto (2012) Todo lo que querés saber sobre cómo hacerse un aborto con pastillas, Buenos Aires: Ediciones Madres de Plaza de Mayo.

Nuevo MAS A. Nuevo MAS (2015) Con el gobierno K y la oposición patronal no hay trabajo para las mujeres, no hay derecho al aborto, siguen la trata y la violencia. Esta justicia ampara a femicidas y violadores, [Online], Available: https://www.mas.org.ar/?p=4633, [5 Mar 2015] B. Nuevo MAS (2014) Costa Richa - La lucha por el Aborto Legal, By Zeledón P., [Online], Available: https://www.mas.org.ar/?p=4102, [27 Nov 2014] C. Nuevo MAS (2014) Nueva Maniobra del Gobierno a la lucha por el Aborto Legal, By Castañeira, M. [Online], Available: https://www.mas.org.ar/?p=3936, [6 Nov 2014]

57 D. Nuevo MAS (2014) Vamos a Salta por el Derecho al Aborto, contra la Violencia hacia las Mujeres, y por la Libertad para Susana, María y Claudia, [Online], Available: https://www.mas.org.ar/?p=3642, [9 Oct 2014] E. Nuevo MAS (2014) Aborto ilegal: Tortura de Mujeres, [Online], Available: https://www.mas.org.ar/?p=2552, [17 Jul 2014] F. Nuevo MAS (2014) ¿Hásta cuando van a seguir impidiendo el aborto no punible?, [Online], Available: https://www.mas.org.ar/?p=1534, [22 May 2014] G. Nuevo MAS (2014) El Gobierno K contra la ley de aborto no punible y contra el fallo de la Corte de 2012, [Online], Available: https://www.mas.org.ar/?p=1308, [6 May 2014] H. Nuevo MAS (2013) Instructivo para (NO) luchar por el aborto legal, [Online], Available: https://www.mas.org.ar/?p=42, [9 Dec 2013] I. Nuevo MAS (2014) No a la Ley Anti Aborto en España, [Online], Available: https://www.mas.org.ar/?p=449, [30 Jan 2014]

Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir A. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (2000) Pensamiento Católico y Aborto, [Online], Available: http://www.catolicas.com.ar/portal/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=16 &catid=14&lang=es, [19 Mar 2000] B. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (Unkown) Misión y Visión de Católicas por el Derecho Decidir de Argentina, [Online], Available: http://www.catolicas.com.ar/portal/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=58 3&Itemid=183&lang=es C. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (2004) Un triunfo de CDD Córdoba, [Online], Available: http://www.catolicas.com.ar/portal/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=23 %3Aun-triunfo-de-cdd-cordoba&catid=7%3Acatolicas-por-el-derecho-a-decidir- cordobaarg&Itemid=182&lang=es D. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (2013) Red Latinoamericana de Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir, [Online], Available:

58 http://www.catolicas.com.ar/portal/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&lay out=blog&id=34&Itemid=165&lang=es E. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (Unknown) 28 de Mayo, [Online], Available: http://www.catolicas.com.ar/portal/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=61 &catid=48%3Aadvocacy&Itemid=167&lang=es F. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (2010) Jornada el Aborto Inseguro y las consecuencias en la salud de las Mujeres, [Online], Available: http://www.catolicas.com.ar/portal/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=34 8%3Ajornada-el-aborto-inseguro-y-las-consecuencias-en-la-salud-de-las- mujeres&catid=49%3Acapacitacion&Itemid=168&lang=es G. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (2014) Aborto si, aborto no, ¡Eso lo decido yo! Información y herramientas para decidir. Downloaded from the website catolicas.com.ar. H. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (2014) Argumentos a favor del derecho a decidir, Córdoba. Downloaded from the website catolicas.com.ar.

28 de Septiembre A. 28 de Septiembre (2010) Visión, [Online], Available: http://www.28deseptiembre.org/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=70:visi%C3 %B3n&Itemid=63, [30 Aug 2010]

Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Right A. Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Right (2013) Libertad de Decisión – Una Guia de Activismo Juvenil para el Trabajo de Incidencia por un Aborto Legal, Canada, 2nd edition. Downloaded from the website of despenalizacion.org.ar.

CELS A. Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (2015) Derechos sexuales y reproductivos, Buenos Aires. Downloaded from the website of despenalizacion.org.ar.

Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir y la Asociación por los Derechos Civiles 59 A. Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir y la Asociación por los Derechos Civiles (2010) El Aborto en Debate - Abortos para un Discusión Pendiente, by Carbajal, M., Mayo 2010. Downloaded from the website of catolicas.com.ar.

Opponents

Agencia Informativa Católica Argentina A. AICA (2012) Organizaciones pro-vida se manifiestan en contra del Protocolo de abortos no punibles, [Online], Available: http://www.aica.org/3176-organizaciones-pro-vida-se- manifiestan-en-contra-del-protocolo-de-abortos.html, [11 Sep 2012] B. AICA (2015) Mons. Zecca hablará sobre el derecho a la vida en la Legislatura tucumana, [Online], Available: http://www.aica.org/17215-mons-zecca-hablara-sobre-el- derecho-la-vida-en-legislatura.html, [8 Apr 2015] C. AICA (2015) Capacitarán instructoras y difusoras del método Billings, [Online], Available:http://www.aica.org/17210-capacitaran-instructoras-difusoras-del-metodo- billings.html, [8 Apr 2015] D. AICA (2015) Día del Niño por Nacer: Un compromiso a “cuidar la fragilidad”, [Online], Available: http://www.aica.org/17034-dia-del-nino-por-nacer-un-compromiso- cuidar-la-fragilidad.html, [26 Mar 2015] E. AICA (2015) Multitudinaria marcha por la Vida en Perú, [Online], Available: http://www.aica.org/16971-multitudinaria-marcha-por-la-vida-en-peru.html, [23 Mar 2015] F. AICA (2015) María, mujer de la Alianza y guardiana de la Vida, [Online], Available: http://www.aica.org/documentos-s-TW9ucy4gQW50b25pbyBNYXJpbm8=-4347, [25 Mar 2015] G. AICA (2003) Familia: comunión de amor, tarea de todos, [Online], Available: http://www.aica.org/documentos-s- Q29uZmVyZW5jaWEgRXBpc2NvcGFsIEFyZ2VudGluYQ==-3853, [15 Nov 2003] H. AICA (2015) Grávida capacita para el servicio a la vida en la diócesis de Neuquén, [Online], Available: http://www.aica.org/16667-gravida-capacita-para-el-servicio-la- vida-en-diocesis-de.html , [9 Mar 2015] 60 I. AICA (2015) Card. Ezzati: “Nuestro convencimiento es defender la vida”, [Online], Available: http://www.aica.org/16203-card-ezzati-nuestro-convencimiento-es-defender- la-vida.html, [3 Feb 2015]

Asociación Profamilia A. Profamilia (Unknown) Antecendentes Asociación Profamilia, [Online], Available: http://www.profamilia.org.ar/qs-antecedentes.htm B. Profamilia (2004) Boletín 06-2004, [Online], Available: http://www.profamilia.org.ar/Boletin%2006-2004.htm, [Jun 2004] C. Profamilia (Unknown) Objetivos Centro de Ayuda a la Mujer, [Online], Available: http://www.profamilia.org.ar/CAM.htm

Conferencia Episcopal Argentina A. Episcopado (2010) Mensaje de Navidad de Mons. José María Arancedo, [Online], Available: http://www.episcopado.org/portal/actualidad-cea/mensajes-y-homilias/571- mensaje-de-navidad-de-mons-jose-maria-arancedo.html, [21 Dec 2010] B. Episcopado (2014) El aborto nunca es solución (Comisión Ejecutiva, 4 de noviembre de 2014), [Online], Available: http://episcopado.org/portal/actualidad-cea/oficina-de- prensa/item/908-el-aborto-nunca-es-soluci%C3%B3n-comisi%C3%B3n-ejecutiva,-4-de- noviembre-de-2014.html, [4 Nov 2014] C. Episcopado (2014) Declaración sobre el tema del aborto - Mons. Arancedo, Arzobispo de Santa Fe, [Online], Available: http://www.episcopado.org/portal/actualidad- cea/oficina-de-prensa/item/868-declaraci%C3%B3n-sobre-el-tema-del-aborto-mons- arancedo,-arzobispo-de-santa-fe.html, [11 Apr 2014] D. Episcopado (2012) Sobre la resolución para abortos no punibles en la ciudad de Buenos Aires, [Online], Available: http://www.episcopado.org/portal/actualidad-cea/oficina-de- prensa/item/712-sobre-la-resoluci%C3%B3n-para-abortos-no-punibles-en-la-ciudad-de- buenos-aires.html, [10 Sep 2012] E. Episcopado (2012) Declaración de los Obispos de Entre Ríos, [Online], Available: http://www.episcopado.org/portal/actualidad-cea/oficina-de-prensa/item/647- declaraci%C3%B3n-de-los-obispos-de-entre-r%C3%ADos.html, [11 May 2012] 61 F. Episcopado (2011) Compromiso por la Vida, [Online], Available: http://www.episcopado.org/portal/actualidad-cea/oficina-de-prensa/item/563- compromiso-por-la-vida.html, [14 Sep 2011]

G. Episcopado (2011) Declaración de la 159゜Comisión Permanente del Episcopado

Argentina, [Online], Available: http://www.episcopado.org/portal/actualidad-cea/oficina- de-prensa/item/550-declaracion-de-la-159-comision-permanente-del-episcopado- argentino.html, [23 Aug 2011]

Por Acción Católica A. Por Acción Católica (Unknown) Charlas sobre aborto, [Online], Available: http://www.poraccioncatolica.com.ar/aborto/aborto.htm B. Por Acción Católica (Unknown) 3 preguntas claves, [Online], Available: http://www.poraccioncatolica.com.ar/aborto/ab280399.htm C. Por Acción Católica (Unknown) Síntesis del Documento Vaticano “Vida Humana”, [Online], Available: http://www.poraccioncatolica.com.ar/aborto/ab011198.htm D. Por Acción Católica (Unknown) Debería permitirse el aborto cuando el embarazo no es deseado porque trauma a la mujer..., [Online], Available: http://www.poraccioncatolica.com.ar/aborto/aborto1.htm E. Por Acción Católica (Unknown) El embrión es sólo una masa de células, es dudoso de que se trate de un verdadero ser humano, [Online], Available: http://www.poraccioncatolica.com.ar/aborto/aborto2.htm F. Por Acción Católica (Unknown) El aborto es un asunto de la propia conciencia, es una cuestión personal, íntima, en la que ni la legislación, ni la religión, ni nadie, excepto la propia madre, debe intervenir... [Online], Available: http://www.poraccioncatolica.com.ar/aborto/aborto6.htm G. Por Acción Católica (Unknown) Aborto: Las Palabras que Usamos, [Online], Available: http://www.poraccioncatolica.com.ar/aborto/ab270102.htm H. Por Acción Católica (Unknown) Aborto - Respuestas de sentido común a los argumentos a favor, by Geisler, N.L. [Online], Available: http://www.poraccioncatolica.com.ar/aborto/ab010902.htm

62

Acción Católica Argentina A. Acción Católica Argentina (2011) Aborto: homicidio agravado, [Online], Available: http://www.accioncatolica.org.ar/?p=5800, [8 Nov 2011] B. Acción Católica Argentina (2014) El aborto nunca es solución, [Online], Available: http://www.accioncatolica.org.ar/?p=12637, [4 Nov 2014]

Movimiento Embrión Humano A. Movimiento Embrión Humano (Unknown) Nuestro Idario, [Online], Available: http://gberton1967.wix.com/membrionh#!about_us/c14e3 B. Movimiento Embrión Humano (2013) Agenda PRO VIDA 2013, [Online], Available: http://gberton1967.wix.com/membrionh#!projects/c10d6 C. Movimiento Embrión Humano (2014) Sofia Gala promueve el Aborto, by Berton, G. [Online], Available: http://gberton1967.wix.com/membrionh#!sofia-gala-y-el- aborto/c223t, [25 Sep 2014] D. Movimiento Embrión Humano (2014) SALTA Aquellare 2014, by Berton, G. [Online], Available: http://gberton1967.wix.com/membrionh#!salta-aquelarre-2014-/crpi, [14 Oct 2014]

Para Hacerse Oír A. Para Hacerse Oír (2015) España contra el aborto, [Online], Available: http://www.hacerseoir.org/index.html#JHS- IHS=mGtSjHuCfpyVeYmCkpibjHxZhIKJe4qce6yrhVptlA%3D%3D, [21 Mar 2015] B. Para Hacerse Oír (2013) En el 2013 una vez más ¡Hablemos Claro de la Vida, [Online], Available:http://www.hacerseoir.org/vyf.html#JHS- IHS=g5aAj3mhdrOrhVaLgHuPjpR8inqRmY%2BVhFaYllpraw%3D%3D C. Para Hacerse Oír (2014) A propósito del aborto en la provincia de Buenos Aires: ¡La vida humana es sagrada e inviolable!, [Online], Available: http://www.hacerseoir.org/vyf.html#JHS- IHS=hn9ej3mhdrOrhVZrblamjlWKe3eBlpx7kH6MmIyZfQ%3D%3D, [7 May 2014]

63 D. Para Hacerse Oír (2014) ¡Que a la mamá y al niño por nacer le sean reconocidos los mismos derechos básicos que a la orangutana del Zoológico de Buenos Aires!, [Online], Available:http://www.hacerseoir.org/vyf.html#JHS- IHS=mmNSbphdiYF7fJWZf4mRhZeLlHlbhI17hIqadLCxhQ%3D%3D, [28 Dec 2014] E. Para Hacerse Oír (2014) Fracasó intento abortista en Comisión de Legislación Penal, pero batalla por la vida continúa, by Viano, M.J. [Online], Available: http://www.hacerseoir.org/vyf.html#JHS- IHS=bmdSZ5ldiYF7fJWZf4mRhZeLlHlbhIqMm5OadLCxhQ%3D%3D, [3 Nov 2014] F. Para Hacerse Oír (2014) Salta: una vez más el movimiento abortista muestra su verdadero rostro, [Online], Available: http://www.hacerseoir.org/vyf.html#JHS- IHS=hoSDmXahdrOrhVaLgHuPjpR8inqRmY%2BVhFaWaFpxZw%3D%3D, [16 Oct 2014]

FAMPAZ A. FAMPAZ (Unknown) Mujer - Vida, [Online], Available: http://www.fampaz.com.ar/familia/NOT7_LEY_ABORTO.html B. FAMPAZ (2012) “Violadores sueltos, bebés muertos”, by Muñoz, O. [Online], Available: http://www.fampaz.com.ar/fampaz_nota4.html

64