NOTES and DOCUMENTS MEMOIRS of a SENATOR from PENNSYLVANIA Jonathan L^Obertsy 1771—1854 VI My Activity & Prominence in the Senate, Had Attracted Notice

NOTES AND DOCUMENTS MEMOIRS OF A SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA Jonathan l^obertSy 1771—1854 VI My activity & prominence in the Senate, had attracted notice. 1 was nominated for Congress, in the five counties of Monty, Bucks, Northampton, Wayne, and Luzerne, with Gen. Robert Brown & Wm. Rodman, & was elected, while yet in the Senate. This as it respected me, was wholly public impulse. I neither looked for it, nor wish'd it. In the Senate, I often found my remarks ill taken, when I felt quite cool & kind. I could not divine the cause, & so remarked to a friend, who frankly replied, you are somewhat apt to ascribe motives. I was now master of a secret, which it is very necessary, for a public debater to know. I could hardly have discovered this without a Mentor. I had been us'd to think freely & say frankly what I thought. An upright speaker, need not be disingenuous, & yet may avoid offensive remark. It is time to dismiss Leib & Boileau. In those two men, we see an instance, of where to very moderate capacities, & acquirements, was join'd an immoderate desire to fill the first places. They got to the head of a predominant party. They were resorting to dirty intrigues, to destroy each other, Leib more especially. In these arts, his opponent held no way with him. I had seen Muhlenberg elected, by the same disregard of principle. I felt not less indignant now, and determined to stand upright, and independent. I soon found I had more weight for usefulness, than either of them. A governor was to be chosen, McKean had become ineligible. A new man must be had. No doubt both their heads ach'd for it. Leib dreaded the nomination of Snyder, least he might not be able to govern him. He, Snyder, could not be overlooked, as he had had the last nomination. In the convention Boileau, & his friends, allowed Leib to seem to make the nomination. They knew if Snyder was elected, they would have his confidence. The federalists took James Ross, whom they had adhered to since 1799. The Quids now a very small number took John Spayd. Snyder was elected by 20,000 votes. Leib had clung to the hope, he could

213 214 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April make Snyder take him for Secretary of the Commonwealth. In this he faiPd, & immediately began to act, on a feeling of Vindictive hostility. A Senator of the U. S. was to be chosen, as Samuel M'Clay had resigned, & taken or was about to take the place of Surveyor General, under Snyder. I had felt partiality, & respect for MCC. but he proved himself, to be an imprudent man. He had become one of a party, at Washington who wish'd to nominate old George Clinton for president, but in the nomination they were greatly out voted, & Madison was nominated. In the resignation of his seat, in the Senate, he avow'd his hostility to Madison's nomination. This destroyed his standing at once, and he was fain to withdraw from public life. I have no doubt his views were honest. A great objection to Clinton was his advanced age, & even then there was just distrust, of the influence of DeWitt Clinton his Nephew, & of the fairness of his views. These considerations decided, the democratic party in Penna. to support Madison's nomination; who eventually got as large a vote as Snyder had. Boileau was now Secretary, & to appease Leib, I lent my good offices to make him Senator. He told me he did not thank me for supporting him if my views, were to harmonize with the party. I replied when I only do my duty, I want no thanks. He left Lancaster, full of enmity to Snyder, with a malignant determination to annoy him. Duane with his Aurora were devoted to him (Leib), & hitherto that print was heard, as the mouth-piece of the party. It now lost ground, and Leib tried to enlist Editors in other States. I replied to an article in a Baltimore print, and Leib in reply, was so simple as to throw dirt at Tench Coxe, supposing he was the writer. I presume Baptiste Irvin, the Editor of the paper ['Baltimore Whig] advis'd him of his error, & returned my rejoinder, declining to publish more on the subject. Tench Coxe was a distinguished writer, & a man of many good and amiable traits [of] character, with some defects. Our intercourse from the first had been kind, we met by a sort of affinity, and our kind intercourse only ceas'd on his death. When I was about to be re-elected to Congress, the committee of conference wanted an address, & they had no resort but to myself. It was a delicate & to me an irksome thing, to recommend myself. There was no alternative, I furnish'd the article. Dennis Whelen then edited the federal paper at West Chester, & party feeling was rife. This too he attributed to T. Coxe. I know not if there was a resemblance in our style, or whether it was supposed we had but few writers, & the pride of our opponents, 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 215 would not allow them to look towards a man, starting as I had done. This Dennis Whelen had been one of the Spartan band, of Senators in '99. He had known me as an Apprentice at Evans.' When I began to be known as somebody in the Senate, he shew'd his spleen by enquiring how Jonathan Roberts the Wheelright had become so con- spicuous. It was this aristocratic pride, that was curbed by the election of 1799. This Dennis Whelen was the son of a poor Catholic Irish emigrant, who turned quaker, & acquired a respectable property, that evaporated in the hands of his sons. I have spoken of the Spartan band in the Senate, which consisted of a majority of one. The two houses could not agree in passing a law, for choosing electors. McClay had strongly urg'd an election by the people, without a law. This would have been a rash measure, & could have hardly faiPd to have excited commotion. The time had come, when the two houses must choose the Electors. The number to be chosen was fifteen, & the Senate claimed seven. This reduced Penna. to one poor vote. It seem'd so unjust, there was a strong feeling to have no election. To this I was inclined. It was the wiser course to act, as was done. Forms were preserved & we preserved one effective vote. This obstinacy of the federalists, worked them no good but, sunk them lower than mere defeat. At the time the Democratic party were strongly predominant, in the State. While in the Senate, I became acquainted with Edward Fox12 of Phila. He was a man of mind, & experience, & though there was wide dissonance in our characters, he took some pains to instruct me, on the principles of trade and finance. He had leisure & wrote me many letters full of good sense, & sage political views. I was sav'd in the end from a rupture of our intercourse, by his death. While speaking of intellectual men, with whom I have had intercourse, I ought not to omit Jesse Higgins, of Delaware. In 1805, during the pendency of our election, a series of papers appeared under the signature of Sampson against the Philistines.13 These papers were written with great clearness, and force of thought. Our Bar had all n Edward Fox was secretary of the American Fire Insurance Company, Philadelphia, from 1810 until his death in 1822. u Sam f son Against the Philistines, or the Reformation of Lawsuits; and Justice Made

Cheaf} Sfeedy, and Brought Home to Every Man's Door, 26. ed. (Philadelphia, 1805). Variously ascribed to Duane, the publisher, and to William Sampson of New York, 1764-1836, who was an advocate of similar measures in that state. See also H. C. Con- rad, History of the State of Delaware (Wilmington, 1908), II. 528-30. 2l6 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April taken the high toned side, in politics} they aspired to be something like a privileged order. We nowhere found a democratic Lawyer. Snyder had to select his appointments from among the most moderate, & mostly the least gifted Lawyers. Sampson attacked this aristocracy, with the jaw bone of an Ass. His own State was ultra federal, & he look'd to Penna almost as a resident. In Sept., 1805 he came into Penna, & visited Boileau. He was in infirm health, & had some notion of settling. Boileau was not the man to be pleas'd with, nor to please him. A piece of land now part of G. W. Holstien's hill property, was advertised for sale, & looked quite well on paper. Boileau gave him an introductory letter to Gen1 Andrew Porter, who soon brought him to our house. The old gentleman introduced him as Mr. Higgins of Delaware; but whisper'd to me, that we had found Sampson. The general retired & left him with us. I went with him to look at the place, but a slight look was enou[gh] for him. He was a man of leisure, his health was infirm. He staid some days. He interested me & I him. He proposed taking the waters of the Yellow springs, & I rode with him some miles. A black man then liv'd with us, a fugitive. He had expressed a wish to buy his time. I ventured to broach what the black had told me of Mr. H. before I had seen him, the man said he was a friend to the blacks. I mentioned his owners name Ford. He replied you have mentioned one [of] my most intimate friends, whose circumstances are narrow. There was nothing now to do but send the fellow off, or negociate for his time. The man was not at home during Higgins' visit, & I was to let him know by letter what could be done to satisfy Ford. Higgins disavowed any wish to recog- nize fugitives, & said he avoided scrutinizing them. My communication was not so prompt as it might have been; & when Mr. H. returned home he wrote to me requesting permission to tell his friend, enforcing his appeal by saying how difficult he had found it to abstain from communication with him. Br M. & I offer'd an hundred and sixty dollars. Ford clos'd with it, & came up and got the money. I kept the manumission as security. The black did but little good for us afterwards. He left us before the money was paid, but eventually took up his manumission. This transaction cur'd me from meddling with these people. This fellow would have been glad to have gotten back to us, indeed he importuned to be employed, but I was satisfied, he would no more be comfortable. All this transaction, tended to keep up intercourse with Mr. Higgins. He came up the 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 217 next year, & staid with us some days. He at length stated that he was in want of a sum of mony for the repayment of which, he gave an assignment on a lease on his Meadows at St. Georges. We ac- comodated him. In 1807 I entered the Senate. In his Sampson, the cure offered for the evils of delay uncertainty & craft in the administration of justice was a compulsory arbitration. He pressed this upon me, & took much pains to instruct me how, to meet the cavils of lawyers. Gen. A. Leacock had come into the Senate, the second year of my service. He had been a judge, & had more hedge-law than I had. He undertook to draft a bill, which became a law. This was a triumph for poor Higgins. He and his brother Anthony married co-heiresses, daughters of a Dr. Boshell. It involved a chancery suit in Maryland. The evils he witnessed in this suit in which at length he obtained a decree for $8,000, set him to write Sampson. In doing this, he awaken'd the hostility of the Bench and Bar, they contrived to hang up his suit, & in the mean time, his health declined & he f ear'd his decease would jeopardize his whole property. He had six children, all Minors, & for some time he had been unable to do any business. The money bound on the Lease had been reimbursed. He still wanted a $1,000 for which he wish'd to mortgage a considerable property, more than was necessary to secure its payment, it was thus given for three thousand. The Scrivener said that it was still dispro[por]tion'd to the sum lent. Higgins wish'd the scrivener to see there was money passing, to give effect to the transaction. I went down to Wilmington with the money, & found my friend very low in a decay. This was in May, & early in June following, he died. The mony was repaid by his executor, & I never heard that the estate suffered from the suit in chancery. Mr. H's oldest child a daughter was about eighteen at her father's death. She had some attractions, & I believe had an offer of marriage, & her father's consent to it before he died. Her husband had property, but became intemperate, & died early. They were once at our house, when I was absent. Sister Molly & Aunt Lydia, were pleas'd with her. She afterwards married a Mr. Porter a Printer, I believe a happier match. It may be right to remark that Mr. H. in giving us the mortgage, repos'd in us a trust not extended to those who are not held in high confidence. It would have made him easier if I could have fancied his daughter. He went no indelicate lengths, & I felt all the sympathy, which from a friend was due. The family all seem'd to have inherited a pulmonary predisposition, & long ere this I pre- 2l8 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April sume have fallen victims to it. Susan seem'd to have the best constitution. Considerations of prudence, that subsequent time have con- firmed to be wise, preserved me from difficulty now, as on other occasions. The young Lady had been prepared to meet me, under impressions that might have ripen'd into attachment j her external appearance indicated gentleness, & sweetness of temper. Her married life, prov'd her to have been what she appeared to be. There has been no man I have ever met, more formed to make intercourse with him agreeable. When McKean was governor, the courts had become closed against the poor man for the recovery of small debts through delay, expense, &c. In Provincial times, a justice's jurisdiction terminated at $5.33. It had been advanced to $20 with good effect. It was next proposed to extend the sum to $100. This the governor & whole bar met with clamorous opposition. They plead constitution, & what not. It at length succeeded over all opposition, & judgment by the justice, for the first sum was made final. Time had prov'd the measure wise. Still, more speedy decisions were wanted on larger sums. The compulsory arbitration was met with like opposition from the bar. The governor now had ever been active, for a more speedy & more cheap administration of justice. The lawyers protested & would not try their suits. The Supreme court adjudged the validity of the Law, & it went into full operation. It has been a great public good. In Phila they had to abandon it from the abuse of arbitration making a trade of it by protracting their sittings, & holding short sessions on several actions the same day. In this the bar had full share. In the country this evil cannot be well practised from distance, & few would be willing to spend unnecessary time, for a dollar per day. In effectuating this policy, no man did more service than Samuel McClay. He too had been a judge, & had been disgusted with the management of the bench & bar. He spoke freely, & encouraged others, but it was necessary to have Sampson's strength to effect it. Mr. Higgins though not much my senior in years, was riper in the affairs of the world & had great aptitude for legal science, & had thought much on it, as well as on politics. In religion he was a liberalist, but I do not recollect we compar'd ideas. He once said he apprehended on that topic, our notions would harmonize, as on other subjects we had discussed. He said Locke was the great apostle, of free thinking. To me our intercourse was profitable. I have wished to trace my connexion with men, who aided in opening my mind. 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 219 Brother Mathew discovered, from the intercourse he had with some of my senior brethren in the Senate, that I had the faculty of con- ciliating old men. It was always my wish to do so, but I should have known less how I succeeded, but for this discovery by him. I met and acted with many amiable old men, & a few misanthropes. I could always be courteous with men of every age, whom I could respect. Most of our body in the Senate of Penna., were men older than myself. Some I did not justly appreciate, with some I liv'd in great kindness—with none in enmity. Some of the younger ones evinced jealousy. None that I ever met after we parted shew'd coldness or distance. Colonels Connelly & Erwin ever shew'd the kindest regard. In the second year of my service, our body was strengthened by Abner Leacock & Isaac Weaver. The latter was my senior in service, & in years. My desire was, to avoid all rivalship. Leacock was about my own age. We had much about us, to interest each other. He was an extraordinary man. His opportunities for improvement, must have been smothered by any thing short of uncommon vigor of mind. He had grown up on a remote frontier, and retained many of the traces, such a soil produces. He was in the main honest, but was not quite so much esteemed for this virtue, by our other brethren as I was, particularly the old federalists. We had both been warm partizans, & still retained enough of the leven. The federal party had now no hope, nor purpose, to regain power as such. Retaining their old tenets, they were devoted to advance the public weal. Wayne & I found our relative places, & I had just motives to conciliate him. He had had a good Law education. It was my interest to avail myself of his knowledge, in that branch. He answered all my inquiries, with patience & good humor. This saved much study, & accelerated my progress to usefulness. We still sometimes debated with warmth and vehemence, but it created no unkindness. Leacock's position and mine was more delicate. We were both uneducated, we were of one party, & though neither of us were mov'd by an undue ambition, rivalship was almost unavoidable. Snyder had just entered the office of Governor. Leacock was known to be a near friend & house-mate. Though an active sup- porter of him, I was known not to have cultivated his favor. The Leib interest had been thrown out of his administration, & of course there was now some discordant feeling among his supporters. It had been my care to stand independent, of these cabals. This attitude procured me the respect, and confidence, of those of my brethren, 220 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April who had no party purposes nor interests to serve. Many circumstances concurred to make it doubtful whether Leacock & I could eventually harmonize. Mr. Weaver had no objection, that we should not exactly pull together. I do not know that he did anything to disturb Us. It fell out that after a warm debate on a question, seriously interesting to Mr. Us constituents, that he lost the question. I saw his feelings were very much disturbed, and immediately made an overture to allay them. He took this wrong, & rudely repuls'd me. This was in the presence of the whole Senate. I now considered all kindness at an end between us. Feeling no resentment, I had no concessions to make further. The next morning he came to my seat, & apologized for his harshness, & offer'd me his hand. I took it, & we started anew. The question at issue between us, was whether donation lands in the hands of original grantees, were taxable, according to the grant. The courts subsequently decided with me, that they were not. We had no subsequent collision. We serv'd out our time & were transferred to Con- gress. I had now to pass, some painful collisions with Weaver. He had shewn a purpose to be kind. We had met in the house in 1799. He was a Chester county man, (now from Greene), & had been bred a quaker. There was nothing of the appearance [of] one now. He had lost all the prejudices of one. He was Mr. Speaker, then and I paid him some respectful attention. We now met on more equal ground. He had been a schoolmaster, & a high temper made him dogmatical. It was in his character to proceed by an oblique course, where a direct one, was open. When he mov'd, the inquiry was, what is his purpose. By this he lessened the service, a strong mind cloth'd with experience, might have rendered. At all times, I affected openess of purpose. Never I believe did any one discover any purpose of cunning or address in my actions. It gave me a standing, & secur'd confidence and respect. My brethren however evinc'd a purpose, not to make me the spoiPd child of the body. The feelings of others, were sometimes sav'd, when I had the better ground. This I took in cordial good part. In the ulterior question about which Leacock & I, so painfully sparr'd, he carried the vote; he made a wonderful effort, & I was [a] little anxious about it. His standing at home turn'd on it. It could no way affect mine. I felt the full force of his argument, & was rather pleas'd with the result though as before noted, it was in- correct. In my third year's service Col. John Connelly, Col. Clement, Col. 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 221 Charles Biddle, and Judge John Barclay, became members. They were men of age, experience and high character. They had been patriots of 1776. I acquired the good will, and kindness of them all. With Col. Connelly, a warm personal friendship existed until his death. I have to remark that my most gratifying friendships, have been formed with men much older than myself. I never looked for more from them, than kindness, candor & justice. He who looks for more, will rarely obtain it. Any thing that has sprung out of my friendships, with strangers was its free fruits, not exactions. I have had testimonies of regard but, I sought not [to] obtain them by finesse, or solicitation. On stating the account of benefits conferred, against those received, I think the balance would be in my favor, when in public life, I met trouble, & even expence, cheerfully, for all applicants, strangers, as well as those who might have some claims on me. I considered a public trust, as imposing diligent exertions for usefulness. My services in the Senate of Penna was upon the whole, gratifying. I had origi- nated or actively co-operated, in measures of much moment. The bringing justice to every man's door, by the compulsory arbitration law. The reorganizing the executive departments, so as [to] lessen their expence, & give more efficiency. The giving a great impulse to internal! improvements. These measures in part had long been thought of, & talked of, but to digest them j and to carry them through was a different thing. The last measure was suggested to me by George Bryan, Auditor of the Treasury. Experience had shewn that the funds of the State, would from year to year be wasted on local objects, to buy popularity, which by ill application & little accountabil- ity, was but waste. I read a bill in my place appropriating a million of dollars, to be so applied, as to conciliate the public in general. With some modification by the House the Bill pass'd, & every item included in it was carried into effect. These were three great roads, traversing the state longitudinally, and four bridges over the great River Susque- hanna. Leacock's aid was efficient in the arbitration Bill, & Weaver's in that for reforming the executive department. Without my earnest co-operation, I doubt if any of them would have been, made to take effect. The Senate had become much the strongest House for business. My father had impressed me very unfavorably to a chancery jurisdiction. The constitution did not contain it though it, left the Law making power at liberty to establish it. A portion of the bar were hankering after it. Charles Hare a Lawyer of standing, had come to the legisla- 222 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April ture to effect this measure. The title of the Bill affected to be a reform, such as the public calPd for. The first sections were in con- formity, but the sequel contained a Chancery jurisdiction, of rankest features. Boileau, Leib & Leacock were in the house, veterans, and active members. They allowed it to pass the house because they did not understand it. Though active they were not well informed out of the plain track of political controversy. The Bill having pass'd the house, Charles Smith a Lancaster Lawyer came upstairs to sound me, & conciliate me, to the bill. I held it in check, & the Senate never took it up. Courts of Chancery in the hands of weak or bad men are a great curse. Higgins had felt their power, to oppress. In Maryland it was said to win a suit in Chancery, you had only to let the Chancellor Hanson win a game at Billiards, or praise the flowers in his garden. In the Senate I had great labor to check the rage, for excessive Bank- ing, & for corporate privileges for trade and business. I thus became familiar with a branch of law, Lawyers generally know little about. I found use for its exercise, afterwards in Congress, & contended successfully with learn'd jurists. I parted from my associates in the Senate, with an appearance of kind feelings. I felt no tenderness, as I witnessed others to do. It is true I had a new scene before me, but if it had been otherwise, home to me had attractions, & offered en- gagements, that left no room for regret, while I could return to them. There is a charm to some men in office, that I never felt. I have on leaving official station, never cast, one longing lingering look behind. To me, the great charm of office, was in doing my duty, which to do well, must bring one in collision with the interests, & purposes of others. To leave it therefore is to lay down a burden, in a case like mine. It was comfortable to think I had in some degree fulfilPd the hopes of my friends, without awakening much enmity. Leacock told me on leaving in hearing me speak, he sometimes almost thought me inspired. Col. Erwin, & Col. Conelly, & Judge Barclay, did not with- hold from me their approbation. In fine, I had many reasons cheerfully to meet, the close of my term. In the encouragement I met with I ought not to omit my estimation in which I was held by Gen1 David Mitchell. He had claim to distinction, both in the field, and the Cabinet. He was intelligent, brave, and generous. He ow'd little to any one for what he had of distinction, but to himself. His partiality to me was almost paternal. To me the Senate was a good school, in which I studied hard, & 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 223 brought away some fruits. I had become familiar with the policy of the commonwealth, & acquired some preparation for general legislation, in the science of Law knowledge. I had long been engaged, in political controversy. My oppisition was to principles, rather than men. With my opponents, where they had any aimiability I mix'd as kindly, as with my political partizans. The former, were often the more agreeable associates. It was a curious event that in one of the years of my service, there was not a practising Lawyer in either house. Such had been the effect of their text book Blackstone, that the profession col- lectively, were disinclined to a Democratic policy. It was not long, however, before they crowded to us in numbers & destroyed our harmony. I will not say the professions of Law, & Divinity necessarily make men worse. In both there is too much of address needed not to make many knaves. Of the Lawyers, I shall have to speak more in the sequel. VII My relish for rural life and labor, was not weakened by public service. Homely fare a hard bed, and laborious exercise, I met with undiminish'd pleasure. It was my pride to preserve my habits, & to check any longing for official ease, and comfort. Never having sought, or crav'd office, I made it a principle to leave it unrepiningly. It may be right to note that I now had gotten use of a feather bed, at home, believing I should never be under the necessity to recurr to a hard one, any more at least from mere penury. I had early adopted it, as a principle, never so to live as that I need go back. This maxim has been very useful to me, for after a long life of care, and labor, I possess nothing more than seems necessary, for the rearing, & comfort of a family. I was now about to enter a new scene, & mix with mankind on a wider scale. I felt determined to maintain the point I had attained to. Something from me was expected by my friends at least, I stood among the best hopes, of many of my Senior brethren. I found I had much to learn, before I could assure myself of resting, in the position I aim'd at. Up to this time, (as you will have noted), I had kept myself very busy. With general society I mix'd but little, & held little intercourse, with the female world. I had now pass'd the age, in which it could be tolerated. Brother & I, were connected, in all we had acquired, & in all we inherited. I did not feel settled, though 224 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April I was not uneasy. No one now remained, to whose peace I could administer, by remaining as I was. Our family consisted, of Brother, Sister, and myself. We were about out of debt. Our tastes and tempers, were not exactly cast in the same mould. We had got on without serious collision. Such was the state, of our domestic relations when I started for Washington in Novr 1811, at the meeting of the 12th Congress. Col. Joseph LeFebvre, invited me through Mr. Boileau, to join him in a Hack from Lancaster, to go the Western route. I gladly met the offer, as no very eligible public conveyance then existed. The land route from Phil* was bad, and tedious, & the water Packet to me, was worse. I went in the Stage to Lancaster. I took tea with judge Franklin, which in him was a mark of attention, I did not look for, as we had had very little personal intercourse. I visited Gen. Porter, who was now Surveyor General. He and I had had much intercourse as politicians, & had almost liv'd in sight of each other. He was a high tempered, arbitrary man. He had been a schoolmaster, & a revolutionary Col. of Artillery. He was esteemed a brave man. While in the Army a Ruffian, had compelled him to fight a duel & he kill'd his antagonist. Public sympathy was more with him, than the fallen man. He & I had often painfully sparr'd, he never got anything in these spars of advantage, & sometimes made concessions for his rudeness. We were now so plac'd, that no body could have met more kindly, than we did. I calPd upon Govr Snyder of course. He liv'd at boarding in a style, little becoming the salary he received $5,000. This had been graduated for Mifflin, a man of open hospitality. For him it was not enough, as I have noted, we had to bury him at public expence. Snyder had had two wives. The last was far advanced in a decay, when he was installed. His house while she liv'd was suitably kept. I believe the grandmother then took the children, who were young into the country. Boileau on a salary of $2,000, never took his wife to the seat of government. He had but one child, a son at school. He was a great prejudice to Snyder, in getting him to live in this hermit way. After all, it would not have incurred much expense, for him to have appeared in his own house. I once took Gen1 Wm. Brooke, & judge John Pierce, to pay him their first visit. They had come to Lancaster as delegates, to a convention, that nominated him for a second election. Brooke, was an open hearted revolutionary hero. Pierce was a quakerly Democratic judge, quite a rare personage. 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 225 Their time was limited, & we calPd toward evening, after the convention had adjournM14 The old gentlemen wanted to talk with the Governor, and I presume wanted, or expected to sup with him. After some time, Archy Bard a member of the H. of R., put his head through a door, & calPd to the Governor to come to tea. It did not seem meet, for me to move, & they still sat, and talk'd. It was not long before Archy renewed the call, in the same uncouth manner. This seem'd intolerable. I now made a move to go, & we withdrew. I have recited this awkward scene, because I think it offers a good lesson. The governor had a room, in which he received company; & had a Black man, to wait on him. He was provided too with a glass of wine. I believe we were offer'd some, soon after entering. So far all was well, but when supper was announced, not to have invited them to partake seem'd out of all keeping, to say nothing of the rudeness of Archy Bard. If the table would have been too small for three additional guests, why was not the man in waiting, directed to bring something on a tray. It is a misfortune in our country, that men whose early associations, have never awaken'd them to a due sense of politeness, sometimes attain to stations, that unless they can assume suitable manners in them, they must appear much more out of place, than their capacity would otherwise rank them. It fell to me, in subsequent time, to profit by the lesson I now learned. A member of Congress is by no means bound, to any great exercise of hospitality. But there is no situation in life, especially in public life, where common good manners, will not require it. I have found how convenient it was, to have supper serv'd on a Tray; when my guests were too numerous for our table. By such a course, everything was made easy. The guests retired in their own time, & conversation was not interrupted. Good manners, is next after honesty, the most important ingredient, in an advantageous commerce with the world. Subsequently, Governor Snyder took a third wife, a Widow, a shewy woman, who had been the wife of a wealthy man, & who knew what was due to her husband's Station. It fell in my way, to call upon him when he was so fix'd. I found him, and the good Lady, in the Library. There were books enough, to announce them cultivated, and reading people. They met me very kindly. It was about nine o'clock in the morning. In the politest manner, the good Lady invited me to take dinner. I plead engagement, then said she, 14 The first volume of the original draft of Roberts' memoirs ends at this point. 226 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April we should be pleas'd you would come to tea. These things were done with so much grace, and openess, that I never accepted an invitation, with more pleasure. Mrs. S. knew me to be her husband's friend, though to her I was personally, an entire stranger. At tea she was no less solicitous to make herself agreeable. Some people dislike the trouble, of striving to make their deportment pleasing, & some have not learned the art. Almost every good mind, if they cherish the wish, can acquire a saving portion of good breeding. Col. Lefebvre and I at length started on our journey, & reached a public house some where in Adams county, kept by a Mr. Lauck. He had been very much disturbed by some disorderly guests, that had recently left him. His house was kept by his youngest daughter. She was about eighteen. I knew not how long before she had lost her mother. A neater house, and kitchen I never saw. I did not see she had any help. She set a supper before us in perfect character, with the neatness of her house. We had a very decent German, as our driver. It became a point of dispute between father & daughter whether the driver should sit with us at table. The father insisted he should, and the daughter contended it was not according to etiquette. We had no objection either way. I think the young Lady gain'd her point. They spoke German a language that was familiar to Lefebvre; & thus it was we came to know the nature of their controversy. In due time we retir'd to bed. The chambers were in good trim, & externally the beds were well enough. On opening them, I felt easiest, not to take off my flannell. This was however no drawback, on the merits of the young Lady. She saw little genteel company perhaps, any how, & her beds were good enough for Carters. Here seem'd to be a young woman, very much out of her right place. Though she fulfilPd her duties, it seem'd a pity she was not so situated, that her whole character, could have been developed. The father told us she had the best offers of marriage, in the neighborhood, but she would not have him. I suspect they were not to her taste, though they might have had good homes. It has never turned out, that I could learn what was her ultimate destiny. She interested me, but for her own sake merely. I should have been very little disposed, to have undertook her training, for more cultivated life. We left Mr. Louck's early, without breakfast, & did not I believe see the daughter. We breakfasted at Hanover, & reached Frederick at night. We stopped at the Stage house, but there was no admission. The Court martial were sitting on Gtn. Wilkison, 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 227 & the house was full. One of the young men, very kindly took us to another house, where we lodged. On entering, I saw a man sitting by the fire looking out of sorts. It was some time before we recog- niz'd each other. It was Leacock. The Gen. was very ill, of a Quinsey. He had become unwell, soon after leaving home, & had, had a most painful ride over the mountains. Much of the way, he laid in the bottom of the Stage, being unable to sit up. He had stopped from in- ability to proceed in that way. In the morning we offer'd him a seat, & he set out with us. We breakfasted at Clarksburg, din'd at Rock- ville, & got to Washington a little after night. The taverns were full, & it was not easy to find a place to put down. Col. L. had some acquaintance, & on his finding a parson Elliot he procured us admission at Coolidges Hotel.15 By this time poor Leacock had become very ill. He went to bed, where he remained some days under the Doctor's hands, who kindly procured him a nurse. In the novelty of the scene, I was not able to pay him much attention, indeed he had no claims upon me, beyond a common acquaintance. It was not his purpose to lodge with me, nor did he seem to have thought of closer acquaintance, than when we left the Senate of Penna. It might be, that he apprehended a rivalship. Lefebvre had taken up his abode, with parson Elliott an Irishman, who had married a Lancaster woman. The Col. invited me, to be his house-mate. I went to look at his quarters, but I had no great relish to live with a parson, & this parson had no personal attractions. Lefebvre was himself a bigoted Calvinist, and Mason. The parson was a Mason too, but I saw nothing of meekness about him, his parsonship was his trade. I have since learn'd the parson has turned Unitarian. His profession of the new faith may be more honest, but I take it strict honesty would require him to abandon pretensions, to be a religious teacher. As to poor Lefebvre he soon lost his standing at home. DeWit Clinton made a visit to Washington, ostensibly to get a grant of land to aid the New York canal. It seems that he had then determined, to be a candidate against Madison. He made overtures to me, but met no encouragement. He carried Lefebvre by Masonry or Somehow to his interest, & it let him down. It was very lucky for me, that I went with Lefebvre. It made the way pleasant, & to have arrived alone at such a time, knowing no body, I should have been disconsolate. He afforded my only chance 18 This building—later Tomlinson's when it was burned by the British—occupied a corner of the site of the Old Capitol, built after the destruction of Washing-ton. 228 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April to have met Leacock, which ultimately resulted, in the great usefulness of us both. Before Leacock got up, his predecessor Samuel Smith, waited upon us, to invite us to his house as boarders. Leacock never shewed much sense, of the obligation we had conferred upon him, in bringing him on to the city. He still had a notion, of being with some of his western acquaintance. Smith had married a Virginia wife of the Grayson family. Either he thought he could not bring her to Penna or she was unwilling to come. His means had been narrow, & they were fast dissipating. His hope eventually was, to get employ- ment in the public offices. We went to look at their rooms, & con- cluded to take one jointly. This was quite agreeable to me, & Leacock felt rather calPd upon to help his predecessor along. We found only one gentlemen [sic] Col Earle of South Carolina there, and a Mr. Greely a civil Engineer from Vermont, last from Detroit. These for a while formed our Mess. Col Earle was rather an agreeable com- panion, though not a distinguished sage in council. We liv'd upon very familiar & friendly terms, & so parted at last. He had been in Con- gress before, and I found his experience very useful. After this session we never staid in the same house, except for a very short time. Mrs. Smith was of a good, but of a decayed Virginia family. Rather a young woman, well bred and full of female ambition. She sat at the head of her own table. She look'd to be treated like a Lady. In this in our several ways, we were equally emulous to please her. Col Earle sat on her right, & I on our left} & it so happened perhaps because I was a Stranger, she serv'd me first. No exceptions were taken, & we passed along in great harmony. Madam was very fond of having a young female friend with her, and thus it was almost impossible in the atmosphere of Washington, to maintain that distance and reserve I had hitherto done, in regard to the female Sex. It was a school to soften, and give ease in rendering those courtesies to woman, that in that scene, is almost indispensible. The seat of government, is a place of general resort, & presents the occasion of persons meeting from distant places, & assumes something of the character of a Matrimonial mart. It was soon known that I was a Bachelor. Having acquired some standing in my own State, one of great numerical weight in the Union. I had to tell for what I was worth. It is now time to say something as to persons and parties, in relation to public affairs. I may remark however, that we entered Washington after nightfall, and from the west while the direct course through 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 229 Baltimore would have been a little east of north. I found in the morning all my ideas of the points of the compass were the reverse of right. I was long before I was able to correct this error, though the Capitol stands to the Cardinal points. Another thing that annoy'd me very much, was the absence of the Cocks shrill Clarion. At no time perhaps, had party feeling a stronger hold on men's minds, than at the opening of the 12th Congress in 1811. The old federal party after a ten years depression remained organized & buoy'd up with the hope, of being again seated in power. This party had ever displayed, a veneration for British institutions, & a preference for this nation over France. The Republican party on the other hand, felt grateful to France, for her aid in achieving the independency of the country. This feeling was strengthened by her noble struggles, to sustain herself against the league of despotism. It remained through all her reign of terror, & even after the establishment of her Im- perial tyranny. It was not a sympathy for her errors, and excesses; nor any indisposition to resent the wrongs, she might do us. Great Britain led the way in aggressing upon us. In addition to a lawless spirit of plunder, she alone was exercising the outrage, of impressing our seamen & thus had made it a common feeling with the republican party; that it was no longer to be borne with, without resistance. Our party had a large majority in numbers, & nothing lacking in talent. We met under a decided impression, that if negociation further faiPd, War must be declared. Embargo and non intercourse had been tried, and fail'd. In the event France in some sort withdrew her plundering decrees. Negociation was pressed with Britain, for some arrangement, the result was no concession could be had about impressment, & she required the capture of our vessels, going to any port, from which her ships were excluded, to wit all the ports of the European continent. Such was the state of things, at the declaration of war. The Penna delegation were mostly old men, & it contained only one federalist. Gen. Leacock Col. Piper and myself were the youngest men in it, about forty years of age. There was a large amount of old men, through out the Democratic party in the House. The seniors in our delegation, had many of them been long active in council, and the field. Not a man amongst them, but could boast some merit of service. They received us with much kindness, happy to have among them, juniors of some promise. There were however, a few snarlers, but they could not discourage us, in the midst of so much good will. Gen1 23O NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April Robert Brown, a revolutionary worthy, was one of my colleagues. He took me by the hand, with fatherly kindness, expecting something from me. While he liv'd there was no remission, in our attachment. It grew stronger from better acquaintance. Randolph ere this, had reached the meridian of his celebrity. He was an ante-war [sic] man, & to him the opposition looked as to their strong arm. He was every way a singular man. Possessed of a shrill femenine voice, a clear & distinct articulation, never slurring a sylable nor a letter, preserving in a slow delivery, the happiest choice of words, & often the most expres- sive dictionj he was listened to by one party as a fine specimen of speaking, and by the other, with oracular admiration. Randolph figured more in opposition, than as a leader. So much easier is it to find fault, than to devise & pursue wise plans of action. Henry Clay had resigned his seat in the Senate, to be elected to the house designated by public opinion for the Speaker's place to which he was elected by the unanimous vote, of the majority. In the previous session old Gtn1 Varnum had presided, a task for which he was by no means equal, in such turbulent times. Clay was something younger than I was, but he was much older in experience. He soon reduced the chaos to order, & maintained his station, with dignity. There were ambitious men enough, for the heads of committees; & indeed for to fill all the more important ones. Every one qualified to speak, had come charged with a War speech as if all was to be won, with the war of words. This was all well enough, so far as it could aid the arm of negociation. The committee on foreign relations, made a war report, and the military Comee proposed an army, & to provide munitions of war, on a moderate, & a prudent scale. The senate was filPd with able men, but among them was a full leven of feeling, that at such a time ought to have been suppressed. It was not from the opposition that anything indirect, & oblique, was to be look'd for. They were avowedly, opposed to war with Britain, under any & every aggravation. The task of management was left to a Giles, a Smith, a Bradley, a Worthington, a Reed, a Gregg, a Leib, and a Pope. Giles look'd to quash the war purpose, by proposing to raise twenty five regiments, for a provisional army. The house were disinclined to so extensive a measure, before war was declared. Thus Congress were amus'd from November, until the beginning of the following May. The executive all the time, was busied in the attempt to remove the great difficulty, by some arrangement. Which was eventually fruitless 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 23I as before noted. Long ere this, the war speeches had been let off, & time had been allowed for the evils and chances of war, to be thought off. War would require taxes and these though among its least evils, are first felt. There had all along been an idea cherished by the opposition, that the majority would not have nerve enough to meet war. This I believe, mainly induced Britain to persist in her aggressions. It she could have been made to believe through a Kosciusko, or a Logan, as France was in 1798 that we were a united people, & would act as such, war might have been avoided. This was not the worst. The opposition continued, till it was unwillingly prostrated by peace. It is too soon to write the history of the war, the actors are not yet off the stage, & it is as well not to disturb them, by calling up painful recollections. During the session, when it was thought the war fever was subsiding, a flour factor in Phila nam'd Paschal Hol- lingsworth, wrote on behalf of the Millers at Easton, to Gen Brown Mr. Rodman and myself, representing the Congressional district. Mr. Rodman early backed out of the question, & of course wanted no instruction. The letter came to Gen1 Brown as Senior member. The old Gentn brought it to me. He expressed a wish to have it answered, but it seem'd not to have entered his mind, to look to me, to do it. He spoke of a man nam'd Colvin, a lawyer, possessed of more talent, than trustworthiness. He shewed a dislike, to confide the duty to him. I requested him to leave it with me. This was Saturday evening. I consulted Leacock as to the propriety of answering it, he rather threw cold-water on the proposition. I was disposed to think he felt a little jealousy, for I was getting somewhat more active, than he. I sat down to the task, in the first still moment} & on Sunday evening, waited upon Gen B. with the draft. I read it to him, & he seem'd agreeably surpriz'd, and pleased with it 5 but as it was designed for publication, he wished the opinion of a veteran critic upon it. He proposed Gales,16 & we went immediately to him. Gales approved of it, perhaps suggesting a change of a word or two. The reply was immediately dispatched to Mr. Hollingsworth. The two letters were published in the intelligencer, the next day. It produced a wonderful sensation, among all parties. It maintained unflinchingly the necessity, and our determination for war, if negociation faiPd. I received letter of congratulation, from distant states. A complimentary notice from Prest. Madison. Old Mr Macon told me, I had taken the hide and 10 Joseph Gales (i 786-1860), editor, with William Seaton, of the National Intelligencer. 232 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April tallow off my antagonist. Mr Clay observed that old Thomas Law, wished to see the man who could write so much like Genius. Long after the war was declared, Dr. Bibb told me, my letter to Hollingsworth, very much decided that measure. He added the war question, and measure, had gone very much out of view, when it appeared. These evidences of approbation, though duly appreciated by me, did not inflate my vanity. They appeared to me, to have arisen on my part as acts of course, that any body might have done, though I am now persuaded, few would have performed them. When I felt a thing right, I never looked to consequences as to myself. While it gained me the approbation of some, it drew on me jealousy & dislike, in others. It is now & has long since gone by, & few who were privy to it, now survive. Some sessions later, going through Phila, I calPd to see Capt William Jones,17 then Pres* of an insurance office in Chesnut street. The windows were up, & I was told Mr Hollingsworth, pass'd and repass'd the office, to get a sight of his correspondent. It was my lot never to see him. I know not if he be alive, or dead. He is out of sight. I think he has faiPd in business. I had long ere this made my maiden speech, & gave it due publicity. There was some delicacy in Leacock's, & my start in Congress. We were the only two new members, that were looked to to be active. It was sometime before we could be discriminated, by some. Eventually however we each found our place, with the kindest feeling. He was known as General, I had no tittle [sic]. Though Generals are not necessarily great men, a General may sometimes be so, & then it is the character, elevates the title. I had the best gift for speaking. I do not recollect, that he ever spoke much in Congress, or did much business on the floor. He was transferred to the Senate at the end of the 12th Congress. Soon after I entered that body (Congress), John Binn,18 visited Washington. He was publishing the State administration Paper. Duane had become hostile. I felt a little shy of Binns, & had as yet had little intercourse with him. He invited my correspondence, knowing my activity, & having form'd his own notions of my capacity. I 17 William Jones, Secretary of the Navy under Madison. He was first president of the American Insurance Company of Philadelphia, serving from March 3, 1810, to Feb- ruary 9, 1813. "John Binns was editor of the Democratic Press, Philadelphia, from March 27, 1807, to November 14, 1829. i93» NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 233 made no promise. To keep busy I began to write; & it soon became my daily occupation. Scarcely a paper came out, but what contained something of mine. They appeared in the form of paragraphs, extracts of letters, & essays. I recollect I addressed one series, to John Ran- dolph of Roanoke. For these things I received from Binns the most ample acknowledgements. It was more than I sought. The engagement in a good cause was to me an equivalent. Now men are getting high stipends, for writing letters. There is nothing in the papers, I read with more interest. Yet their speculations are often crude, & futile. Mine I have no doubt gave Binns' sheet, some interest, or he would not have sought them so eagerly. I would like to look over a file of the Press, but I know not that they will ever come in my reach. Binns has told me he kept no file. No opposition could be more unrelentingly bitter, than that existing both before, and after the war was declared. The lathing hatchet vehical19 at Baltimore, after the riot, was transferred to George-town, & led the way in scurrility. I made them sometimes feel the law of retaliation. Early in May 1812 the Pres* informed Congress that negociation was at an end, & he had no hope to procure any relaxation of her aggressions. The time had therefore arrived, when the alternative was resistance, or Colonial vassalage. Randolph made an attempt, to argue the question of war, under a pretext of introducing a resolution. Bibb was temporarily in the Chair. Calhoun calPd upon Randolph to state his motion. Bibb ruPd the measure of Calhoun to be in order; when Clay resumed the chair as speaker, & reversed the decision. Randolph had no motion, his purpose had been to speak against time. In disintangling himself, he had to draw up a negative resolve, that it was inexpedient to go to war. Clay ruPd this to be out of order, as it affirmed nothing, & so the matter was not disposed of. In the mean time the Senate pass'd a resolution to adjourn for thirty-eight days; that Congress might go home, and learn public opinion. This was an artful stroke. It was negatived. The Senate ask'd a conference. Committees were appointed. That of the Senate consisted of Gen Bradley, Chauncey Goodrich, General Reed, Gover- nor Worthington, & Wm. B. Giles. Bradley opened, & I only replied. 19 This refers to the Federal Republican & Commercial Gazette of Baltimore, an ardent Federalist organ established in 1808 by Joseph Robinson. On June 22, 1812, the news- paper plant was demolished by a mob of Republicans who had been aroused by the attitude of the editor toward the war question. 234 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April Our committee were Bibb, Macon, Pleasants, & Mosely. The Senate committee, were pick'd men especially Giles, and Goodrich. Most of them honored me with a reply. I can ill judge now, what I said. The measure of aggression was full} & that was always the time to rise; a free people could not safely levy armies and taxes, till war was decided on. Their ground was want of readiness, & the evils that must flow, from an act of war, before due preparation. The proposition of the Senate was an obvious go by measure. I now believe these men, had some assurance of the modification of the British orders in council. Insufficient & trifling as was that measure; if it had been known, we should have had no war. Our committee, were not disposed to pro- long debate, & the vote was taken. The whole senate Committee voted for 38 days. Mosely the only oppisition [sic] man with us, the same time; Macon and Pleasants for 21; Bibb for 18} I for no time. The committee reported a disagreement. The next morning Clay told me, the Senate were going to send down, their resolution again. He proposed to stand firm. So did Felix Grundy, but in later time Grundy withdrew, & left us to finish the war. I spoke with no one else. Their [sic] was little time for thought, before the Senate's message was brought in, and it was immediately, put under consideration. I mov'd to suspend pay, & some one seconded it, this took them in flank. They disliked to vote it down; a short debate ensued, in which I had to defend my motion, which was a popular one, & it was so felt. In this state of the affair Richard Blackledge, mov'd to postpone the resolution, with the amendment. This motion carried, by three votes. So near were we to falling into a course of policy, that must have shewn us, unworthy of the advantages we possessed. Very soon the house was in conclave, on the question of war. An animated debate ensued, & it was taking a turn to consume time. I got before the chair, & on the first opening, mov'd the previous question; the question depending was postponement, to a day certain, which might have been varied, almost indefinitely. Clay ruPd that the main question, was on the passage of the Bill, & that it precluded any question on the special motion to postpone. Thus the House was enabled to reach the final vote, with unexpected celerity. The majority was large. Mr Rodman, & two or three of the Jersey members, deserted us. One of them Adam Boyd had been a revolutionary man & had his residence near Brunswick, in the seat of war 3 he had been an active, & steady Whig; & had ever remained true to popular principles. In 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 235 this case he left his friends, & thereafter displayed a want of temper, that presented a barrier to intercourse. He was an old man, and had married a second wife, a fine looking low dutch woman, younger than himself. He had an unmarried daughter, arrived at old maid's age 5 who with her Stepmother, came on to see him in the summer, as our session did not close, until July. They came to Mr. Smith's, as the boarding house where the old gentleman liv'd; could not receive them. Miss Boyd possessed, as much strength of mind, as she was deficient in comliness. She was one of the few women, I ever met who was not deform'd; that I could not look at, without something of dislike. I was sorry for it, because she look'd for notice, & very prob- ably deserv'd it, in a high degree. She might have been about my age. It was the wish of the Ladies, to go to the drawing room, and every Lady going there, needed a conductor. My deportment had been somewhat reserved, but it had been arranged by Mrs. Smith, Earle, & Leacock, that I was to be Miss Boyd's gallant. Nothing had been said, nor had any appointment been made, with my privity. It would have been an uphill business, for me. I had a call to George- town, & without design, I did not return in time to attend Miss Boyd. Leacock had to perform the service. Mrs. Madison received the Ladies, with the most delicate politeness, her attention to Miss B. was mark'd. On due consideration I felt regret, that I had not acted differently in this case. Miss Boyd was a warm democrat, & a well in- f orm'd politician. She was mortified to find her father, array'd against his former friends. Mrs Madison's mark'd attention, was due to the double cause, of her father's attitude, & her own homliness. The most bitter oppugners of her husband, were always secure of a civil recep- tion from Mrs Madison in her own house. In this at least, she was great. Mrs & Miss Boyd soon return'd, the latter certainly Less gratified, than if she had found her father with his former friends. I might mention here, something about my own feelings. Always some what annoy'd by an awkward bashfulness, & morbid sensibility, arising, from a false pride, I brought something of it into the scene I now was. Men and things at a distance, are sometimes seen like objects, in the dark, under too large an angle. It follows as a natural consequence, that the seat of government, vested with the charge of international relations, will be somewhat tinctur'd with manners more artificial, from that circumstance. I saw nothing however, to outrage the most fastidious republican simplicity. The members of Con- 236 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April gress, are invited to dine with the Pres* in detail. The table would hold about thirty guests. If any respectable strangers were in the City, they had seats on such occasions. I never knew how the members were selected, whether or not there was a preference, for those first invited. There was a mixture of parties, & locations. Mrs M. seem'd a great personage to me, & even to older men who felt some diffidence, in making her a first bow. It came to my turn to go to dinner. Never having been introduced to her, it was necessary I should have some one to do that office. Col Earle procured that service from his col- league, old Gtn1 Wynne. We got in pretty early, & the introduction pass'd of pretty easily, for me, as Gen1 Roberts. I was amus'd on seeing the company arrive, at the various degrees of ease, and grace, and awkward embarrassment, that was exhibited. Mrs Madison always took the head of the table, in my first years of service. The private secretary was placed at the foot ; & the President took some convenient seat. Mrs M. was conducted to her seat by the Vice Pres*, if there, by invitation of the Pres\ I once witnessed a very awkward scene. An Admiral Coffin in the British service, a native of America, was present. He had a seat near Madam when dinner was announced, & he very officiously took her hand, while the Pres* assigned the duty to Mr Gaillard the vice protem. There were several Lady guests. On such occasions every Lady, must have a conduct to the table, and any body in preference to her husband. Mrs Lowndes sat near me, & I rose to conduct her. I was crossed by Wm R. King, who passed a lady neither of us knew. I motioned to him to bring her on, but like an haubuck [ ? ] he said he did not know her. This man had remained in Congress for near thirty years. Good breeding, always implies good sense & of this he possessed a small share. I, took up the strange Lady. I was curious to see how the guests at the head of the table, were arranged. The conductor had the upper seat, by right, and usage. I found however the Admiral was placed below. Whether he had found his error, & retired so, or had to be taught, I never knew. For a while in every new scene, I felt disquietude, but in the event it left me, & I could hardly conceive, how [I] had ever been disturbed by such emotions. Age certainly lesson's our sensibility, as to what may be the impressions, we make on others. Very soon, Mrs Madison, used to shake hands on our meeting. She had, had a quaker origin, whether it was from that, or from the fact that she felt me to be really, her husband's friend 5 that she was so civil, I know not. 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 237 I have brought my narrative, to the passage of the War Bill, by the house. While we were in conclave, I met Pope of Kentucky in the rotunda. He enquired what we were doing. A secret session does not necessarily preclude, intercourse between the members of the two bodies. I replied we were on the war Bill. Said he will you pass it, certainly said I, & what will the Senate do. I suppose sd he, we shall pass it if it comes before us. This was no pledge, but an opinion as it turn'd out a correct one; but he voted against the measure. Our Senators Gregg & Leib, with several others, were driven to vote affirmatively by public opinion. The people were much ahead of Congress. Gregg always an unsettled man, wrote about the time, the house were in conclave, to a federal friend in Carlisle, that there ought to be no war; that to declare it would be an act of madness. His friend thought it so good a thing, he published it, and by the time it got to Washington, his was one of the four votes, that carried the measure. It was little odds he was down anyhow, & had nothing to lose. War was now declared, & it became the duty of Congress to provide revenue, and armies. The latter had been voted beyond, any practical enlistment. There was little inclination, to take up the tax question, seriously. The bodies had been eight months in session. It was midsummer. Many members had retired. There was a general impatience, to get away. Secretary Gallitin [sic] had early been calPd upon, for a project of revenue. He promptly reported. The report in his opinion, embraced all the items, the returns from which, would yield revenue, or justify the expence of collection. There was no item, but pinch'd somewhere. It was apparent, that taxes were evils, & are only to be born for some obvious good, or to avert some greater ill. It was most obvious the Congress, could not be kept together, to deliberate on the Tax Bills. The responsibility of adjourning, laid with the house, as the exclusive revenue originating power. Dr Bibb who was an active practical man, & good patriot desir'd me to ac- company him to Gallitin. I did not know his precise object. He appeared for himself, and others. The interview was on the question of laying taxes, before Congress rose. Mr G. stated he had very much desir'd they should be laid, but that he now thought it impossible. He went on to shew, that the delay might not work such evils, as might have been look'd for at an earlier time, & which were had in view when his estimates, & reports, had been made. The late time the 238 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April declaration had been made, would give larger receipts of ordinary revenue, & the difficulty of embodying armaments, would require less expenditure, than the estimate. Bibb then wish'd to know, if he would be willing to embody these things in a report. This he decidedly declined to do. Bibb was intent upon his project, & I had to say, I thought he ought not to do it. The difficulty then was, who would move to postpone the taxes. I readily undertook it, and the Bills were so postponed. At this time, the elections were all depending. The districts had been arranged on a new census. Montgomery and Chester, were now my district. The result was not very certain. The Chester opposition cited my motion to postpone, & denounced the war, & my whole course in Congress. This was done, by such men as Cols Richard Thomas and Isaac Wayne, my personal friends. It was on this canvass, I had to write the address, for our committee of conference, which Dennis Whelen assigned to Tench Coxe. I have said nothing of my first intercourse with Gallitin. He had been pre- par'd to meet me, for all I was worth, by my friends Lane, & Mr Isaac Griffyn, a connexion of his by affinity, & a man from whom, I had many proofs of kindness. Gallitin of foreign birth, arrived in this country, a youth about the close of the revolution. He landed in the Bay of Passmaquaddy. In coming westward, he married a daughter of Commodore Nicolson's, & was settled in Fayette County, Penna. Here he located a village, which he calPd New Geneva, after his native city. In a new settlement, his foreign birth was less, a prejudice to his election to high trusts, than it would have been, in an older one. He appeared in our Assembly in '86 or '87.20 He soon took a high rank, & attracted much notice, in, and out of council. Though a Genevese, he appeared in everything a Frenchman. This was no prejudice to him with old Whigs, who were warmly attached to our old ally. He found no equal in the Whig party, & soon was elected to the U. S. Senate. He was ejected on the ground, of not having been by a few days, naturalized seven years before his election. The whigs were now out of power, & he could not be re-elected. He was soon chosen to Congress, where he took rank with the Madisons & the ablest men in the opposition. He was the Ajax Telamon in debate. On the floor his dialect was so foreign, & with bad teeth he did not appear to advantage. His argument could not be appreciated. In print it had its full effect. No man had a greater share in procuring

20Gallatin served in the legislature from 1790 to 1792. 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 239 the Democratic ascendant, in 1799 than he. He had given signal proofs of his knowledge of, & his capacity for, finance. He was put at the head of the treasury by Mr Jefferson, & continued by Mr Madison. In this situation, I found him. Mrs Gallitin by no means a pretty woman, made her husband's house the centre of much intercourse. She was a reading woman, & a politician, unspoil'd by wealth. Their circumstances were narrow, & she affected nothing above them. I have heard from him some of the best lessons on economy, I have ever fallen in with. He said he once liv'd in Philadelphia on his Congress pay 6 dollars, a whole year, in which Mrs Gallitin was confined. His mornings were devoted to business, his evenings to his family, and friends. They had three children, two sons and a daughter. The latter a little Girl, the boys were nearly grown up. He enjoy'd a cigar, & used to buy them by quarter dollar's worth. Mrs G. suggested, it would be better economy to buy a box. He did so, & he used at least twice as many, & they both agreed, the retail purchases were cheapest. He found the retail purchases of groceries, to be the cheapest too. More was used, when it could be dipp'd from the Barrel, while less was used from frequent scarcity. Such were sometimes the cogitations, of this great man's mind. He was truly a great man, in quickness, versatility, & clearness, & profundity of conception. He was however a peace man. His station, and his experience conspir'd, to make him dread a war. In all our intercourse, he never dropp'd to me a word of discouragement, to my warlike penchant. No man knew better, what was to be expected from Con- gress. I did not know so much. All he anticipated, was fully realized. He told me early that neither Jefferson, nor Madison, could of themselves have carry'd on the government, without exhausting its means, instead of lessening the debt. This frank communication surpriz'd me. The relation he stood in to these men, the time, & place, made it appear singular, if not imprudent. I can now see his motive was highly laudible, he saw I would be active, & he wish'd to apprize me, of a very necessary knowledge. I saw Mr. G. often, & soon got the credit of being his mouthpiece. I felt entire confidence in him, & he seem'd to admit me, on an equal foot. Gallitin's standing and talents, had excited much envy in minds, very much inferior to his. It was quite a good thing, for us, that my voice was still for war. They could less charge him with hostility, to a measure, that was loudly call'd for, by that portion of public opinion, that gave color to our councils. 240 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April During this session my intercourse with the Madisons, & Munroes, was much less than with the Gallitins. Eustis, & Hamilton, were but cyphers. Grainger was too selfish, to warrant confidence. I sometimes calPd upon him. When war was declared, it is said the British Minister wept. Were they tears of penitence, or of mortification. On the 6th of July Congress dispersed, to meet again in November. I returned home in grain harvest—performed some labor, but found I could not break into work so easily as when I got home, earlier in the season. With all the events, of a disturbing & unpleasant nature, it had been a season full of interest to me. I pluck'd the flowers, as they bloom'd, & on my return, found my absence had not lessened my standing. Well we have arrived at a time, when an important event had occurred, the changing of State of Peace, for that of War. In the bringing of that event, about, my dear children, your Father felt, he acted a responsible part. I had been bred in anti militant principles. I always disrelished military parades even. I was active now in entering on a war, with a powerful nation; dominant at sea, and habituated to conflict. It was of necessity to be commenced under the obstruc- tions of a strong leaven of opposition. War at all times, and under all circumstances, is of uncertain issue. My justification for the part I acted, was, the soberest conviction, that it had become a less evil, than longer submission to aggression. As a representative, I felt, that it was calPd for. Even our elder brethren to a man, felt the measure right. The executive power, was in safe hands from abuse. Our negociation was laugh'd to scorn. Quincy had told us, we could not be kick'd into a war. It was not the wish of Britain that a war should occur, but to make us subserve her interests as a colonial dependency. She taught the smaller European Nations, as well as France, to plunder us. France, Spain, Naples, & Denmark, have since all made indemnity. Our indemnity from Britain, was our triumphs over her, on Land and water. It allowed our country, to assume her due rank among the community of Nations. We may well ask, if better assurance may be wanted that our flag will not be again violated; & our seamen mustered, on the decks of our own ships, to be dragged into worse, than Algerine slavery. There were mighty hazards involved in the step, & painful reverses in its progress; but on balancing the account, I think there are none now, who would deny the ex- pediency, or the beneficial result of it. On the most careful consideration, I think the part I took in the measure, was the most publicly beneficial, of all my public actions. 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 24I It may be right to say, that my residence in Mr Smith's family, was the most agreeable, I ever spent in public life. No where else, could I have gotten so profitable schooling, at the commencement of my career in Washington. We liv'd like a family, bound by stronger ties, than a mere chance meeting. Mr Frost's family liv'd next door, & the youngest daughter Charlotte, hardly at woman's estate, had a piano, & a fine gift as a performer. She was at all points a very fine girl. Mrs Smith us'd to have the instrument brought into her house. Miss Charlotte with untiring good nature, us'd to sing and play for us. I had always a taste for music without being able to form any conception of musical time. It was the melody I enjoy'd & not the intricacy of time, and time [sic]. It was the first time so ample a feast of music had ever been within my reach. Occasionally through the season some temporary inmates dropp'd in for short periods, that gave variety, and interest to our little circle. Among the rest was Peter W. Grayson Mrs Smith's nephew. He seem'd to me to be a young man of much promise. Miss Frost & he interested each other. It gave softness & sweetness to her music. Grayson & her were both under age. It was only a childish attachment. Poor Grayson I believe never married, & not long since committed suicide in Texas. Charlotte died unmarried too, I believe before him, on the eve of forming an advantageous marriage. Poor Mr. Smith found his business, very inadequate to his wants; & plac'd his hopes in getting some appointment through me. Gallitin & Wm Jones were at the head of two departments, they were my friends, & he thought I might get something for him, through them. Jones had no vacancy, & on my applying to Gallitin he remark'd, old members of Congress did not make good clerks. He added he had nothing in his office he could give him, but the receivership at the St. Stephens land office, at Mobile. The salary was five hundred dolls & a percentage on the sales of land. It was an unhealthy place, & a frontier, & during a war the sales could not be much. Smith felt desperate. He determin'd to quit Washington at all risks. Madam was very averse, but she submitted as of necessity. Smith went South in the sickly season, encounter'd sickness, & took possession of his office. In the spring he return'd & took out his wife and her servants. They arriv'd safely. The office became profitable. He trusted the public mony to unsafe hands, & became delinquent, was dismiss'd and ruin'd his sureties, his brothers' & sisters' families. They (the Smiths) lost their children, & died themselves in their southern location. Whether from chagrin, or from an insalubrious 242 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April climate I do not know. I know as little how poor they had become, or even how soon after the explosion of their affairs they died. Gtn1 Leacock was at St. Stephen's in 1826, & he informed me he had visited their graves. It had become a good office, when Smith forfeited it. It is hardly worth while to stop for reflections on their fate. They were an ill matched pair, & were both to blame, that they did not do better. I felt with all his faults more sympathy for him, than her. I felt injured by his mismanagement, & in this he was chiefly answerable. Gallitin's remark that members of Congress, did not make good Clerks, offers a text for useful reflexion. A good clerk must be a mere serving man, & put on the Livery of his principal, which circumstance must be irksome to all, & intolerable to an independent mind. Few places cherish so much as [a] seat in Congress, a high opinion of oneself. In the Legislative branch, the seat is of highest power. I recollect it was the remark of Tench Coxe, that on a survey of the city of Phila, soon after the revolutionary war, that not a single native American, was found in livery. Such a thing is no longer to be seen only at Washington in the corps diplomatic. Mrs Madison's servants wore colars in 1811, but it disappeared. I know not if Van Buren has revived it. The Revolutionary war left a good deal of the seeds of aristocratic pride amongst us. It was the levelling effect of the new order of things in France, that purg'd off from us these impurities. My own inclination had been to preserve you, from the servile habits of control and dependence, on the will of others. I went through a probation of this kind myself. I did my duty, but it did not break my spirit, nor convince me that it is salutary, to place young people at the disposal of persons, unsuited to rank with them in after life. It is a great secret, to feel and to know what is due to oneself. The gentlest rule, will sometimes press hardly, even in a Parents hands. It is but few spirits on whom livery will sit easy, without contracting a bending from habit. There is much more room for the exercise of manly feeling, in an engagement as a farm hand, than as clerk in an office. The power of appointment, and removal, is in the principal, while the public pay. There is a much more equal relation between the employer, & the employed. In the latter case there is an equal contract, which they are bound to fulfill. Nor so in the former case, there is a favor conferred by the principal held too at will. To retain this favor, requires a suppleness at variance, with every principle of manly independence. I have witnessed harsh treatment, after the most 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 243 degrading subserviency. It is a good principle to accept favors from no body where they are strangers, but in cases of the strongest necessity. I am the more earnest in noting my observations on this head, because I think if there be any value in the experience of an ancestor, these suggestions are among the most precious results of mine. For some time previously to the declaration of War, all commercial intercourse had been suspended with Britain, until she should revoke her orders in Council. In such case, if the Pres* was satisfied, he was authorized in the recess of Congress, to restore intercourse by proc- lamation. Such arrangement had been had with France. The advo- cates of Britain, plead that the French revocation was not general, but applied only to America. On the 22 of June 1812 Britain did revoke her orders reserving to herself, the right of recurring to them if her interest required it. She had been too late, & never knew, whether the Pres1, would have restored the intercourse on such a revocation. His next message contained something like the admission, that the revocation might have been susceptible of a construction, that would have allowed the renewal of intercourse. Perhaps he would have open'd intercourse, protesting against this assumption. It seem'd in the order of providence, that the war was to be. I believe the opposition were deceived themselves, & misled the British Minister, till it was too late. The outrage on the Chesapeake, had produced the interdict of their arm'd vessels entering our ports. Britain was very tardy in making due reparation. One may judge from what I have stated, how low our national character had fallen. It could only have been recovered by a recourse to war. It is wonderful, that men who would have resented a supposed personal injury, at the pistol's mouth, should have been disposed to have borne this load of National injury, from considerations much less respectable, than mere humanity. The chivalrous men of the south, were fearful of the effect of a direct tax on their slaves, as three fifths of their federal members. The west dreaded an excise on Whiskey. All such things operating, was within a small matter, of defeating the war. On the 18th of June 1812, it was by no means in near prospect, that the imperial power of France should be overthrown. That event occur'd however, & we were left to fight Britain single handed. In such a state of things, we obtained peace. The ultimate capture of Bonaparte & the successful end of war with England, terminated the contest of parties, that had raged for more than twenty years. The leaders of the old federal party, 244 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April gave in. Such men as Rufus King, and Robert Goodloe Harper, pro- claim'd in the Senate, that they looked for another conflict with Great Britain, in some fifteen or twenty years. I did not then believe it, as from the last struggle it seem'd clear, that another could hardly close, in Statu quo ante bellum. Twenty five years have pass'd & yet we see no dark presages of war. It is true, we are form'd to become her rival, in commercial and maratime power. France too stands on reno- vated ground, & every day shews the civiliz'd world, less ready for war, than in former time. From this time we heard no more re- proaches, that you are a partizan of England, & you of France. The Congress became as it ought to be national. But I am in advance of time. Congress met again in November. I was again plac'd on the committee of ways and Means. Langdon Cheves was chairman. We had but one federal member Wm Coxe of Jersey, a mild man & of moderate Politics. He gave us no trouble. When the British orders in council were modified on the 22d of June an immense importation followed, & on the arrival of the goods here, they were subject to forfeiture, as the non intercourse had not been suspended. The cargoes were all libelPd, & according to a usage of maratime law, were re- leased on bond, under the plea that the articles were perishable. These bonds were fix'd in amount by the District judges. In every case they were within the invoice price, & often much below it. In many cases the profits were immense, three hundred per cent advance, from the hungry demand in an exhausted Market. The secretary of the Treas- ury thought the bonds might well be collected, & yet leave them the merchants in possession of very unusual profits. Committees of Mer- chants from several cities appeared before the committee, & we took a long train of evidence. Washington Irvine & A Lawrence were of the N. York committee. Cheves enter'd on the enquiry, determined if possible, to defeat the forfeiture. He had form'd a conclusion, that the merchants paid all the revenue, & he had been for war, to get up a system of internal taxes. Bibb was sick, & could not attend the committee. Johnson stood next, but it was left to me, to take notes in opposition to Cheves. After a protracted inquiry, we reported for forfeiture. Cheves declined opening the discussion, as it was for us to defend our measure. We made no objection. Johnson desir'd to speak first. He had the right by usage, & I was quite willing, he made a pretty good speech but left the subject little exhausted. Usage always left it to the committee, to discuss its own reports, till each 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 245 member who desir'd to speak, had spoken. It was Cheves' place to follow Johnson, he hesitated, & Doctor Mitchell who was not of the committee, started up, & made a short speech, for the New York Merchants. The house then adjourned. Next morning, the debate was to proceed, & Cheves contended I should follow Mitchell. My in- experience, made me care little about it; Bibb was now in his seat & he was tenacious that Cheves should go on. At the moment the house was coming to order 3 Bibb put his hand in pocket, & taking out a dollar, says heads or Tales, & Cheves lost the game. He had to speak. I never thought him so great a speaker, as he was generally held to be. In this effort, he was not usually happy. It seem'd to me, he wanted the sense of a strong conviction, that he was right. He did not occupy the whole sitting; & I had to follow. I felt that Cheves, had pass'd over some untenable ground; & had stated the evidence, we had taken wrong. Gales ask'd, if he must report my speech. I felt timid, & did not require it, though I now know, I should have done it. Well said he, I will take large notes, and you can write it out. It was so agreed. I went on for about an hour, not altogether to my own satisfaction, when old Mr. Smilie came to me, and ask'd if he should move to adjourn. I hesitated to consent, not knowing, whether I could do so well another day. While I hesitated, he made the motion, and the house adjourned. Gales handed me his notes. Expec- tations were raised on one side, & some apprehensions on the other, especially after Cheves's speech. They view'd me not so formidable in myself, as the mouth piece of Gallitin. I am not aware I got one idea from him. It was not necessary, the inquiry had made me master, of the subject. Poor Mr. Smilie's motion, was the last he ever made. He never after appeared in the house. He almost immediately took sick. I calPd to see him so soon as I could, but he was no longer conversable, and died very soon after. John Smilie, had long held a high place, in public opinion. His life, had been very much spent, in public service. He did not leave any splendid monuments of it behind him. He was a very old man, when we met, perhaps the mere ghost of what he had been. He had never been a copious debater, but he was an active member. He was the venerated friend of Gallitin. He was a great economist of the public means, & his last incoherent expressions, had relation to this concern. He voted for the war, from his habit of going with his party. He made no war Speech. His friend Findley did, a brief, & sensible one. Poor Smilie could have died, 246 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April no where so happy as in Congress. His last moments were cheered, by the prospects of revenue, from the forfeit of the bonds. Smilie was of a fretful, and unquiet temper, at home. His children were not smart, & he was impatient, & unreasonable. I had this from our friend Lane. Findley too had children, but their names are no longer known among those of our men of action. Both Smilie, & Findley, were poor Irish emigrants. I know not if they came, to this country married. Whether so or not, they could hardly have anticipated at marriage, the distinction, they afterwards attained to. Their wives I conclude, did not rise with them. In this Gallitin, was happier. What was Smilie's early engagement, I never learn'd. Findley was a poor Weaver. He was the abler man, but not the most active. It was a novelty for such men, to immerge into notice in council, who had never enjoy'd even common opportunities} for self improvement. The country had been governed, by an aristocracy of Lawyers. Findley related to me, his first attempt at speaking, to encour [a] ge me in 1799. Findlay became a learned man & good writer, so far as English literature, would allow him to be. His exterior was neither shewy, nor promising, he had a great gift of memory. These two sages, preserved to the last their simple manners. Findley though late in Congress, died at home. I am near, or have arriv'd at the age, I met these my senior brethren in Congress. I have been withdrawn from public life, very much, for the last twenty years. It has happened that conscience, has placed me on the unpopular sidej but if it had been otherwise, I am sure, I should have felt less comfort, than I have found in dayly intercourse, with your dear mother; & aiding her in fulfilling our parental duties, to you, & watching over your well doing, & forming you to usefulness. I married late & had a free opportunity, to make such a selection, as pleased my riper judgment, when my character & prospects were fully f oun'd. I have left my speech on the bonds, scarcely begun. I went to dinner, with my mind in high fermen[ta]tion in my subject. I wrote out my speech from Gales' notes. At night I went to bed, but soon found I could not sleep. I rose & wrote letters, & digested my future speech. Every faculty seem'd brightened, I got a clear view of my subject, & was full of it, when the house met. The morning's business had been disposed of, by half past eleven 5 earlier than usual by half an hour. Cheves enquired if I was ready to proceed, I answered yes. Then said he, I will call the question. He did so, & I rose & spoke the whole day. 1938 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS 247 I felt no embarrassment, I wanted neither words, nor arguments. I was heard with respectful patience, by all parts of the House. I then felt some claim, to the compliment Leacock had paid me in the Penna Senate, of seeming almost inspired. Before I left my seat, Mr Lawrence, of the merchants' committee from New York, came from the gallery, & said to me, cheerfully we are ready to make terms with you. What these were I know not, perhaps an equalization of the bonds as they had been taken, on very unequal conditions. I had several complimentary communications, from various quarters. Thomas R. Gold a prominent federalist, said he had never heard so much said, without any repetition, or consumption of time, by pause or emphasis. He did not speak of my argument, but it was something to have attracted the notice of an opponent. Judge Anderson of the Senate, expressed his regret, he had not heard me. He must have had a report from some one, that had excited his curiosity. Gales who listened and took notes; said that he thought Cheves, one [of] the best speakers in Congress yet he never heard a man so cut up as he was by me. Cheves himself, on being censur'd by his own papers at home -j ask'd me in a tone of distress, if I did not feel gratified, to see him so lampooned & censured. I answered, I have seen nothing of it, & can of course feel nothing. Cheves under an exterior of meekness, was an exceedingly proud ambitious & arbitrary man. He threatened to reply, but he wisely forbore. His friend Lowndes, with contemp- tible impertinence, remarked you will be gratified at the frequent notice you will get in our replies. I replied, I shall feel as little gratified with your notice, as I fear your argument. He rose to defend Cheves, but upon two or three checks on his mistating me, he soon closed, with out effect. There was no reply made on the floor, that had any effect in weakening my conclusions. I saw a speech in the Lathing-hatchet Journal, full of personalities, under the name of one Richardson, which never had been spoken in the house. He was a pretended Democrat too. There used to be a young Lady sometimes at Gallitin's, Miss Sarah Smith, a daughter of General John Smith, a New York Senator from long Island. She told me too, she had been present, and heard my speech. She was a very pretty Girl, & there was a fair opportunity for an intimacy, I thought it prudent to forego. Gallitin once gave me a hint to visit her, at G^n1 Van Ness's where she staid. This was one of the cases, where I felt calPd upon to exercise prudence. She subsequently married John L. Lawrence of New 248 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS April York, a respectable merchant. The decision on the bonds was protracted, until strength enough was gain'd, to defeat the measure. I found on this, as on other occasions, a disposition in the Lawyers, to keep down if they could lay-men. I however had every encouragement I could wish, from a Large body of members, particularly those of my own state. Among them, I found no rival. We had no Lawyer amonst us, but Milnor the Federalist. (To be continued)