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1 the Monthly Report from Kurdistan Region of Iraq for November 2015 Political Ammar Al-Hakim Visited in Sulaimani Sulaimani
The monthly report from Kurdistan region of Iraq for November 2015 Political Ammar al-Hakim visited in Sulaimani Sulaimani news (2nd of November, 2015) Sulaimani: Iraqi cleric and politician who leads the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq arrived in Sulaimani city in Kurdistan region , Al – Hakim met in Sulemaina with Kosrat Rasoul the senior member of PUK . Former Iraqi Yazidi MP elected as mayor of Sinjar (2nd of November, 2015) Dahouk - Sinjar: Sinjar council’s members elected former Iraqi MP, Mahma Khalil, as new mayor of the Yazidi district of Sinjar (Shingal in Kurdish) in northwest Iraq. Swedish defense and foreign ministers arrived in Erbil Rudaw media net work (3rd of November, 2015) Erbil: Swedish defense and foreign ministers arrived in the Kurdistan region capital Erbil for talks on the fight against Islamic State (IS) and Swedish support for Peshmerga forces. Both ministers met Massoud Barzani the president of Kurdistan region and Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani. The Swedish delegation was received by Falah Mustafa, the head of the Kurdistan Regional Government’s foreign relations department, and Karim Shingali, the Kurdistan region’s interior minister. Turkish FM arrived in Kurdistan and hold a meeting with Barzani Hawler news paper (4th of November, 2015) Erbil: Turkish Foreign Minister Feridun Sinirlioglu arrived in Erbil. Sinirlioglu met with met president of Kurdistan region Massoud Barzani and (KRG) s Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani. The Turkish FM also participated in one of the session arranged by Middle East Research Institute (MERI) in Erbil. Iraqi parliament speaker visited Sulaimani 1 Puk media (5th of November, 2015) Sulaimani: Iraqi parliament speaker Salim Al Jibouri arrived in Sulaimani city on and he visited former Iraqi president Jalal Talabani. -
Organising and Contesting the 2017 Kurdish Referendum on Independence: Political Opportunities, Mobilisation Structures and Framing Processes in Iraqi- Kurdistan
Organising and Contesting the 2017 Kurdish Referendum on Independence: Political Opportunities, Mobilisation Structures and Framing Processes in Iraqi- Kurdistan Tim Bogers 5506727 Utrecht University 2 August 2019 A Thesis submitted to the Board of Examiners in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Studies & Human Rights Supervisor: dr. Chris van der Borgh Date of submission: 2 August 2019 Program trajectory: Research and Thesis Writing (30 ECTS) Word count: 23.798 Cover page picture: Kurdish flags at the pro-Kurdistan referendum and pro-Kurdistan independence rally at Franso Hariri Stadium, Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq (Levi Clancy, 2017). 2 Acknowledgements First and foremost I would like to thank all my respondents who were kind enough to make time for me and share valuable insights and information concerning the referendum; without their cooperation this research could not have been conducted. I would particularly like to thank my thesis supervisor, dr. Chris van der Borgh, who has always supported me and provided me with useful feedback and suggestions on how to improve both my research and my thesis. Furthermore, I would like to thank Saba Azeem, who was so kind as to provide me with valuable context at the beginning of my research and share her experiences in the Iraqi- Kurdistan region with me. In addition, she provided me with access to her networks in Iraqi- Kurdistan, which really helped me kick-starting my research. Lastly, I would like to thank everyone who has provided me with feedback on this thesis and who has supported me throughout the research and thesis writing processes. -
Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
Regional Implications of Iraqi Kurdistan's Quest for Independence
Briefing December 2016 Regional implications of Iraqi Kurdistan's quest for independence SUMMARY Strengthened by its victories over ISIL/Da'esh, the government of the autonomous region of Kurdistan in Iraq has announced that it plans to organise a referendum on independence. The deadline is still unclear, as political divisions have led the region to an institutional stalemate. Negotiations with the federal Iraqi government will focus on the territorial scope of the referendum. The Kurdish leaders want to include the 'disputed areas', in particular Kirkuk, in the poll. However, Iraq is not keen to be cut off from this oil-rich region, which is already at the heart of a dispute on the sharing of oil revenues. The status of Mosul after it is recaptured from ISIL/Da'esh is also under discussion. Even if the referendum were to take place and the 'yes' side won, it is not certain that a Kurdish state would emerge. Such a state would be weakened by internal divisions and poor economic conditions. In addition, Syria, Turkey and Iran, neighbouring countries that have complex relations with Iraqi Kurdistan, are worried that an independent Kurdish state would encourage their own Kurdish populations to seek greater autonomy. Yet, the perspective of a Greater Kurdistan is remote, since the regional Kurdish landscape is dominated by the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) and its affiliates, which do not share Iraqi Kurdish leaders' ideology or strategic alliances. As for the EU and the great world powers, although they consider Iraqi Kurdistan to be a reliable ally in the fight against ISIL/Da'esh (again recently in the battle for Mosul), they do not want to openly back the fragmentation of the Middle-East. -
Blood and Ballots the Effect of Violence on Voting Behavior in Iraq
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Göteborgs universitets publikationer - e-publicering och e-arkiv DEPTARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BLOOD AND BALLOTS THE EFFECT OF VIOLENCE ON VOTING BEHAVIOR IN IRAQ Amer Naji Master’s Thesis: 30 higher education credits Programme: Master’s Programme in Political Science Date: Spring 2016 Supervisor: Andreas Bågenholm Words: 14391 Abstract Iraq is a very diverse country, both ethnically and religiously, and its political system is characterized by severe polarization along ethno-sectarian loyalties. Since 2003, the country suffered from persistent indiscriminating terrorism and communal violence. Previous literature has rarely connected violence to election in Iraq. I argue that violence is responsible for the increases of within group cohesion and distrust towards people from other groups, resulting in politicization of the ethno-sectarian identities i.e. making ethno-sectarian parties more preferable than secular ones. This study is based on a unique dataset that includes civil terror casualties one year before election, the results of the four general elections of January 30th, and December 15th, 2005, March 7th, 2010 and April 30th, 2014 as well as demographic and socioeconomic indicators on the provincial level. Employing panel data analysis, the results show that Iraqi people are sensitive to violence and it has a very negative effect on vote share of secular parties. Also, terrorism has different degrees of effect on different groups. The Sunni Arabs are the most sensitive group. They change their electoral preference in response to the level of violence. 2 Acknowledgement I would first like to thank my advisor Dr. -
Genealogy of the Concept of Securitization and Minority Rights
THE KURD INDUSTRY: UNDERSTANDING COSMOPOLITANISM IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY by ELÇIN HASKOLLAR A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School – Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Global Affairs written under the direction of Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner and approved by ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ Newark, New Jersey October 2014 © 2014 Elçin Haskollar ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Kurd Industry: Understanding Cosmopolitanism in the Twenty-First Century By ELÇIN HASKOLLAR Dissertation Director: Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner This dissertation is largely concerned with the tension between human rights principles and political realism. It examines the relationship between ethics, politics and power by discussing how Kurdish issues have been shaped by the political landscape of the twenty- first century. It opens up a dialogue on the contested meaning and shape of human rights, and enables a new avenue to think about foreign policy, ethically and politically. It bridges political theory with practice and reveals policy implications for the Middle East as a region. Using the approach of a qualitative, exploratory multiple-case study based on discourse analysis, several Kurdish issues are examined within the context of democratization, minority rights and the politics of exclusion. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews, archival research and participant observation. Data analysis was carried out based on the theoretical framework of critical theory and discourse analysis. Further, a discourse-interpretive paradigm underpins this research based on open coding. Such a method allows this study to combine individual narratives within their particular socio-political, economic and historical setting. -
Iraq Fact Sheet
Iraq Fact Sheet Government The Iraqi government was created by a new constitution in 2005, after the fall of Saddam Hussein. The government is led by a Kurdish President, currently Fuad Masum, a Shia Prime Minister, currently Haider Abadi, and a Sunni Arab Vice President, currently, Khodair Khozaei. The Prime Minister is the dominant leader. The population of Iraq is estimated to be 38 million, with two official languages, Arabic and Kurdish. Ethnic and Religious Groups Sunni Arabs: Iraqi Sunni Arabs number about 20% of the population, or around 5-7 million people. Under Saddam Hussein, who was a Sunni Arab, they had a privileged place in Iraq. During the de- Ba’athification process post-2005, Sunni Arabs were largely excluded by the Shia elites, particularly under former Prime Minister Nouri Maliki. Sunnis, including those from the “Awakening Councils,” were also mostly excluded from joining the Iraqi Army, as it was feared that they could retake control. Shia Arabs: Shia Arabs are roughly 60% of the total population. Under Saddam, the Shiites were largely oppressed, shut off from their Shia neighbor Iran, and generally excluded from power in the country. In post-Saddam Iraq, the constitution gave Shias the most powerful position, that of Prime Minister. Nouri Maliki, the former Prime Minister, favored Shias. Maliki also took advantage of U.S. aid; it is reported that Iraq’s security forces received nearly $100 billion from 2006 to 2014. Maliki became increasingly authoritarian during his eight years as premier, and eventually was pushed out. The current Prime Minister, Haider al-Abadi, is also a Shia Arab from the same party – Dawa – as Maliki, but has been generally less biased, less corrupt, more pro-American, and less pro-Iranian. -
Kurdistan Region...” - Former Consul-General of the People’S Republic of China to Erbil
MIDDLE EAST, NORTH AFRICA China’s Cooperation with the Iraqi Kurdistan Region OE Watch Commentary: The accompanying passages from local sources discuss China’s growing diplomatic and economic relationship with the Iraqi Kurdistan Region (IKR). As the passages discuss, this is taking place amid China’s plans to significantly upgrade its diplomatic presence in Erbil, the IKR capital. As the first passage from Chinese Xinhua notes, in late July, China’s Consul General in Erbil, Ni Ruchi met with the IKR President Nechirvan Barzani in Erbil to discuss deepening cooperation in the fields of energy and infrastructure, “within the framework of the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative.” The passage also notes that the two sides discussed the political situation and efforts to rebuild areas that were destroyed by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), as well as cooperation between their respective private sectors. This meeting followed a previous meeting in April, when then-Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani received an invitation to China. The second passage from a Kurdish source discusses a proposal by the region’s private sector to the Chinese representatives in Erbil. According to the passage, the Vice President of the local Union of Importers and Exporters suggested that China open a trade center in the region to use as a central hub from which to market and sell its technological products in the region. The Chinese Consul General is reported to have supported the idea. In addition, the Chinese private sector is encouraged to develop economic and trade cooperation with the IKR. Specifically, as the final passage discusses, China has been supporting companies like Huawei, Sinoma-Suzhou, and China Machinery Engineering Corporation (CMEC) to invest in the region for several years. -
Turkey-Kurdish Regional Government Relations After the US Withdrawal
FOR THIS AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS, VISIT US AT http://www.carlisle.army.mil/ UNITED STATES ARMY WAR COLLEGE Visit our website for other free publication downloads PRESS http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ Carlisle Barracks, PA and To rate this publication click here. TURKEY-KURDISH REGIONAL GOVERNMENT RELATIONS AFTER THE U.S. WITHDRAWAL FROM IRAQ: PUTTING THE KURDS ON THE MAP? U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE Bill Park This Publication SSI Website USAWC Website The United States Army War College The United States Army War College educates and develops leaders for service at the strategic level while advancing knowledge in the global application of Landpower. The purpose of the United States Army War College is to produce graduates who are skilled critical thinkers and complex problem solvers. Concurrently, it is our duty to the U.S. Army to also act as a “think factory” for commanders and civilian leaders at the strategic level worldwide and routinely engage in discourse and debate concerning the role of ground forces in achieving national security objectives. The Strategic Studies Institute publishes national security and strategic research and analysis to influence policy debate and bridge the gap between military and academia. The Center for Strategic Leadership and Development CENTER for contributes to the education of world class senior STRATEGIC LEADERSHIP and DEVELOPMENT leaders, develops expert knowledge, and provides U.S. ARMY WAR COLLEGE solutions to strategic Army issues affecting the national security community. The Peacekeeping and Stability Operations Institute provides subject matter expertise, technical review, and writing expertise to agencies that develop stability operations concepts and doctrines. -
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington. -
Democracy and Monarchy As Antithetical Terms?: Iraq's Elections of September 1954 Bishop, Elizabeth
www.ssoar.info Democracy and monarchy as antithetical terms?: Iraq's elections of September 1954 Bishop, Elizabeth Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Bishop, E. (2013). Democracy and monarchy as antithetical terms?: Iraq's elections of September 1954. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 13(2), 313-326. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-447205 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Democracy and Monarchy as Antithetical Terms? 313 Democracy and Monarchy as Antithetical Terms? Iraq’s Elections of September 1954 ELIZABETH BISHOP Historian Bernard Lewis observes: ”Americans tend to see democracy and monarchy in antithetical terms; in Europe, however, democracy has fared better in constitutional monarchies than in republics”1. Let us take this opportunity to consider elections held in the Hashemite Kingdom of Iraq during the Cold War, in order to assess how”democracy” fared during the years that country was a constitutional monarchy. As we do so, let’s keep Saad Eskander’s words in mind: ”You cannot have democracy in Iraq by just holding elections... You need to enable Iraq’s core of citizens to have free access to information, absolutely all, all of legislation. -
Iraq's 2014 National Elections
APRIL 2014 AHMED ALI MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 20 IRAQ’S 2014 NATIONAL ELECTIONS Cover: A traffic police officer directs vehicles near election campaign posters in Baghdad April 3, 2014. Iraq’s parliamentary election is scheduled for later this month. REUTERS/Ahmed Saad Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2014 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2014 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 www.understandingwar.org AHMED ALI MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 20 IRAQ’S 2014 NATIONAL ELECTIONS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY MiddLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 20 | IRAq’s 2014 NaTIONAL ELECTIONS | AHMED ALI | APRIL 2014 Iraq’s 2014 national elections are taking place at a difficult time. The country is at a crossroads, presented with the possibility of widely different futures. Deteriorating security conditions frame political thought in ways that harken back to Iraq’s first national elections in 2005. The Iraqi state does not hold control of territory in some of Iraq’s key political provinces, such as Anbar, Ninewa, and Diyala. The disenfranchisement of Iraq’s Arab Sunnis; the rising threat of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS); and the activation of Ba‘athist groups collectively discourage electoral participation. Shi‘a militias that threatened Iraq’s security in 2004 have reactivated in 2014.