May 1984 Marxism Today 29

The working class, contrary to popular myth on the Left, has never been intrinsically socialist. And the myth is even less true today. Class Conundrum Gregor McLennan

AS HEADS ARE PUT TOGETHER to problem for the Left. A second weakness physical work in some manufacturing 're-think' the future of the Labour Party, has roots further back, and that is that areas, and a relative growth in labour- the Communist Party, and the Left in when a strong conception of class politics intensive services. The range of work general, the call goes out to put thoughts dominates, non-class issues tend to be experience has consequently broadened, into action. Some would say that the marginalised or even scorned. The Marxist and though a number of tasks have been 'pessimism' of the Left's think tank tradition in particular has always found 'de-skilled', it is also clear that the 'slavery' positively precludes the other side of non-class issues politically uncomfortable. of wage-labour is less apparent than in Gramsci's famous couplet: optimism of the earlier phases of capitalism or in many will. There can be no complacency on this Occupational change other countries of the world today. And at score. Why is it that the 'so what do we do, To gain a sense of the challenge facing the least amongst the (widening) band of now' sections of acute analytical articles feel traditional conceptions, we need to focus technical, professional, and administrative like the air has leaked out of a bright on the character of work tasks, their workers, there is a significant degree of balloon? sectoral locations, and their cultural individual autonomy over the direction and Yet there is a danger here which we ramifications. pace of work. should avoid, of believing that serious In proportional terms, the numbers of These structural changes make the polit­ reflection at best precedes the charge into workers employed in agriculture, fisheries, ical complexion of the working class less action, and at worst deflects real struggle. mining, and textiles has been reduced by certain to estimate. There cannot be many On the contrary, fundamental analysis over one half in the twenty years from 1961 socialist households which have not been should accompany, harness, and direct to 1981'. Under the Thatcher era this rate disrupted by inconclusive arguments about renewed practical energy. With that point has certainly accelerated. In the metal the consequences of adopting the 'broad' or in mind, I want to focus on the basic idea of trades, there have been job losses of the 'narrow' definition of the working class! class politics in. the context of socialist perhaps one third in the same period, and In my view, this question has been settled strategies. Many of the valuable contribu­ manufacture as a Whole now accounts for for some time. The priority given in tions to recent issues of Marxism Today on only 28% of work. Craft or skilled manual analytical terms and in political weight to Labour's current crisis have touched on labour has been reasonably estimated at productive labour in general, and to manual this question; the debate may benefit from only 18% of all work tasks. Within labour in particular, requires revision. a treatment of it in its own right. manufacture, the great heavy industries Productive labour — that work which The crisis facing Labour and the Left is have declined sharply, being replaced, directly produces 'surplus value' — now certainly to do with the force of Thatcher- if at all, by lighter advanced technology ism's assault on the postwar social demo­ requiring fewer workers of various kinds. Increasingly, little of direct cratic consensus, and with the dramatic The service trades, by contrast, have loss of Labour's votes. But beneath this, it grown from just over ten million people in political significance can be is the very idea of a politics based upon 1961 to thirteen million in 1981. Among deduced from the fact of assumptions about the working class which these, transport has declined in importance being working class is at issue. One of the notable features — (though not dramatically), whilst public probably the feature — of Labour's elec­ administration has grown slightly. However, involves less than 30% of working people. toral decline has been its loss of support in professional and scientific categories The productive labourers in the new the manual working class, 23% of whom account for a substantial jump from some technologies will come to bear little resem­ (according to survey data) changed their two million jobs in 1961 to about four blance to those in heavy industry. For the vote from Labour between 1979-1983. million today. The numbers engaged in rest of the 'broad' working class (the Consequently, Labour's traditional percep­ banking, insurance, and the like have collective labourer of hand and brain), it is tion of the relationship between class and almost doubled. As far as gender is a necessarily heterogeneous collection. It party is less adequate to a changing reality. concerned, women are now about 40% of includes the low paid hairdresser, but also Indeed, socialists in general are having to the workforce, two thirds of women the well paid doctor; the downtrodden adapt and alter their conceptions of class workers being in the service trades. shop-assistant, but also the lower ranks of politics, in two main ways. First, in Overall, then, there have been major management. Finally, the important recent response to the changing structure and changes, some of which will be irreversible. literature on women's role in the labour culture of the working class. Increasingly, The size of the workforce has been process and the home make it plain that little of direct political significance can be reduced, and within that total the propor­ ideas of class based on men's manual deduced from the fact of being working tion of 'productive' workers has fallen. class. This is a relatively recent historical There has been a lightening of onerous 1 Central Statistical Office, Social Trends. 30 May 1984 Marxism Today labour, or which take class to be reflected and affluence conjured up by the idea of peasant production. However, it contains a by the 'head of the family' will fail to grasp more leisure is more real for some than for dubious element of inaccuracy and moral- the politics of gender within the working others. For every golden handshake or ism. By comparison, the vast majority of class itself. In sum, the idea of a spon­ freelance occupation there are many more jobs look different, and many look pos­ taneous class politics arising from a typical squalid redundancy payments, pensions, itively 'decadent'. And the implications of a kind of labour is much less convincing that and social security cheques. gendered division of labour make it diffi­ it once was. Yet on both counts, the socialist move­ cult to accept as appropriate the herculean ment has to act if it is not to be politically virtues of male extractive strength which Sectoral and cultural politics disadvantaged. As Stuart Hall outlined in the image conveys. In terms of sectoral and cultural change, January's Marxism Today, the politics of In the context of these problems, the similar conclusions can be drawn. The state leisure is a challenging area to which the idea that a common class identity will is now the ultimate boss for one third of the Left is only reluctantly and belatedly assert itself over the differences only helps working population, divided almost equally beginning to respond. One particular junc­ to confuse the issue. This is especially the between the public corporations, central tion of class and culture seems to me case where the existence of deep rooted government, and local government. Now important for our perceptions of shifts in working class interests is invoked for polit­ the work performed in the state sector is working class life: the disappearance of ical effect. There are three main ways in not necessarily different in character from apprenticeship. This traditional mode of which class interests are claimed to direct that in the private sector, but the employee/ entry into the male working class is political forces. employer relation is different. The time- virtually non-existent today. Gone too, The first is the reformist conception that honoured picture of workers in struggle therefore, is one of the major ways in which in return for their electoral allegiance, the against private capitalists must therefore be class-conscious workers are formed and Labour Party will look after the interests of radically altered. Publicly owned com­ active socialists recruited. For many years working class voters. Obviously, this per­ panies may or may not be governed by the this channel of socialisation into craft spective has some impressive historical criterion of profit-making: this will depend labour values and class solidarity overlap­ evidence to commend it. Until quite somewhat on the type of utility, and on the ped with other influences on young people. recently, the political culture of manual politics of the party of government. And Now it has been replaced by the various labour sustained the party's efforts to public companies are liable to be judged as secure non-revolutionary advances for national assets in a way which few private they regard all options at the working people, both in terms of material firms are. In its administrative branches, conditions and political clout. Actually, the the identity of the state as an employer is ballot box as intrinsically golden age of 'alignment' between Labour even less assimilable to that of the capitalist manipulative and the manual working class can be firm. The politics of the complicated exaggerated in both depth and span, but relationship between public and private subcultures of the school, the dole, and the certainly from the 1960s on, there has been spheres in this sense cannot be brushed training schemes. Here too, politically, the a period of serious 'de-alignment'. Even by aside — as it is for example in the simplistic Left has struggled to cope with new social the later 1960s it was estimated by political proposition that since the state is a capitalist developments. Many are left blinking in scientists that the typical image of Labour state all the workers remain in principle puzzlement about how to relate to the voters — those who left school early, joined subject to the tyrannies of private capital. diverse and sometimes exotic concerns of a union, rented a house, and worked Sectoral location is thus coming to be the young working class. This general manually — applied to barely a fifth of the recognised as an independent factor which problem is exacerbated by the historic electorate. How much more patronising can help explain some recent voting pat­ decision of a majority of unemployed and inaccurate today is the Labourist terns. The Labour Party, for instance, is first-time voters to avoid organised politics conception of a passive class whose affairs less popular amongst manual workers in completely by not turning up to the polls. are understood exclusively by the Labour private industry, but it is heavily supported We must assume that they regard all Party? At least the 1983 disaster at the polls by state sector workers. This has less to do options at the ballot box as intrinsically has caused some radical reconsideration. with an identification with Labour based manipulative. In one sense this is a positive The second version of class interests puts on class considerations, and more to do sentiment of suspicion — as it is with many the working class in a much more active with the fact that Labour is the party which black and Asian people. But socialists are light. The basic idea is that working class defends, for good or ill, a large public in no better a state to benefit from and experience brings it daily up against the sphere and nationalised industries. For that channel this distrust of the system than are intrinsic hostility of capitalism. Through the reason too, it attracts a higher proportion of the Tories. labour movement this class experience can the public service 'middle class' vote, as be galvanised and turned into an anti- compared with private industry. Class interests capitalist drive. Such an idea lies behind In the cultural realm, the number of The shifts in the types of work, its location, programmes aimed at creating an 'anti- hours worked, the forms of flexitime and and its cultural consequences mean that monopoly' alliance, for example. Despite paid and unpaid leave are changing to the some of the preferred socialist images of the its richer view of class politics, this version benefit of working people. This enables working class may be more of a hindrance assumes a too-direct connection between them to structure the working day, week, than a clue to political advance. The main workplace grievances and anti-capitalist and even year more in accordance with image is that the labourer hews out of the politics. Also, its reliance on the traditional their needs and desires. Whether regarded very earth, by sweat and blood, the wealth labour movement and 'core' working class as good or bad, the leisure industries have which sustains us all. It is a powerful, leaves it vulnerable in the face of the come to play a greater part in everyone's resonant tribute to certain forms of wage- changes in class composition mentioned lives. Of course, the picture of enjoyment labour, and perhaps more accurately to earlier. The basis of recruitment into the May 1984 Marxism Today 31

new 'big battalions' of labour is likely to divisions accept that class position fails to party. In all probability, then, coalitions are shift further away from an obvious sense of supply a ready-made agenda for socialist going to have to play a greater role in anti-capitalist class interests. politics.2 political life, both between formal parties, The third version is to assume that the In practice, I think that most socialists and between different kinds of organis- interests of the working class can be know these things, but they have been ations and movements, expressed politically in terms of socialism reluctant to risk the impurity in openly itself. Tony Benn, for example, holds that saying so. Consequently, I'd want to stress Pluralism to vote Labour is to express commitment to that there are key issues which are The often-scorned notion of pluralism is socialist change. The class structure will non-class based, as well as those which are part of this scenario. Pluralism should not always ensure a majority reservoir for that class-based. There are clearly workplace be thought of as simply the liberal idea of socialist appeal. Now few would deny that matters to do with conditions, and wider being tolerant to enemies or of letting this picture is a congenial one. But it is class questions of pay and jobs. But there everyone have a say. It refers to the rampant wishful thinking. It seems man- are also consumption-based demands and existence in social reality itself of a series of ifestly not the case today, for one thing. But aspirations to do with the quality of different contradictions or sites of struggle, also, it again reflects the general fallacy of services, the nature of leisure, and the These may overlap: amongst those so far the idea of 'class interests'—that you can, provision of housing and transport. Whilst mentioned are production and consump- from a consideration of economic class these are certainly related to class, they are tion, class and non-class issues, public and position, speculate that socialist politics, not directly centred around production — private spheres, and gender divisions of now or later, will be perceived to be at the the crucial notion in the Marxist definition, interests. The extent to which they do heart of people's needs. That rather If we are to confront the shifts from overlap will largely be the product of the determinist asumption affects also the production towards services and consump- way in which they are worked through Marxist tradition, and it is no longer clear tion, these questions must be accepted as politically. Similarly, pluralism is not what political benefits are gained from its having a dynamic of their own, and they intrinsically a matter of cross-class alliances; adoption. will bring into political contact an increas- but the extent to which alliances can be ingly diverse range of people. Then there forged in and across the diversity of A range of issues are non-class issues. These might include working class life, or connected to more I have certainly not been arguing that class law and order, patriotism, and other narrow class questions, is a political issue of or class interests are no longer relevant, questions which have often been claimed some subtlety, not a fact about the There remain vast differences in wealth and by the Right as their home ground. But 'interests' supposed to exist in the social power in Britain which should be polit- non-class issues would include the plethora structure itself. ically central. And the 'new' working class of democratic concerns, gender issues, and One upshot of this way of thinking is that is certainly not a totally metamorphosed peace. So they are not intrinsically unpro- Labour's recovery at the polls should not breed, as any glance round some of the new gressive or minority matters. be worked for as merely a way of bringing town estates will confirm. There is no If we accept this kind of distinction the whole working class back in line behind question, then, of recommending that the between different sorts of interests, it the electoral party of the class. This has Left abandons Glasgow to home in on becomes clear that there can be no single proved a misleading conception in the past, Dorking as the melting pot of the new political channel at the political level for and will not materialise in the future, politics. Yet it is a mistake in judgement to their expression. Instead, there should be Indeed the very idea of one party being the maintain that the labour movement and multiple forms of organisation and repre- exclusive authentic spokesperson of the working class are the same as of old, that sentation: campaigns, pressure groups, working class or the people is a faintly deep down they share a profound anti- locality councils, unions, clubs, and polit- absurd and dangerous one — whether it capitalist interest which socialists alone can ical parties. Not all socialists or activists winkle out. Even the most cogent of will choose to be in political parties, and 2 Eg, John Westergaard 'Class of 84' New Socialist observers of the persistence of class there will probably be more than one left Jan/Feb 1984. 32 May 1984 Marxism Today applies to the Labour Party in Britain, watches. There is a general danger here of foundly matter; like all non-class concerns communist parties in the socialist coun­ thinking that any enemy of the police is a they refer to things that arise as routine tries, or the nationalist parties in Africa. friend of ours, and that the only cure for questions about the quality of life and Parties, especially left parties, remain crime is socialism. If this is to be overcome, access to power: things that can be crucial however. Their role should be to we are going to have to be more positive in confidently expected to arise in any socialist mobilise the people into se//-activity, and our approach to the facts which statistics society short of Utopia. draw together the common strands of (even police statistics) tell us, to the worries popular action, at the representative level. of 'respectable' working class people, and Conclusion In this way leadership can be provided to the real problem that forms of crime may I have tried not to pretend that the through cohesion and unity across diverse be endemic to any complex society,not just articulation of class and non-class issues is interests, not by seeking to define and capitalism. easy, or is somehow an easy recipe for delimit them according to a privileged, overcoming the serious decline in the assumed, identity. psychologically and traditional organisations of working class Non-class issues,let me say,are eminently politics. It is certainly easy to exploit the issues which working class people rank as practically, we have not come differences between them. This is the important. But they are not best described to terms with its implications approach of the Tories and to an extent the as class issues, because they affect everyone SDP — a supposedly 'middle class' party regardless of class, and they are important Another central non-class issue where I which has nevertheless won a significant to working people as citizens rather than as think the Left is capable of winning block of working class votes. workers. important backing is democracy. Exten­ Nor would I pretend that this necessary The Tories have been a step ahead of sions of democracy are certainly in the 'articulation' is new-fangled. The Com­ Labour in this area, and on that basis have interests of working class people broadly munist Party, as I understand its pro­ always secured a good one-third of the speaking. But no more than law is demo­ gramme, has for some time sought to bring working class vote. This is sometimes, cracy a class issue per se. There may be together in an integral way a class perspec­ patronisingly, termed the 'deference' vote, short-term setbacks in coming to terms tive and an awareness of the indispensable as if humble people willingly succumb to with this. The Labour Party for example role played by non-class issues and move­ the wisdom of their social betters. But the would do even worse under proportional ments. But the weakness of the CP is a working class Tory vote represents the representation, and this note of panic has problem: its decline suggests (misleadingly) Conservatives' long-standing ability to led some people superficially to argue that that it is the 'new' approach which is appeal to some traditional non-class issues, democratic issues like that must be sub­ responsible. In fact, both the larger Labour which are then tied into the moral ordinated to our old friend 'class interest'. Party and the revolutionist groups are framework of capitalism and social Yet it is clear that in the long run, these weakening for the very same reasons, and reaction. terms of debate should be addressed as they have stuck to the unrealistic and One such traditional concern has been intrinsically important, not just as the best speculative scenario of class interests being law and order. Despite some valuable way in the circumstances to present a class expressed eventually at the political level. historical and agitational work in this area, point of view. My conclusion would be that if ever it remains true that the Left does not have It is clear that there is now widespread there was a realm of pure class politics, the many constructive ideas about how to handle opposition to the anti-democratic core of nature of structural trends makes this anti-social behaviour. Our attitude to state Thatcherism. The growth of a militarised unlikely to reappear in the same way in the policing is, quite rightly, negative, in the state, personal surveillance, removal of future. A plausible socialism, in that sense, sense that there is an ongoing need to local councils, and curbs on trade unions: will not emerge if we think of it as the monitor police behaviour and to advertise these developments will decide the future political reflection of the position of the the discrepancy between its image and its of politics in Britain as much as questions working class in capitalist society. Objec­ conduct. But we are also negative in the of monetarism, unemployment, or profit­ tively most of us by now have become main about victim-oriented support ability. They are not for that reason more aware of this. As yet, psychologically and schemes, probation facilities, forms of important than class issues or totally practically, we have not come to terms with community policing, and neighbourhood separate from them. But they do pro­ its implications.