Erasing Race The Story of Reena Virk

L Zuteure examine le rble des mPdias out by the news media and heavily reported in the local, fors du meurtre de Reena Virk et national, and international press. The media's initial By not veutattirer l'attentionsur le manque framing of the murder focused largely on "girl-on-girl" referencing de couverture dans la presse et sur violence. The issue of racism, sexism, pressures of assimi- "race" in this ['absence d'une analyse critique du lation, and the social construction of Reena Virk as an racisme qui sont uneforme de vio- outcast were rarely addressed. When they were addressed, context, the lence traduite par I1exclusion, it was always in the language of appearance-that she media were ['utilisation du bouc kmissaire, le weighed 200 pounds and was five feet, eight inches tall. ciblage des "autres, "letoutportkpar According to media accounts, her heaviness and height a ble to negate lhj!riorisation de L, d@rence uue precluded her from being accepted. The assumptions and omit any comme une dviance. regarding the validity of normative standards of beauty and appearance were significantly absent in all accounts of substantive OnNovember14,1997,14-year- the story. Rather, as with dominant frameworks of mean- discussion of old Reena Virk, a girl of South ing that are utilized to cover stories of racialized immigrant racism. Asian origin, was brutally mur- and refugees communities-Reena's difference was un- dered in asuburb ofvictoria, Brit- derscored and inferiorized. ish Columbia. Reena was first This article focuses on the framing of the Reena Virk beaten by a group of seven girls murder in media accounts. The aim is to draw attention and one boy between the ages of 14 and 16. She was to the lack of coverage and critical analysis of racism as a accused of stealing one of the girl's boyfriends and spread- form ofviolence communicated by exclusion,scapegoating, ing rumours. Her beating was framed as retaliation to and targetting of "others," and underpinned by the these alleged actions. According to journalistic accounts, inferiorization of difference as well as its framing as the attack began when one of the girls attempted to stub deviance. Additionally, this article argues that the absence out a cigarette- on her forehead. As she tried to flee, the of any discussion of racism as a motivating factor in the group swarmed her, kicked her in the head and body murder is symbolic of the denial of racism as a systemic numerous times, attempted to set her hair on fire, and phenomenon in Canada. The absence of any mention of brutalized her to the point where she was severely injured racism in the judicial decision concerning the murder is and bruised. During the beating, Reena reportedly cried echoed in the news coverage of the decision, thereby out "I'm sorry" (The Vancouver Sun A10). Battered, privileging a particular interpretation of the case as one Reena staggered across a bridge trying to flee her abusers, involving physical gang violence. Finally, the erasure of but was followed by two ofthem-Warren Glowatski and race in the discourse of the news media is made evident by Kelly Ellard. The two then continued to beat her, smash- the complete denial ofthe Virk's appearance and racialized ing her head against a tree, and kicking her to the point identity and its significance in terms ofher vulnerability to where she became unconscious. They then allegedly violence. By not referencing "race" in this context, the dragged her body into the water and forcibly drowned her. media were able to negate and omit any substantive Reena's body was subsequently found eight days later on discussion of racism, and at the same time, to reinforce November 22, 1997, with very little clothing on it. The hegemonic notions of racism-as behaviour which is pathologist who conducted the autopsy noted that Virk simply confined to hate groups. had been lucked 18 times in the head and her internal injuries were so severe as to result in tissues being crushed Racialized girls and their vulnerability to violence between the abdomen and backbone. She also noted that the injuries were similar to those that would result from a A recent study conducted by the Alliance of Five car being driven over a body. The pathologist concluded Research Centres on Violence underscores the vulnerabil- that Reena would likely have died even if she had not ity of girls and young women to male violence. It has been drowned.' found, for instance, that girls comprise 84 per cent of the This chilling murder of a 14-year-old girl was singled reported victims of sexual abuse, 60 per cent of the

178 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIESILES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME physical child abuse cases, and 52 per cent of cases of and Douglass). Further, the reported neglect (Department of Justice). Girls are also prevalence ofthese identity-oriented victims in 80 per cent of the cases of sexual assaults studies suggests a greater degree of Faced by racism, reported to police (Fitzgerald). Many flee abusive homes comfort in looking at "culturaln and the and end up on the streets where they are subjected to issues of CO-existence,conflict, and double dose further abuse (Alliance). The situation is compounded for exchange,U. or assimilation and ac- marginalized girls who have to deal with the interlocking culturation (Drury; Jabbra; Kim; of sexism, girls effects of racism, homophobia, classism, ableism, and Rosenthal et al.), although more f rOm racia lized sexism Uiwani 1998b; Razack). recently, this trend has shifted (see, The Working Groups on Girls (WGG)noted in its report for exam~le.Matthewsl. - L, immigrant that immigrant and refugee girls experience higher rates of Despite the use of culture as the and ref uaeeJ violence because of dislocation, racism, and sexism from focal point of inquiry, many of these communities both within their own communities and the external studies reveal that girls within society (Friedman). Caught- between two cultures, where racialized immigrant cLltures expe- have few aven ues their own is devalued and constructed as inferior, and rience a greater degree of dissatis- Of recourse. where cultural scripts in both worlds encode patriarchal faction and strain with the norma- values, these girls face a tremendous struggle in trying to tive values imposed by their own "fit." When they don't, they suffer intense backlash. In culture (Hutnik; Miller; Onder; effect, what these girls experience is a double dose of Rosenthal et al.). The contextual factors influencing and patriarchy-the patriarchal values encoded in the domi- shaping this dissatisfaction tend not to be examined in nant society which resonates with the patriarchal values structural terms, i.e., as emanating from the subordinate encoded in their own cultural backgrounds.- position of the cultural group- - in relation to the domi- At the core of the diversity ofexperiences that shape the nant society, and the construction of racialized immi- lives and realities of girls from marginalized groups is the grant communities as deviant Others (Bannerji 1993; intensity of rejection and exclusion mediated by the Thobani; Tsolidas as cited in Turnbull 163). Nor has the mainstream of society. Faced by racism, and the double complex interaction of sexism and racism shaping the dose of sexism, girls from racialized immigrant and refu- lives and choices of young women been examined in gee communities have few avenues of recourse available to great detail in Canadian studies (see Bourne et al.; them2 The obverse side of this rejection is the over- Vertinsky et al.). Thus, rather than focusing on how

whelming-. pressure to conform and assimilate into the racialized girls are inferiorized and how they internalize dominant normative framework and thereby strive for at dominant values which embody a rejection of the self least conditional acceptance. However, the internaliza- and their cultural communities, many of the existing tion of the dominant culture often leads to an studies tend to frame these "Other" communities as inferiorization, negation, and hatred of the self and their being problematic insofar as clinging to traditional, non- communities. liberatory. and patriarchal cultures (Alicea). Within the context of the violence of racism, girls from Cultural identity and conflict marginalized communities are often faced with systemic barriers around which they must negotiate their survival. Rather than focusing on girls' experiences ofracism and They may choose to try to conform and assimilate, sexism, many studies have tended to concentrate on issues althbugh this choice is often not available to them due to ofcultural and intergenerational conflict within racialized the exclusionary impact of racism and/or homophobia. immigrant communities. To some extent, these studies On the other hand, the deviant characterization of their have emerged in response to prevailing occupations in the communities by the mainstream often forces them into area of ethnicity and identity retention cohering around silence as they are afraid to report experiences of violence the debate ofwhether such identity is primordially rooted for the fear of betraying their own communities (Burns; (Geertz; Isaacs) or situationally constructed (Keyes; Lyman Razack). As Burns notes,

VOLUME 19, NUMBER 3 Our abuse has been hidden in our communities' race and racism is both derived from and informed by refusal to acknowledge- the pervasiveness of violence social life, and reproduced in everyday talk and thought in our lives. This refusal is not maliciousness but a (Smitherman-Donaldson and van Dijk; van Dijk 1987). protective measure born of the legitimate fear that Previous research has documented the ways in which such information would be used as a weapon by the Canadian mainstream media communicate notions of dominant culture. Our abuse has been hidden be- "race" and forward particular definitions of racism hind bravado and denials. The result is the creation (Bannerji, 1986; Indra; Jiwani, 1993; Scanlon). These of a climate of tolerance. (4) definitions explain racism as arising from ignorance, in- creasing immigration, and economic downturns (Jiwani Yet, it is critical to form a space 1993; see also van Dijk 1993). Such explanations are whereby the specific kinds of privileged through various discursive means so that they violence that racialized girls appear to be meaningful and resonate with everyday social A central issue-- - experience can be discussed and reality. "Racists" are then defined as ignorant, unedu- here is the analyzed. It is not enough to cated, and usually rural-based individuals who at times are universa~izetheir experiinces organized into hate groups (Jiwani, 1993). At the same subt letv< with iCh is within the category of "girls" or time, "race" is represented by allusions to cultural differ- "women" (Ti~~er;Russell). or ences and phenotypic differences where these can be cornmu n icated, . LL . , . alternatively. "youth". and "child- readily observed (i.e., through film footage and pictures), and how it ren." ~t the same time, focusing and through Manichean oppositions which underscore on culture fails to capture the these differences within the footage itself or in the presen- intersects wit h structural forcesofoppression that tation of the story (see also JanMohamed; Jiwani, 1998). sexism to shape the lives of racialized and It has been argued that the Canadian news mediacommu- inf luence the marginalized girls. A central issue nicate race and racism by "omission and commission"- here is the subtlety with which at times in a deliberate manner, and at other times, lived reality of racism is communicated and through strategic absence (Jiwani 1993). racia l ized g i rls. naturalized, and how it intersects with sexism to influence the lived Media frames-the erasure of racelracism reality and strategies of survival of racialized girls. As Kimberle Crenshaw notes, "Race and As the events leading to Virk's murder unfolded in the gender are two of the primary sites for the particular daily papers and television newscasts, the horror ofwhat distribution ofsocial resources that ends up with observable "girls do to other girls" was highlighted and quickly class differences" (97). overshadowed the issue ofmale violence. In contrast to the An analysis ofhow racism interlocks with other systems numerous deaths of women by their spouses and ex- of domination to influence the life chances and reality of spouses, Reena's death was held up as symbol ofhow girls racialized girls requires acknowledging racism as a form of are not immune to committing acts ofviolence. Story after violence that is endemic and pervasive. Nevertheless, story in the daily papers covered the issue of teen girl while it has become increasingly common to accept the violence, quoting research to support the main contention structured inequality produced and reproduced by sexism, that girls are just as dangerous as b0ys.j Even though the same does not hold true for racism. Thus, rather than existing research clearly links the issue ofteen girl violence accepting racism as a structure of domination, similar to to the internalization of a dominant, patriarchal culture sexism, and as arising from a legacy of colonialism, the which values sex and power, this connection was trivialized reality of racism has to be "proven" continually (Bannerji if not side-stepped altogether (Artz; Joe and Chesney 1987; 1993). In part, this denial of racism is formed and Lind). Additionally, counter evidence which demon- informed by the dominant mediated discourses on race strates that only 3.83 per cent of violent crimes are and racism which are powerfully communicated through committed by girls (Schramm) failed to hit the headlines the mass media. in the same manner or intensity. Headlines from The Vancouver Sun during this early The mass media, "race," and racism period (November, 1997) framed the story in the follow- ing way: "Teenage girls and violence: The B.C. reality"; The media play a critical role in communicating no- "Girls fighting marked by insults, rumours, gangs"; "Bul- tions of "race" and racism. In effect, they help define these lies: Dealing with threats in a child's life"; "Girls killing terms and locate them within the public imagination girls a sign of angry, empty lives." This last headline (Hall 1990; van Dijk, 1993). In the production and suggests that had girls followed a traditional (gender- reproduction of social knowledge, the mainstream mass based) lifestyle, their lives would not be so empty and media are crucial vehicles in reinforcing hegemonic inter- frustrating. Throughout the coverage, the media dwelt pretations and interests (Cottle). Thus, how they frame with puzzlement on the increasing violence of teenage

180 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIESILES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME girls at a time when they were supposedly enjoying greater significantly absent in early media coverage and only equality. Statistics indicating the growing number of girls surfaced two years later in the coverage of the trial of one graduatingwith honours, as compared to boys, were used of her attackers (Hall 1999a). to demonstrate this perplexing contradiction. Implicit A brief interlude in the construction of the story oc- throughout the news coverage was the sense that girls do curred with the revelation that Virk had allegedly been not deserve to be violent because of the privileges they are sexual abused by a close family member. This underlined now enjoying, and further, that girls are not used to the once again, her lack of "fit"-both within her familial demands inherent in these privileges and therefore, can culture and the external, dominant culture of her peers. not cope, a disturbing echo of late nineteenth-century The allegations were immediately denied in the detailed ideology. coverage of the eulogy delivered by At no time did the media provide any in-depth analysis an elder of the Jehovah's Witness of the violent nature of the dominant culture, or examine church at her funeral. The denial Not onlv was ways in which violent behaviour is internalized as a was underscored by her mother's function of coping with a violent society. Nor did the comments to reporters suggesting Virk's racialized media report on the kinds of violence to which girls are that Reenahad beena troubledchild. ident it V erased, generally subjected to, or the differential impact of vio- Journalistic accounts which stressed but there was a lence on girls and boys from different backgrounds. In her inability to conform to her fami- fact, this kind of coverage only surfaced with the school ly's ethnic values, combined with significant lack murders in Littleton, U.S.A., and the subsequent copy-cat the strict beliefs ofthe Jehovah Wit- Of attention murder in Taber, Alberta (see for instance, The Vancouver ness church, reinforced her moth- Sun Special Issue on Teen Violence), where suddenly, er's statements and helped locate the paid to even the boys who were considered marginalized became the ob- issue as one ofintergenerational con- possibility jects of public sympathy and reporting. flict, youth rebellion, and cultural that her death While the dominant filter became one of girl-on-girl conflict (Beatty and Pemberton; violence, this subsequently shifted, albeit slightly, towards Dirk). However, despite this obvi- Was racially a sustained coverage of schoolyard bullies, sprinkled with ous location and familiar terrain, motivated. some sympathetic coverage of children who are these lines of inquiry were never marginalized in school because they do not fit peer-group investigated in subsequent stories. normative standards. Aside from opinion pieces written The allegations were reported again in a subsequent article by individuals, mostly South Asian, none of the news which focused on a friend's disclosure of Virk's sexual articles discussed the issue of racialization as it impacts on abuse by a family member, but were not contextualized in girls who are physically different by virtue of their skin reference to existingstatistics on childsexual abuse and the colour, or the pressures of assimilation that racialized girls links between violence in the home and running away experience in attempting to fit within their peer group from home (Kinnon and Hanve~).~Aside from these culture. Interestingly, in contrast to previous patterns of subdominant motifs, the framework ofthe story remained coverage observed in the news accounts of the stories of that of the escalating girl-on-girl violence. young racialized women, accounts which tended to focus Not only was Virk's racialized identity erased, but there on issues ofcultural and intergenerational conflict (Jiwani was a significant lack of attention paid to even thepossibil- 1992), the coverage ofthe ReenaVirk murder did neither. ity that her death was racially motivated. Almost two years Instead, the coverage continued to focus on girl-on-girl later, at the trial of one of her alleged murderers, Warren violence in the immediate aftermath of the murder. Glowatski, the issue of racism was brought up by one Subsequent coverage of the court appearances and witness-Syreeta Hartley, his girlfriend (Hall 1999a). sentencing of the six girls who were charged, focused on However, aside from the brief reporting of her testimony Virk's inability to find acceptance in her peer culture, and in the daily coverage of the trial, the issue itselfwas neither once again, emphasized herweight and height as the major investigated by the media nor considered to be of impor- contributing factors. Despite her physical difference-as tance by Justice Macaulay in his decision (R. v Warren a racialized girl-there was no mention, save one, of the Paul Glowatski, 1999). This absence occurred despite the possible motive being racism. Instead, the stories repeat- hate crimes legislation available to the courts; existing edly stressed her lack of "fit" and her overweight appear- documentation of the activity of hate groups in schools ance. The implication was that had Reena Virk fit the and colleges campuses (Prutzman; Sidel); existing studies normative standards, she would have been acceptable. which highlight the vulnerability of racialized girls to Normative standards in this society imply a body which is violence; or the racial connotations imbuing the acts of thin, white, (or exotic and beautiful), able-bodied, hetero- brutality to which Virk was subjected, as for example, the sexual, and which conforms to accepted notions offemale stubbing of a cigarette on her forehead-the place usually teenage beha~iour.~In essence, the victim is held respon- used to put a bindi which is a common practice among sible for her own fate. The issue of racism as a motive is various South Asian cultures.

VOLUME 19, NUMBER 3 The significant absenceofany discussion or investigation have focused on culture at this point would, by necessity, of racism as a motive reflects not only a minimization of have involved an examination of racism as predicated on the violence of racism, but also its sheer taken-for-granted Virk's exclusion from and marginalization by her peer character as a non-problematic and unrecognizable group, as well as the defining characteristics which re- element. As Hall (1990) and Essed point out, everyday sulted in her "lack of fit." organizing and translating racism is ingrained in the daily interactions of people of information within this frame would thus have resulted in colour with the dominant society-it structures common a confrontation with the reality of racism and its preva- sense reality and is thereby naturalized in an insidious way. lence in Canadian society, as well as the vulnerability of Part of its naturalization arises from its taken-for-granted racialized people to racially motivated violence. nature and embeddedness. The media's denial of racism As an elite institution, the media reproduces hegemonic corresponds with hegemonic definitions of racism as an values, and often does so by reportingon the decisions and activity confined to extreme hate groups, rather than as a perspectives ofother elites (van Dijk 1993). In the case of system and structure of domination inherent in the very Reena Virk, the accounts which were reported on a fabric of society and its institutions. Thus, even though sustained basis-each story referenced the other thereby Syreeta Hartley's testimony was explicit in highlighting resulting in a cumulative stock of knowledge-tended to the racial motivations of the murder, its import was be based on the reports or announcements of other elites. minimized both by the media and the judge. As one These included academics, police, and judges. Alternative journalist stated, "SyreetaHartley said her former boyfriend interpretations based on the views of advocates were told her that his involvement was partly motivated by significantly absent, the exception being those cases where racism. Virk was Indo-Canadian" (Hall 1999a: A5). The individuals wrote opinion pieces which were subsequently media also reported that Glowatski did not know Reena published. Thus, the complete absence of any mention of Virk and had never spoken to her. racism in Judge Macaulay's sentencing decision was ech- At no time did the local or national media dwell upon oed in the news coverage and served to secure his view of or investigate the fact that Warren Glowatski had first the case as the dominant and preferred interpretation- bragged about picking a fight with a Native man (Hall that the murder was the result of violent intent, but an 1999b). The issue of why he would first select a Native intent that was unconnected to racism, sexism, or a man as the target for his aggression remained unexamined combination thereof. and yet suggests the vulnerability of marginalized groups and the hierarchy in which they are positioned. The Conclusion reporting implies that it is much easier to beat a Native man and get away with it, than it is to beat up awhite male. From the above analysis, it can be seen that the Cana- The value of difference is thus communicated by allusion dian print media continue to favour and forward interpre- and association. tations of race and racism which resonate with elite The dominant framing of "Other" cultures as deviant is definitions and which reinforce hegemonic interests. In naturalized and taken for granted by the dominant media, the case of Reena Virk, the critical issues facing racialized and tends to be used strategically-. to underline the girls were never examined by the media, nor was the issue "unassimilable character" of immigrant communities ofracism dealt with in any substantive manner. Rather, as (Jiwani 1992). However, in the case of Reena Virk, there with issues concerning child abuse, racism was relegated to was a significant absence of any kind of cultural framing. the background and overshadowed by stories regarding It could be argued that the dominant media have become the increasing levels of girl-on-girl violence, and the more sensitized to issues ofcultural representations. Alter- inability of Reena Virk to "fit." Thus, the issue of racism natively, the media's reluctance to use a cultural frame was erased from the dominant discourse, and ReenaVirk's may be derived from the possibility that some of the girls identity as a racialized young woman, has been similarly involved in the first fight were themselves of South Asian erased in terms of its significance and contribution to her origin. This in itself does not negate the reality that many vulnerability and marginality. As a young woman of members of a racialized community internalize the nor- colour, she was visibly different, yet her difference was mative values and behaviours of the dominant society and only understood in terms ofher weight and height and her reject identifiers and people oftheir communities. In fact, general "inability to fit." The issue ofwhat she needed to the cultural frame would have allowed the media to "fit into" was never explored, nor were the assumptions continue a noted tradition-that of portraying racialized underlying normative standards of beauty and behaviour communities as being sites of conflict and disturbance for teenage girls interrogated. Yet these issues are central created by their own members (Entman; Indra). It can be to highlighting the particular ways in which racism and argued that in this particular instance, the construction of sexism interact in shaping the lives of racialized girls, and girl-on-girl violence became a dominant filter as it better in contributing to their marginalization and vulnerability served masculinist hegemonic interests within a contex- to violence-both as girls and as racialized others. The tual climate of backlash against women. For the media to erasure of race and racism in this story reinforced the

182 CANADIAN WOMAN STUDIESILES CAHIERS DE LA FEMME accepted stock ofknowledge that racism is confined to the Of Abuse Says Church Elder." The Vancouver Sun. acts of organized hate groups. Thus, the structured nature November 29, 1997. A3. of racism as a system of domination which informs Bourne, Paula, Liza McCoy and Dorothy Smith. "Girls everyday life and constrains the life chances of racialized and Schooling: Their Own Critique." Resources far peoples remains outside the dominant discourse, rel- Feminist Research 26 (112) (Spring 1998): 55-68. egated to the margins. Burns, Mary Violet C., ed. The Speaking Profits Us: Violence in the Lives of Women of Colour. Seattle, WA: YasminJiwani is the Executive Director of the FREDA Centre Centre for the Prevention of Sexual and Domestic for Research on ViolenceAgainst Women and Children. She Violence, 1986. has a doctorate in communication studiesjom Simon Fraser Cottle, Simon. "'Race,' Racialization and the Media: a University, Vancouver, B. C. Her dissertation dealt with the Review and Update of Research." Sage Race Relations representation of racialized groups in Canadian television Abstracts 17:2 (1992): 3-57 news reports. Crenshaw, Kimberle Williams. "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, andViolenceAgainst 'This composite is derived from the accounts presented in Women of Color." The Public Nature of Private Via- various newspapers and magazines over a two year period lence, The Discovely of Domestic Abuse. Eds. Martha (1997-1999). Fineman and RoxanneMykitiuk. NewYork: Routledge, 'For a discussion of racism and sexism within the school 1994. 93-1 18. system, see Bourne et al. Drury, Beatrice. "Sikh Girls and the Maintenance of an 3This analysis of news coverage is based on articles on the Ethnic Culture." New Community 17 (3) (1991): 387- storyofReenaVirkwhichwerepublishedinThe Vancouver 399. Sun during November and December in 1997. In addition, Entman, "Modern Racism and the Images of Blacks in an electronic search of all articles appearing in Canadian Local Television News." Critical Studies in Mass Com- newspapers pertaining to the decision in the Warren munication 7 (1990): 332-345. Glowatski trial were also examined. Essed, Philomena. Everyday Racism. Reports fiom Women 41ntheir examination ofgirls' critiqueofschooling, Bourne ofTwo Cultures. Translated by CynthiaJaffe. Claremont, et al. note that the South Asian girls in their focus groups ca: Hunter House, 1990.

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VOLUME 19, NUMBER 3 183 Ethnic Studies 15 (1) (1983): 54-72. Razack, Sherene H. Looking White People in the Eye, Jan Mohamed, Abdul R. "The Economy of Manichean Gender, Race, and Culture in Courtroom and Class- Allegory: The Function of Racial Difference in rooms. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998. Colonialist Literature." CriticafInq~i~12 (1) (1985): Rosenthal, Doreen, Nadia Ranieri, and Steven Klimidis. 59-87. "Vietnamese Adolescents in Australia: Relationships Jiwani, Yasmin. "To Be or Not to Be: South Asians as between Perceptions of Self and Parental Values, Victims and Oppressors in the Vancouver Sun." Sanvad Intergenerational Conflict, and Gender Dissatisfac- 5 (45) (1992):13-15. tion." International Journal ofPychology. 31 (2) (April Jiwani, Yasmin. "By Omission and Commission: Race 1996): 81-91. and Representation in Canadian Television News." Russell, Susan with the Canadian Federation of Univer- Unpublished doctoral dissertation, School of Commu- sity Women. Take Action for Equality, Development and nications, Simon Fraser University, 1993. Peace: A Canadian Follow-up Guide to Beijing '35 Eds. Jiwani, Yasmin. "On the Outskirts of Empire: Race and Linda Souter and Betty Bayless. Ottawa: criaw, Cana- Gender in Canadian Television News." Painting the dian Beijing Facilitating Committee, 1996. Maple: Essays on Race, Gender, and the Construction of Scanlon, Joseph. "The Sikhs ofVancouver." Ethnicity and Canada. Eds. V. Strong-Boag, S. Grave, A. Eisenberg, the Media. Paris: Unesco, 1977. and J. Anderson. Vancouver: University of British Schramm, Heather. Young Women Who Use Violence: Columbia Press, 1998. 53-68. Myths and Facts. Calgary: Elizabeth Fry Society of Jiwani, Yasmin. Koknce Against Marginalized Girlr: A Cdgary, 1998. Review of the Literature. Vancouver: FREDA, 1998b. Sidel, Ruth. "Battling Bias: College Students Speak Out." Joe, Karen A. and Meda Chesney-Lind. "'Just Every Educational Record 76 (2,3) (Spring-Summer 1995): Mother's Angel': An Analysis of Gender and Ethnic 45-52. Variations in Youth Gang Membership." Gender and Smitherman-Donaldson, Geneva and Teun van Dijk. Society 9 (4) (August 1995): 408-43 1. Discourse and Discrimination. Detroit: Wayne State Keyes, Charles F. "The Dialectics of Ethnic Change." University Press, 1988. Ethnic Change.Ed. Charles F. Keyes. Seattle: University Thobani, Sunera. "Culture isn't the Cause of Violence." of Washington Press, 1981. 4-30. Vancouver Sun September 26, 1992: A12. Kim, Jin K. "Explaining Acculturation in a Communica- Tipper, Jennifer. The Canadian Girl Child: Determinants tion Framework: An Empirical Test." Communication ofthe Health and Well-Being of Girk and Young Women. Monographs 47 (August 1980): 155-179. Ottawa: Canadian Institute of Child Health, Septem- Kinnon, Diane and Louise Hanvey. "Health Aspects of ber 1997. Violence Against Women." Available online: http:// Turnbull, Sue. "The Media: Moral Lessons and Moral hwcweb.hwc.ca/canusa/papers/english/violent.htm. Careers." Australian JournalofEducation 37 (2) (1993): Lyman, Stanford M. and William A. Douglass. "Ethnic- 153-168. ity: Strategies of Collective and Individual Impression Van Dijk, Teun A. Communicating Racism, Ethnic Prqu- Management." Social Research 40 (1973): 344-365. dice in Thought and Talk. United States: Sage, 1987. Macaulay, J. "Reasons for Judgment in R v. Warren Paul Van Dijk, Teun A. Elite Discourse and Racism. Sage series Glowatski."Supreme Court ofBritish Columbia, Docket on Race and Ethnic Relations, Volume 6. California: 95773. June 2,1999. Sage, 1993. Matthews, Julie Mariko. "A Vietnamese Flag and a Bowl The Vancouver Sun May 8, 1999: A1 0 of Australian Flowers: Recomposing Racism and Sex- The Vancouver Sun Special issue on Teen Violence May ism." Gender, Place and Culture4 (1) (March 1997): 5- 14,1999 18. Vertinsky, Patricia, Indy Batth and Mita Naidu. "Racism Meissner, Dirk. "Murdered Girl Was Turning Her Life in Motion: Sport, Physical Activity and the Indo- Around, Mother Says" The Vancouver Sun. Monday Canadian Female." Avante 2 (3) (1 996): 1-23. April 19, 1999. B6C Miller, Barbara D. "Precepts and Practices: Researching Identity Formation among Indian Hindu Adolescents in the United States. "NewDirectionsfor ChildDevelop- ment 67 (1995): 71-85. Onder, Zehra. "Muslim-Turkish Children in Germany: Socio-cultural Problems." Migration WorkMagazine 24 (5) (1996): 18-24. Prutzman, Priscilla. "Bias-Related Incidents, Hate Crimes, and Conflict Resolution." Education and Urban Society. 27 (1) (November 1994): 71 -81.

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